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in 2013 



http://archive.org/details/northcarolinahis1958nort 



North Carolh* Sfate Lib 

Raleigh 



rary 



THE 



North Carolina 
Historical Review 



Issued Quarterly 

Volume XXXV Numbers 1-4 




JANUARY- OCTOBER 
1958 



Published By 

STATE DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY 

Corner of Salisbury and Edenton Streets 

Raleigh, N. C. 

Ci] 



THE NORTH CAROLINA HISTORICAL REVIEW 



Published by the State Department of Archives and History 

Raleigh, N. C. 



Christopher Crittenden, Editor 
David Leroy Corbitt, Managing Editor 

ADVISORY EDITORIAL BOARD 

Frontis Withers Johnston Hugh Talmage Lefler 

George Myers Stephens 



STATE DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY 

EXECUTIVE BOARD 

McDaniel Lewis, Chairman 

James W. Atkins Josh L. Hornb 

Gertrude Sprague Carraway William Thomas Laprade 

Fletcher M. Green Herschell V. Rose 

Christopher Crittenden, Director 



This review was established in January, 1924, as a medium of publication 
and discussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other institutions 
by exchange, but to the general public by subscription only. The regular price 
is $3.00 per year. Members of the North Carolina Literary and Historical As- 
sociation, Inc., for which the annual dues are $5.00, receive this publication 
without further payment. Back numbers may be procured at the regular 
price of $3.00 per volume, or $.75 per number. 



[ii] 



The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

VOLUME XXXV 

NUMBER 1, JANUARY, 1958 



HISTORY IN YOUR OWN BACKYARD 1 

David Stick 

BENSON J. LOSSING AND NORTH CAROLINA 

REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY 11 

Edwin A. Miles 

RAISING A VOLUNTEER REGIMENT 
FOR MEXICO, 1846-1847 20 

Lee A. Wallace 

A FORGOTTEN INSTITUTION-PRIVATE 

BANKS IN NORTH CAROLINA 34 

H. H. Mitchell 

EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY NORTH CAROLINA 
IMPRINTS: A REVISION AND SUPPLEMENT 
TOMcMURTRIE 50 

William S. Powell 

BOOK REVIEWS 74 

Corbitt's Public Addresses, Letters and Papers of William 
Kerr Scott, Governor of North Carolina, 1949-1953 
— By Roy Parker, Jr. ; Holder's Mclver of North Caro- 
lina — By William H. Cartwright; Johnson's A History 
of Meredith College — By David A. Lockmiller ; Parker's 
The Ahoskie Era of Hertford County, 1889-1939 — By 
D. G. Monroe; Russell's A Rare Pattern — by William 
P. dimming; Harwell's The Committees of Safety of 
Westmoreland and Fincastle. Proceedings of the Coun- 
ty Committees, 1774-1776— By Hugh F. Rankin; 
Younger's Inside the Confederate Government: The 

[iii] 



iv Contents 

Diary of Robert Garlick Hill Kean — By Jay Luvaas; 
Miers's When the World Ended. The Diary of Emma 
LeConte — By Alice B. Keith ; Merrill's The Rebel Shore: 
The Story of Union Sea Power in the Civil War — By 
Thomas Weber; Eaton's Henry Clay and the Art of 
American Politics — By James W. Silver; Sitterson's 
Studies in Southern History. Volume XXXIX of The 
James Sprunt Studies in History and Political Science 
—By Nannie M. Tilley ; Singletary's Negro Militia and 
Reconstruction — By Henry T. Shanks ; Fenton's Ameri- 
can Indian and White Relations to 1830. Needs and 
Opportunities for Study — By Merritt B. Pound ; Dock- 
stader's The American Indian in Graduate Study: A 
Bibliograpy of Theses and Dissertations — By H. G. 
Jones; Carter's The Territorial Papers of the United 
States, Volume XXII : The Territory of Florida, 1821- 
1824— By Rembert W. Patrick; and Craven's and 
Gate's The Army Air Forces in World War II: Volume 
VI, Men and Planes — By Winfred A. Harbison. 

HISTORICAL NEWS 99 



NUMBER 2, APRIL, 1958 

POSTAL HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA, 

1789-1795 125 

Arthur Hecht 

EDMUND BURKE HAYWOOD AND 

RALEIGH'S CONFEDERATE HOSPITALS ___153 

H. H. Cunningham 

THE MOVEMENT IN NORTH CAROLINA 
TO ESTABLISH A STATE SUPPORTED 
COLLEGE FOR NEGROES 167 

Frenise A. Logan 

PAPERS FROM THE FIFTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL 
SESSION OF THE NORTH CAROLINA 
LITERARY AND HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION, 
INC, RALEIGH, DECEMBER 6, 1957 
INTRODUCTION 181 



Contents v 

HISTORY IS AN IMPORTANT PRODUCT 182 

Gertrude S. Carraway 

SOME ASPECTS OF NORTH CAROLINA'S 
PARTICIPATION IN THE GETTYSBURG 
CAMPAIGN 191 

Glenn Tucker 

REVIEW OF NORTH CAROLINA 
FICTION, 1956-1957 213 

Phillips Russell 

REVIEW OF NORTH CAROLINA 
NON-FICTION, 1956-1957 216 

Winston Broadfoot 
LITERATURE AND HISTORY 224 

Gilbert T. Stephenson 

NORTH CAROLINA BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1956-1957 233 

William S. Powell 

BOOK REVIEWS 243 

Robinson's William R. Davie — By Don Higginbotham ; 
Wilson's The University of North Carolina, 1900-1930: 
The Making of a Modern University — By Henry S. 
Stroupe; Dedmond's Lengthened Shadoivs: A History 
of Gardner-Webb College, 1907-1956— By W. H. Plem- 
mons; FreePs Our Heritage: The People of Cherokee 
County, North Carolina, 15^0-19 55 — By Paul Murray; 
Pugh's Three Hundred Years Along the Pasquotank: A 
Biographical History of Camden County — By H. G. 
Jones; Meade's Patrick Henry: Patriot in the Making 
— By Gilbert L. Lycan ; Taylor's The Woman Suffrage 
Movement in Tennessee — By Dewey W. Grantham, Jr. ; 
Cockrell's Gunner with Stoneivall: Reminiscences of 
William Thomas Poague — By Malcolm C. McMillan; 
Mooney's Slavery in Tennessee — By Robert E. Corlew ; 
Wiley's Kentucky Cavaliers in Dixie — By Hambleton 
Tapp; Beirne's Baltimore ... a Picture History, 1858- 
1958 — By Richard Walser; Thornbrough's The Negro 
in Indiana before 1900: A Study of a Minority — By 
John Hope Franklin; Posey's The Baptist Church in 
the Lotver Mississippi Valley, 1776-181*5 — By L. L. 



vi Contents 

Carpenter; and Tilden's Interpreting Our Heritage: 
Principles and Practices for Visitor Services in Parks, 
Museums, and Historic Places — By Frederick Tilberg. 

HISTORICAL NEWS 264 



NUMBER 3, JULY, 1958 

THE WARRENTON FEMALE ACADEMY 

OF JOSEPH MORDECAI, 1809-1818 281 

Stanley L. Falk 

JOHN BRANCH AND THE ORIGINS OF THE 

WHIG PARTY IN NORTH CAROLINA 299 

William S. Hoffmann 

EDUCATIONAL ATTITUDES OF 

NORTH CAROLINA BAPTISTS 316 

David L. Smiley 

THE ERA OF THE OPERA HOUSE 

IN PIEDMONT NORTH CAROLINA 328 

Donald J. Rulfs 

A LETTER CONCERNING A VISIT 

TOOCRACOKE 347 

C. A. Weslager 

BOOK REVIEWS 353 

Clarke's Arthur Dobbs, Esquire, 1689-1765: Surveyor- 
General of Ireland, Prospector, and Governor of North 
Carolina — By C. N. Evanson; Sharpe's A New Geo- 
graphy of North Carolina, Volume II — By H. G. Jones ; 
Powell's North Carolina Fiction, 1734-1957. An An- 
notated Bibliography — By Charles Raven Brockman; 
Washburn's The Governof and the Rebel. A History of 
Bacon's Rebellion in Virginia — By Robert E. Moody; 
Ware's Kentucky's Fox Creek — By Daniel J. Whitener ; 
Garrett's Horse and Buggy Days on Hatchet Creek — 
By Rosser H. Taylor ; Jordan's Ante-Bellum Alabama: 
Town and Country — By Mitchell B. Garrett; Smith's 
Magnificent Missourian: The Life of Thomas Hart Ben- 
ton — By William Nisbet Chambers; Montgomery's 



^ 



Contents vii 

Georgians in Profile. Historical Essays in Honor of 
Ellis Merton Coulter — By William Bailey Williford; 
Cumming's The Southeast in Early Maps: With an An- 
notated Check List of Printed and Manuscript Regional 
and Local Maps of Southeastern North America during 
the Colonial Period — By Paul M. McCain; Cunning- 
ham's Doctors in Gray. The Confederate Medical Serv- 
ice — By Marshall W. Fishwick; Luvaas's The Civil 
War: A Soldier's View. A Collection of Civil War Writ- 
ings by Col. G. F. R. Henderson — By Don E. Fehren- 
bacher; McWhiney's Lee's Dispatches, Unpublished 
Letters of General Robert E. Lee, C. S. A., to Jefferson 
Davis and the War Department of the Confederate 
States of America, 1862-65. From the Private Collec- 
tion of Wymberley Jones de Renne. . . . Edited with an 
Introduction and Notes by Douglas Southall Freeman 
— By Carrol H. Quenzel; Wiley's Recollections of a 
Confederate Staff Officer. By G. Moxley Sorrel — By 
H. H. Cunningham; Alden's The South in Revolution, 
1763-1789. Volume III of A History of the South— By 
Hugh F. Rankin; Davidson's A Crossroads of Free- 
dom: The 1912 Campaign Speeches of Woodrow Wilson 
— By George C. Osborn ; and Ferm's Pictorial History 
of Protestantism — By W. N. Hicks. 

HISTORICAL NEWS 377 



; 



NUMBER 4, OCTOBER, 1958 

FRENCH-AMERICAN TRADE DURING 
THE CONFEDERATION, 1781-1789 399 

John F. Stover 

THE OCONALUFTEE VALLEY, 1800-1860: 
A STUDY OF THE SOURCES FOR 

MOUNTAIN HISTORY 415 

Robert S. Lambert 

APPLETON OAKSMITH, FILIBUSTER AGENT 427 

John J. TePaske 



. 



viii Contents 

THE ECONOMIC STATUS OF THE TOWN 
NEGRO IN POST-RECONSTRUCTION 

NORTH CAROLINA . 448 

Frenise A. Logan 

THE FORT FISHER AND WILMINGTON 
CAMPAIGN: LETTERS FROM REAR 

ADMIRAL DAVID D. PORTER 461 

James M. Merrill 

BOOK REVIEWS 476 

Washburn's Brother John's Canaan in Carolina — By W. 
B. Yearns; Blanchard's and Wellman's The Life and 
Times of Sir Archie: The Story of America's Greatest 
Thoroughbred, 1805-1833 — By John Mitchell Justice; 
Wertenbaker's Give Me Liberty: The Struggle for Self- 
Government in Virginia — By Percival Perry ; Wright's 
and Tinling's The London Diary (1717-1721) and Other 
Writings. By William Byrd of Virginia — By William 
M. E. Rachal; Bradshaw's History of Prince Edward 
County, Virginia, from Its Earliest Settlements 
through Its Establishment in 17 5 U to Its Bicentennial 
Year — By W. Edwin Hemphill; Miller's Memphis dur- 
ing the Progressive Era, 1900-1917 — By Robert H. 
Woody; Doster's Railroads in Alabama Politics, 1875- 
191U — By Malcolm C. McMillan; Harlan's Separate and 
Unequal: Public School Campaigns and Racism in the 
Southern Seaboard, 1901-1915 — By Winston Broad- 
foot; Dykeman's and Stokley's Neither Black Nor 
White — By Robert C. Cotner; DeConde's Entangling 
Alliance: Politics and Diplomacy under George Wash- 
ington — By Gilbert L. Lycan; Cunningham's The 
Jeffersonian Republicans: The Formation of Party 
Organization, 1789-1801— By D. H. Gilpatrick; The 
Editors' of American Heritage The American Heritage 
Book of Great Historic Places — By W. S. Tarlton; 
Miller's American Protestantism and Social Issues, 
1919-1939 — By James W. Patton; and Summers' The 
Cabinet Diary of William L. Wilson, 1896-1897— By 
Stuart Noblin. 

HISTORICAL NEWS 500 



d 



^OC 



North Carolina State Library 



I 



- 



THE 
NORTH CAROLINA 
HISTORICAL REVIEW 




JANUARY 1958 



Volume XXXV 



Number 1 



Published Quarterly By 
State Department of Archives and History 

Corner of Edenton and Salisbury Streets 
Raleigh, N. C. 









THE NORTH CAROLINA HISTORICAL REVIEW 



Published by the State Department of Archives and History 

Raleigh, N. C. 

Christopher Crittenden, Editor 
David Leroy Corbitt, Managing Editor 

ADVISORY EDITORIAL BOARD 
Walter Clinton Jackson Hugh Talmage Lefler 

Frontis Withers Johnston George Myers Stephens 



STATE DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY 

EXECUTIVE BOARD 

McDlaniel Lewis, Chairman 

Gertrude Sprague Carraway Josh L. Horne 

Fletcher M. Green William Thomas Laprade 

Clarence W. Griffin Hershel V. Rose 

Christopher Crittenden, Director 



This review was established in January, 192 4, as a medium of publica- 
tion and discussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other 
institutions by exchange, but to the general public by subscription only. The 
regular price is $3.00 per year. Members of the North Carolina Literary and 
Historical Association, Inc., for which the annual dues are $5.00, receive this 
publication without further payment. Back numbers may be procured at 
the regular price of $3.00 per volume, or $.75 per number. 



Cover — Trading Ford. "This view of the Trading Ford [near 
Salisbury]," wrote Lossing, "where Greene, with Morgan and 
his light troops, crossed the Yadkin, is from the east side of the 
river. It is just at the foot of an island, about a mile and a half 
below the great bridge on the road to Salisbury. The river is 
usually fordable between the island and the stakes seen in the 
picture; below that point the water is deep. I made this sketch 
just at dawn on a cold frosty morning [January 5, 1849], the 
moon shining brightly in the west, and the nearer stars glit- 
tering in profusion in the deep sky above." Lossing, Field-Book 
of the Revolution, II, 601. See pages 11-19 for "Benson J. 
Lossing and North Carolina Revolutionary History." 



The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXXV January, 1958 Number 1 

CONTENTS 
HISTORY IN YOUR OWN BACKYARD 1 

David Stick 

BENSON J. LOSSING AND NORTH CAROLINA 

REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY 1 1 

Edwin A. Miles 

RAISING A VOLUNTEER REGIMENT 
FOR MEXICO, 1846-1847 20 

Lee A. Wallace 

A FORGOTTEN INSTITUTION- 
PRIVATE BANKS IN NORTH CAROLINA 34 

H. H. Mitchell 

EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY NORTH CAROLINA 
IMPRINTS: A REVISION AND 

SUPPLEMENT TO McMURTRIE 50 

William S. Powell 



BOOK REVIEWS - 74 

Corbitt's Public Addresses, Letters and Papers of William 
Kerr Scott, Governor of North Carolina, 194-9-1953 — By 
Roy Parker, Jr.; Holder's Mclver of North Carolina 
— By William H. Cartwright; Johnson's A History of 
Meredith College — By David A. Lockmiller; Parker's 
The Ahoskie Era of Hertford County, 1889-1939 — By 
D. G. Monroe; Russell's A Rare Pattern — By William 
P. dimming; Harwell's The Committees of Safety of 
Westmoreland and Fincastle. Proceedings of the Coun- 

Entered as second class matter September 29, 1928, at the Post Office at 
Kaleigh, North Carolina, under the act of March 3, 1879. 

[i] 



ty Committees, 1774-1776— By Hugh F. Rankin; 
Younger's Inside the Confederate Government: The 
Diary of Robert Garlick Hill Kean — By Jay Luvaas; 
Miers's When the World Ended. The Diary of Emma 
LeConte — By Alice B. Keith ; Merrill's The Rebel Shore: 
The Story of Union Sea Power in the Civil War — By 
Thomas Weber; Eaton's Henry Clay and the Art of 
American Politics — By James W. Silver; Sitterson's 
Studies in Southern History. Volume XXXIX of the 
James Sprunt Studies in History and Political Science — 
By Nannie M. Tilley; Singletary's Negro Militia and 
Reconstruction — By Henry T. Shanks ; Fenton's Ameri- 
can Indian and White Relations to 1830. Needs and 
Opportunities for Study — By Merritt B. Pound; 
Dockstader's The American Indian in Graduate Study: 
A Bibliography of Theses and Dissertations — By H. G. 
Jones; Carter's The Territorial Papers of the United 
States, Volume XXII: The Territory of Florida, 1821- 
182U — By Rembert W. Patrick; and Craven's and 
Cate's The Army Air Forces in World War II: Volume 
VI, Men and Planes — By Winfred A. Harbison. 

HISTORICAL NEWS 99 



I M I 






The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXXV January, 1958 Number 1 

HISTORY IN YOUR OWN BACKYARD 

By David Stick * 

The bond that brings us together at these meetings is an 
interest in the literature and the history of North Carolina. 
More specifically, the bond that brings us together here to- 
night * is an interest in the literature and the history of coastal 
North Carolina— the area we know as the Outer Banks. 

When my family moved to this section in the 1920' s I was 
subjected to the usual talk of history which any nine-year-old 
boy is bound to overhear. I doubt that I understood much of 
it, and certainly I had no special interest in any of it, until 
one day my father took me with him to the local news cen- 
ter, the telegraph office in Manteo, operated by Alpheus W. 
Drinkwater. 

Mr. Drinkwater, who had been active for many years in 
doings on the Banks— and for that matter is still active in 
them today— showed my father and me some dog-eared tele- 
grams which I understood had been sent out by telegraph 
operator Drinkwater, acquainting the world with the news of 
the first flight in a heavier-than-air machine, by the Wright 
brothers, near Kitty Hawk, at the base of Kill Devil Hill. 

The thing about those telegrams that bothered my youth- 
ful mind was that they were dated 1908. Somewhere I 
thought I had overheard that the first flight had been made 
in 1903. So I decided to check on it, and learned that there 
was in fact a five year differential between the date of the 
first flight on December 17, 1903, and the date of the Drink- 
water telegrams in 1908. 



* Mr. David Stick is the author of Graveyard of the Atlantic and a 
resident of Kill Devil Hills. 

1 Speech at State Literary and Historical Association meeting, Carolinian 
Hotel, Nags Head, N. C, Friday evening, May 18, 1956. 

[ i] 



2 The North Carolina Historical Review 

I have come to understand since then that Mr. Drinkwater, 
a man with considerable knowledge of Banks history and 
with a truly remarkable memory, was a victim of a common 
malady which I call Historic Skimmeramus. 

On December 17, 1903, when Orville Wright was flying 
his motor-driven machine for the first time, Mr. Drinkwater 
was far up on the North Banks, sending out information about 
efforts to float a stranded submarine. 2 Later that evening the 
Wright brothers walked the four miles from Kill Devil Hill 
to the Kitty Hawk Weather Station, and a man named J. J. 
Dosher sent out the telegram announcing their successful 
flight. 3 When the Wright brothers returned to this area for 
further experiments five years later a number of newspaper- 
men followed their activities. It was these reports, in 1908, 
which Mr. Drinkwater had shown us. 

During the intervening years, however, Mr. Drinkwater 
had been subjected to a particularly infectious epidemic of 
Historic Skimmeramus. That is, he had been questioned time 
and again by people professing a desire to learn all of the 
facts of that historical occurrence with which he had been 
connected— yet in reality they were interested only in skim- 
ming the surface; in getting the bare outline; in being able 
to say that they had met and talked with a man who had 
helped make history. It made no difference whether the out- 
line they got was clear or distorted. And as a result of this 
particular outbreak of Historic Skimmeramus more and more 
people began to repeat the story of the first flight and of 
Drinkwater's telegrams, and almost invariably the dates were 
omitted, and he was pictured, tapping away at his telegraph 
key, sending details of the first flight late into the night of 
December 17, 1903. 

I doubt that Mr. Drinkwater was so affected by Historic 
Skimmeramus as actually to begin to believe that it was he 
who had originated that first message; but certainly he got 
tired of trying to get people to hold still long enough to hear 
the full and factual story, so that even in modern times, each 



2 Annual Report of the United States Life-Saving Service for the fiscal 
year ending June 30, 190U (Washington, 1905), 129. 

8 Orville Wright to Sam H. Acheson, January 22, 1937, quoted in Fred C. 
Kelly, Miracle at Kitty Hawk (New York, 1951), 428-429. 



History in Your Own Backyard 3 

December 17 some writer invariably comes up with a story 
about how Alpheus W. Drinkwater sent out the message of 
the first flight. 

Now, I have recited this in some detail, partly to show how 
easily an outbreak of Historic Skimmeramus can cause wide- 
spread distortion of historic fact; and partly because, as a 
result of the incident, I became interested in digging into the 
history which lay buried in my own backyard. 

The reason I am standing up here talking to you tonight 
is that I feel those of us who profess enough interest in the 
factual history of North Carolina to join the State Literary 
and Historical Association are under an obligation to com- 
bat the ravages of Historic Skimmeramus by uncovering and 
preserving the true facts which make up the history of this 
state. 

And if anyone here has any thought that he is not capable 
of doing his part, or that only the college professors and full- 
time historians are qualified for such work, I would remind 
you that the history of this State is the aggregate of the his- 
tory of each of its one hundred parts; and that the history of 
each county, in turn, is the aggregate of the history of every 
one of its townships and communities, through all of the 
many different years of their existence; and that, finally, 
the history of that particular community in which you live, 
begins, really, in your own backyard. No one is as well quali- 
fied as you to dig for it there; and the plain facts are, much 
of it will remain forever buried if you wait around for the 
college professors and professional historians to start un- 
covering it. 

I should like to pass on some observations, from my own 
experience, on how any individual possessing an interest in 
history, the ability to read and write, and a modicum of 
intelligence, can perform in his own home and community, 
historical service as valuable as that of the professor who 
teaches North Carolina history, the historian who compiles 
it, or the author who presents it in factual books. 

One of the basic tools of historical research missing today 
is detailed, accessible, and understandable information on 
how North Carolinians of other generations actually lived. 



4 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The information needed but not available includes all of the 
mundane phases of human life and existence which were 
considered so commonplace that nobody bothered to put 
the details down in writing — clothing, speech, religion, 
transportation, food, rest, recreation, and many, many more. 

This information which was not recorded by past genera- 
tions is forever lost. Unless something is done soon, it will be 
lost from this generation, too. 

Let me tell you for a minute about Mr. Allen Taylor, and 
the contribution he is making in this connection. Mr. Taylor 
lives at Sealevel, in the down-east section of Carteret County, 
opposite Core Banks. He has been a fisherman, oysterman, 
and boatman. Last month (April, 1956) he celebrated his 
eighty-first birthday. 

In checking sources for Core Banks history I was referred 
to Mr. Taylor and found that he had been a keen observer of 
people and things around him for a great many years. Not 
only that, he was concerned that the things he remembered 
about down-east life when he was a boy and young man might 
forever be lost unless he could do something about it. To- 
gether we have worked out a program by which Mr. Taylor 
puts down all of the factual material he can remember, or can 
gather from his contemporaries, on a single phase of down- 
east life in days gone by. 

Just recently Mr. Taylor sent me a preliminary draft 
of his summary on the subject of Core Sound fish nets. 
Included was a box of fish-net corks, all neatly labeled; 
there were modern corks, fresh from the factory; used corks, 
turned white in color from repeated dippings in lime; others, 
hand-carved out of cypress knees seventy-five years or more 
ago. There were samples of net, too, machine made and hand 
made; and needles, for tying the net, modern plastic ones, 
old wooden ones, the latter made by hand when Allen Taylor 
was a boy. There were drawings showing how nets were set, 
and how the old sailing boats were deployed in hauling in the 
nets. And then, of course, there was the narrative account 
of sound fishing as he had known it, and practiced it, many 
years before I was born. 



History in Your Own Backyard 5 

Mr. Allen Taylor is preserving for posterity the factual 
details on the way of life in his community as far back as he 
can remember. I feel confident that this material will prove 
invaluable to future historians, and I hope the State Depart- 
ment of Archives and History will preserve it for that pur- 
pose. 

It would seem to me that we are not adequately pre- 
serving the history of our own communities, in our own time, 
until and unless someone in every community in this State 
takes the time to record, as Mr. Allen Taylor is doing in the 
Sealevel area, the details of home life which he remembers 
from his early years and is experiencing now. 

Equally important, it would seem to me, is the compilation 
of extensive bibliographies of source material for each county 
or community in the State. I don't mean the kind of biblio- 
graphy that lists by title or by general subject — I mean a 
bibliography which would contain every book, pamphlet, 
document, map, periodical, or piece of manuscript materials 
in which there is any mention of the community. If such a 
bibliography were available in your community today any 
writer or historian would be able to combat effectively His- 
toric Skimmeramus there by using it as a guide to the factual 
history of the community. 

I should like to see a formal project of this Association 
with just these aims: 

First, to assemble all available factual information on the way 
of life in each community in the State as far back as living people 
can remember. 

Second, to compile detailed lists of all kinds of source ma- 
terials in each community in the State. 

Lacking such a formal project at this time I should like 
to be able to believe that there is enough real interest in his- 
tory and in combatting Historic Skimmeramus — and not 
just lip service to it — among the members present here to- 
day, for each individual to begin such a project in his own 
community. 



^ 



6 The North Carolina Historical Review 

If there is doubt concerning the availability of enough 
printed materials to make an effective bibliography in your 
community, let me cite my own experience. 

Some ten years ago, while working as a magazine editor 
in New York, I decided to return to the Banks and write a 
history of the area. I sent letters to several individuals — 
historians, writers, teachers — asking for suggestions as to 
source material for such a history. Almost without exception 
the answer I received was that practically nothing had been 
printed about the Outer Banks; that the sources I would have 
to rely on most were the records in the county courthouses, 
and in the State capital, and the recollections of the older 
residents of the Banks. 

In my research, however, the material which has come 
my way as a result of the systematic examination of all 
available early county records in Dare and Currituck and 
Carteret, has been spotty at best. The manuscript records I 
have labored over for many days at Raleigh and Chapel Hill 
have, with few exceptions, produced comparatively little of 
value. The personal interviews with old-timers have resulted 
in such a top-heavy proportion of fiction and fancy over 
fact, that I have been forced to adopt an attitude of ex- 
treme reticence about the use of what people tell me unless 
it can be corroborated elsewhere. 

I have, in fact, been tempted to sit down and write again 
to the individuals who told me ten years ago that practically 
nothing had been printed about the Outer Banks. I would 
say to them now: "So much detailed material has been print- 
ed about the Outer Banks that I could not possibly go 
through it all in my lifetime." For printed sources have pro- 
duced the bulk of the materials in my Outer Banks research, 
and they will in your area too, if you know where to look. 

I would call your attention to two sources from which has 
come the great bulk of the basic factual information I have 
secured on the Outer Banks. Seldom is either listed in biblio- 
graphical source works and practically none of the vast num- 
ber of items would be found catalogued under the "Outer 
Banks" as a subject in any of the better libraries. 



History in Your Own Backyard 7 

The first of these consists of government publications. 
The second comprises obscure periodicals. 

For more than a hundred and fifty years both the State 
and Federal governments have been engaged in a program 
of compiling every conceivable type of information about all 
sections of North Carolina. So vast is the material which has 
resulted that no attempt has even been made to catalogue 
or list the titles, let alone to index the contents. 

In my library I have a set of 39 volumes, the annual re- 
ports of the United States Lifesaving Service, dating from 
the first report in 1876 until the last in 1914. I have never 
seen a library card catalogue which listed this set or any of 
the individual 39 volumes under a North Carolina or Outer 
Banks heading. Yet in each of these volumes there is a list 
of vessels shipwrecked on the Outer Banks, with the basic 
information about each; there are detailed reports, with 
affidavits of witnesses and participants, of investigations of all 
shipwrecks on the Outer Banks in which there has been loss 
of life; there is detailed information on the construction and 
alteration of the various stations, on the hiring and firing of 
crews, on tests of new types of equipment; in fact, on any 
and all subjects which have a bearing on Outer Banks ship- 
wrecks and Outer Banks Lifesaving stations. 

This is simply an example of the material compiled on the 
Outer Banks by a single, and obscure agency of the Federal 
government. There is material equally valuable in the annual 
reports of the Coast Survey, the Lighthouse Board, Corps of 
Engineers of the Army, Post Office Department, Coast and 
Geodetic Survey, and many other agencies. 

The annual reports, however, are just the beginning. There 
are thick reports, by a Federal agency I did not know existed, 
on the vegetation of Ocracoke Island, and other nearby areas, 4 
each report resulting from months of on-the-spot research 
and investigation by trained specialists. There are countless 

* Thomas H. Kearney, Jr., The Plant Covering of Ocracoke Island; A 
Study in the Ecology of the North Carolina Strand Vegetation (Contribu- 
tions from the U. S. National Herbarium, Volume V, Number 5, Washing- 
ton, 1900), 261-319; and Report on a Botanical Survey of the Dismal 
Swamp Region (Contributions from the U. S. National Herbarium, Vol- 
ume V, Number 6, Washington, 1901), 321-585. 



<^ 



8 The North Carolina Historical Review 

such reports — on erosion, on waterfowl, on fish and fishing. 
There are bills, introduced in Congress, on any number 
of subjects dealing specifically with the Banks; there are 
surveys by other agencies, to determine whether money 
should be appropriated for specific purposes here; there are 
numerous printed maps — the very best maps available — 
printed by half a dozen different government agencies; and 
aerial photographs, showing every foot of the Banks. 

The State government, too, has produced innumerable 
printed reports on this and every other section of North 
Carolina. Many are included in the set of State publications 
known as "Public Documents. " 5 More recently they have 
been issued separately by the various State agencies and by 
the State institutions of higher education. 

Seldom are these — State or Federal — catalogued by 
geographical area. Most often they have come to my at- 
tention through references in other printed material. They 
can come to your attention, on your own area, in the same 
way. 

Equally productive, for me here on the Banks, and for you 
in your own community, are the periodicals. Most of us are 
familiar with the wealth of information in the out-of-print 
North Carolina periodicals, such as the North Carolina Book- 
let — though I might warn you that there are live germs of 
Historic Skimmeramus throughout the Booklet. There are 
other periodicals, being published here today, which can 
provide the same material. Much more is available, however, 
in periodicals published elsewhere. I have found detailed 
articles on the Outer Banks in practically all of the general 
circulation periodicals of the late 19th century — Harper s 
Monthly, Harper s Weekly, Frank Leslie's, Gleasons, Ballon s, 
Century, and Scribners, to cite a few. But it is obscure 
quarterlies, and the scientific or semi-scientific journals, which 
provide the greatest wealth of information. 

Three different articles, one of more than 100 pages, have 
been printed, for instance, on the subject of the wasps of 

5 For bibliographical information, including list of titles, see Mary 
Lindsay Thornton, Official Publications of the Colony and State of North 
Carolina 1749-1939 (Chapel Hill, 1954), 209-210. 



History in Your Own Backyard 

Kill Devil Hills. 6 Many articles of value — on natural history, 
income sources, transportation, the Lost Colony, the Wright 
Brothers, and almost every other conceivable subject can be 
found in the better known historical and scientific periodi- 
cals; many more are in periodicals with which you and I 
are unfamiliar, long out of print; others in obscure periodicals 
being published today at Notre Dame, Indiana, 7 or Lynch- 
burg, Virginia, 8 or unlikely places all over the country. And 
finally, of course, for the best possible picture of early life 
in North Carolina, a careful examination of all early news- 
papers published in your community or in nearby communi- 
ties is in order. 

Hundreds of papers were published in North Carolina prior 
to the Civil War. All are listed — and all existing copies and 
their locations are listed — in two excellent bibliographies 9 
available in the larger libraries. 

Now, it is my firm belief — and I have tried to stress it 
here this evening — that the presentation of history by per- 
sons afflicted with Historic Skimmeramus is to my mind worse 
than no history at all. I do not mean to imply that there is 
no place for historical fiction, for I personally feel, for 
example, that the novels of Kenneth Roberts convey as clear 
a picture of the Revolutionary War period as any factual 
books ever written. But Roberts and other novelists of his 
calibre make it clear where fact ends and fiction begins. This 
is in direct contrast, however, to many of the newspaper 
feature articles, passed off as factual history, but in reality 

8 Karl V. Krombein, "An Annotated List of Wasps from Nags Head and 
the Kill Devil Hills," Journal of The Elisha Mitchell Scientific Society, 
Volume 65, Number 2 (December, 1949), 262-272; "Biological and Taxo- 
nomic Observations on the Wasps in a Coastal Area of North Carolina, 
"The Wasmann Journal of Biology, Volume 10, Number 3 (fall, 1952), 
257-341; and "Kill Devil Hills Wasps, 1952," Proceedings of The Entomo- 
logical Society of Washington, Volume 55, Number 3 (June, 1953), 113-135. 

7 William L. Engles, "Vertebrate Fauna of North Carolina Coastal 
Islands II. Shackleford Banks," The American Midland Naturalist, Vol- 
ume 47, Number 3 (May, 1952), 702-742. 

8 J. C. Harrington, "Historic Relic Found," The Iron Worker, Volume 
XV, Number 3 (summer, 1951), 12-15. 

9 Clarence S. Brigham, History and Bibliography of American News- 
papers 1690-1820 (Worcester, Massachusetts: American Antiquarian So- 
ciety, 2 volumes, 1947); see also Winifred Gregory, American Newspapers, 
1821-1936. A Union List of Files Available in the United States and Canada 
(New York: The H. W. Wilson Company, 1937). 



12 The North Carolina Historical Review 

while editor of a Poughkeepsie newspaper, he had learned 
the art of wood engraving — a skill that he would now put 
to good use. 3 

His tools were a portable drawing board and a camera 
lucida, an instrument which, by means of mirrors or a prism, 
projected images upon a plane surface so he could easily 
trace them. He would first make a preliminary pencil sketch 
and then shade with a pen and brush. From these sketches 
the woodcuts were made. Lossing himself cut many of them, 
but most were done by his firm. 4 

Before starting on his southern trip in late November, 1848, 
Lossing purchased a "strong good-natured horse'' and a dear- 
born wagon to carry his luggage and equipment. In his 
travels in North Carolina he was handicapped by the fact 
that he did not know a single person in the State and was 
"an entire stranger in person and name, and utterly 'un- 
known to fame.'" 6 He soon discovered, however, that the 
citizens of the Old North State were hospitable and quite 
eager to help him in his project. 

He reached North Carolina on Thursday, December 28, 
and spent the night at the home of John H. Bullock, post- 
master, storekeeper, and planter of the Nut Bush community 
in present-day Vance County. Declining a kind invitation 
from his host to engage in a few days of turkey and deer hunt- 
ing in the nearby woods, he proceeded the following day on 
his journey towards Hillsboro, his first objective in the State. 7 

The following night he spent in Oxford, which he described 
as a "pleasant village of some five hundred inhabitants" and 
"a place of considerable business for an inland town." But 
his first favorable impression of the town was soon marred 
by the discovery of a pillory and a whipping post — "relics 

8 Lawrence S. Mayo, "Benson John Lossing," Allen Johnson and Dumas 
Malone (eds.), Dictionary of American Biography (New York: C. Scrib- 
ner's Sons, 21 volumes and index, 1928- — ), XI, 421-422, hereinafter cited 
as Mayo, "Benson John Lossing." 

* Alexander Davidson, Jr., "How Benson J. Lossing Wrote His 'Field 
Books' of the Revolution, the War of 1812 and the Civil War," Bibliograph- 
ical Society of America, Papers, XXXII (1938), 57-64. This reference will 
hei'einafter be cited as Davidson, Papers. 

r ' Lossing, Field- Book of the Revolution, II, 216. 

6 Lossing to Swain, November 27, 1851, Swain Papers. 

7 Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution, II, 556. 




Benson J. Lossing. This likeness of the author of the Field-Book of the 
Revolution was drawn about twenty years after his visit to North Caro- 
lina, Appleton's Journal, VIII (July 20, 1872), 68. 




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Benson, J. Lossing and Revolutionary History 13 
of a more barbarous age . . . the first and only ones I ever 



" 8 

saw. 



On December 30 he hoped to traverse the entire thirty-six 
miles between Oxford and Hillsboro, but the necessity of 
fording the many swollen streams between the two towns 
slowed his progress. He was almost "swamped" while cross- 
ing Flat River in what is now Durham County. Although a 
bridge spanned the stream, the river had overflowed the flat 
banks. He spent Saturday night at a farmhouse four miles 
east of Hillsboro. 9 

Reaching Hillsboro in time for breakfast at the Union 
Hotel, Lossing spent the Sabbath resting "before a glowing 
wood fire." On Monday morning, New Year's Day, 1849, he 
called upon the Rev. James Wilson with a letter of introduc- 
tion. 10 The Presbyterian minister accompanied the Yankee 
traveler on a tour of the historic places near Hillsboro and 
Lossing made sketches of the two buildings ( no longer stand- 
ing in 1958 ) which Cornwallis had used as his office and head- 
quarters prior to the battle of Guilford Courthouse. 11 

On the following day Lossing journeyed to present-day 
Alamance County to sketch the site of Pyle's massacre, where 
the Tories were defeated in February, 1781, and the Ala- 
mance Battleground, where Governor William Tryon and the 
colonial militia crushed the Regulators in May, 1771. He 
was disappointed to discover that time had made many 
changes in the appearance of the site of the Regulator battle. 
He found that "the rock and the ravine from whence James 
Pugh and his companions did such execution with their 
rifles, are now hardly visible. . . . The ravine is almost filled 
by the washing down of earth from the slopes during eighty 
years; and the rock projects only a few ells above the surface. 
The whole of the natural scenery is changed, and nothing but 
tradition can identify the spot." 12 

8 Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution, II, 557. 
Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution, II, 557. 

10 Lossing wrote Swain, November 27, 1851, that "I knew not, personally, 
a single individual in North Carolina, and I had but one solitary letter of 
introduction to a gentleman in your state, and that was to the Excellent 
Dr. Wilson of Hillsborough. Even that letter was from a hand, personally 
unknown to me." Swain Papers. 

11 Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution, II, 558. 

12 Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution, II, 594. 



14 The North Carolina Historical Review 

From the Alamance Battleground Lossing traveled to 
Greensboro, "a thriving, compact village," where he arrived 
a little after dark. "Very few of the villages in the interior of 
the state," he wrote, "appeared to me more like a Northern 
town than Greensborough. The houses are generally good, 
and the stores gave evidences of active trade." 13 

January 3 was a cold, cloudy day and snow began to fall 
as the Yankee engraver set out for the Guilford Courthouse 
Battleground north of Greensboro. The old courthouse town, 
Martinsville, was already a desolation. "There are only a 
few dilapidated and deserted dwellings left," he wrote, "and 
nothing remains of the old Guilford Court House but the 
ruins of a chimney." 14 It was snowing steadily when he drew 
his sketch of the battleground where the armies of Nathanael 
Greene and Lord Cornwallis had met in March, 1781. 

After leaving Guilford Courthouse, Lossing proceeded to 
New Garden (near present-day Guilford College), where 
he drew a sketch of the meeting house, "yet standing within 
the stately oak forest where Lee and Tarleton met." 15 He 
also visited nearby New Garden Boarding School, the pre- 
decessor of Guilford College. He wrote that the school build- 
ing was "of brick, spacious, and well arranged." 16 

From Greensboro to Charlotte Lossing traveled much the 
same road that a modern motorist would follow on Route 29. 
He visited the towns of Jamestown, Lexington, and Salisbury, 
and (as does Route 29) bypassed Concord. The only sketch 
he made during this portion of his journey was at the Trading 
Ford on the Yadkin River a few miles northeast of Salisbury. 
There on the night of February 2-3, 1781, shortly before a 
sudden rise made it impossible for the British to follow, 
General Greene and his army had crossed the river to escape 
from Cornwallis' forces. 

It was early on the morning of January 5 when Lossing 
reached the ford. "The air was frosty, the pools were bridged 
with ice, and before the sketch was finished," he wrote, "my 
benumbed fingers were disposed to drop the pencil." 1T Pro- 

13 Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution, II, 595. 

14 Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution , II, 595. 
16 Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution, II, 613. 

16 Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution, II, 614. 

17 Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution, II, 615. 



Benson, J. Lossing and Revolutionary History 15 

ceeding to Salisbury he searched diligently for visible remains 
of the Revolutionary War, but could find none and left almost 
immediately for Charlotte, where he arrived late Saturday 
afternoon ( January 6 ) , 18 

After a Sabbath's rest in Charlotte, he set out for the King's 
Mountain battlefield, his next major objective. En route he 
sketched a view of the Tuckaseigee Ford on the Catawba 
River, where General Griffith Rutherford's forces had crossed 
on their way to the battle of Ramsour's Mill in June, 1780. 

Lossing himself experienced some difficulty in fording the 
swollen South Fork of the Catawba River a few miles west- 
ward. "Twice the wheels ran upon rocks," he wrote, "and 
the wagon was almost overturned, the water being, in the 
mean while, far over the hubs; and when within a few yards 
of the southern shore, we crossed a narrow channel so 
deep that my horse kept his feet with difficulty, and the 
wagon having a tight body, floated for a moment." The New 
Yorker breathed easier when he finally reached the opposite 
bank— not for fear of his personal safety (for he was a com- 
petent swimmer ) , but he did not wish to lose his sketches, the 
product of several weeks' industry. 19 

Leaving North Carolina, Lossing visited King's Mountain, 
Cowpens, and other places of Revolutionary interest in South 
Carolina and Georgia. Then returning northward by water 
and rail, he stopped briefly at Wilmington. "But circum- 
stances requiring me to hasten homeward," he tarried there 
only an hour while awaiting connections with the northbound 
Wilmington and Weldon Railroad. 20 

Lossing did not base all the sketches in his Field-Book on a 
trip to the locality. His drawings of the William Hooper and 
Cornelius Harnett homes in Wilmington, the Alexander Lil- 
lington residence in what is now Pender County, and several 
other buildings on the lower Cape Fear region were copied 
from preliminary sketches made by Charles Burr and Frederic 
Kidder of Wilmington. 21 

"Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution, II, 616. 

19 Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution, II, 628. 

20 Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution, II, 780. 

21 Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution, II, 568, 582, 872. 



16 The North Carolina Historical Review 

His engraving of the Tryon Palace at New Bern was based 
upon a preliminary set of plans for the building drawn by 
the architect, John Hawks. 22 Lossing borrowed the plans 
from the latter's grandson, the Rev. Francis Lister Hawks 
of New York City, who later wrote a History of North Caro- 
lina. The architect, however, had used another set of plans 
in the construction of the Palace. Thus the Field-Book depicts 
a structure of two and one-half stories, whereas the building 
itself was only two stories high with a third level partly 
beneath the ground, which is not shown on Lossing's sketch. 
In addition, the engraving in the Field-Book indicates a forest 
in the rear of the Palace, where there should be a view of 
the Trent River. There is also no hint of the garden which 
lay in front of the building. Yet for several decades Lossing's 
sketch of the Tryon Palace was generally accepted as an 
authentic one. 23 

One of the most significant features of Lossing's work is 
the attention that he gave to the South. 24 Previous national 
historians had largely ignored the southern campaigns of 
the Revolution, but Lossing saw "in the Carolinas, and parti- 
cularly in the 'Old North State,' patriotism as deep, and 
abiding, as early and efficiently manifested as in Boston, the 
boasted 'Cradle of Liberty.' "Indeed,'' he wrote in 1851 
to former Governor David L. Swain, "North Carolina may 
boast of three Events with pride — that the first Revolutionary 
blood was spilled on her Allamance Isicl; that she first de- 
clared herself independent of British rule, and that she first, 
of all others, in provincial congress at Halifax, instructed her 
representatives in the Continental Congress, to vote for 
Independence." 25 

After he had completed his tour of the nation, Lossing 
began a correspondence with several North Carolinians from 
whom he received additional information concerning the 
Revolutionary history of the State. Swain, then president of 

22 Lossing to Swain, November 18, 1851, Swain Papers. 

23 Alonzo Thomas Dill, Jr., "Tryon's Palace — A Neglected Niche in North 
Carolina History," The North Carolina Historical Review, XIX (April, 
1942), 120-128. 

24 "It is interesting to note here that Lossing was the first of our modern 
national historians to do justice to the South." Davidson, Papers, 61. 

2C Lossing to Swain, November 27, 1851, Swain Papers. 



Benson, J. Lossing and Revolutionary History 17 

the University of North Carolina and founder of the North 
Carolina Historical Society, was his most helpful corres- 
pondent. 20 He provided the author with autographs, bio- 
graphical sketches, and portraits of Revolutionary leaders of 
North Carolina. He also gave him advice concerning the 
manner in which he should discuss the "Mecklenburg De- 
claration of Independence." 

Twenty years earlier Swain had authored an official state 
pamphlet upholding the validity of the "Mecklenburg 
Declaration," but the subsequent discovery of the Resolves 
of May 31 had caused him to alter his views. 27 After further 
researches into the matter, Lossing, too, had doubts concern- 
ing the genuineness of the May 20 document and he asked 
Swain for the latter's frank opinion on the matter. 28 "There 
may have been a meeting of the Committee on the 20th," 
Swain replied, "and Resolutions may have been adopted, but 
there is no evidence satisfactory to my mind, if it be so, that 
the papers purporting to be Mecklenburg Declarations are 
true copies of the original record." 29 

Lossing was pleased, he wrote Swain, "to find your judg- 
ment respecting the Mecklenburg affair, is coincident with 
the only logical conclusion to which my own mind could ar- 
rive." 30 Swain, well aware of the sensitiveness of some North 
Carolinians on the subject, assured Lossing that "I know a 

28 There are several letters from Lossing to Swain and from Swain to 
Lossing during the period 1851-1853 in the Swain Papers. The letters of 
Swain to Lossing were purchased from the latter's estate. Typewritten 
copies of the letters from Lossing to Swain are in the David L. Swain 
Manuscripts, North Carolina State Department of Archives and History, 
Raleigh. 

27 For David L. Swain's reconsideration of the "Mecklenburg Declaration 
of Independence," see Carolyn A. Wallace, "David Lowry Swain, 1801- 
1835" (unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of North Carolina, 
1954), 192-195. 

28 Lossing to Swain, December 14, 1851, Swain Papers. Swain had pre- 
viously called Lossing's attention to the existence of the May 31 document 
and had suggested that he contact William A. Graham and George Ban- 
croft about the subject. Swain to Lossing, November 22, 1851, Swain Papers. 

29 Swain to Lossing, December 20, 1851, William R. Davie Papers, No. 2, 
Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina Library, 
Chapel Hill. Attached to this letter is another letter to Lossing from 
George Bancroft, the Massachusetts historian, to whom the author of the 
Field-Book had sent Swain's comments on the Mecklenburg Declaration. 
Bancroft's letter, dated January 22, 1852, referred to "Gov. Swain's manly 
and instructive letter, which I have with some difficulty but successfully 
decyphered; and copied." 

90 Lossing to Swain, December 31, 1851, Swain Papers. 



18 The North Carolina Historical Review 

great deal about the Mecklenburg Declaration, but I have 
not told you, and do not intend to tell you, unless you make 
up your mind to come South again." 31 

In his Field-Book, Lossing treated the "Mecklenburg af- 
fair" delicately and diplomatically, neither affirming nor deny- 
ing the validity of the "Declaration." George Bancroft, the 
celebrated Massachusetts historian, wrote him that "I very 
much approve of the careful, and candid, and modest manner 
in which you bring out the relative claims of the genuine and 
fictitious resolutions of Mecklenburg. You say enough to indi- 
cate your own opinion, you say it so quietly that no one will 
take offence, and you give the means for others to form a 
judgement. I think those interested in North Carolina, will be 
satisfied." 32 

It took Lossing almost four years and eleven thousand 
dollars to complete the publication of his two-volume, 1500- 
page Pictorial Field-Book of the Revolution, which was pub- 
lished by Harper & Brothers. 33 Most North Carolinians were 
pleased with the finished product. In a published address, 
Swain declared that it was "a work which must soon be 
regarded as an indispensable portion of every historical 
library." 34 

Not all North Carolinians were so enthusiastic. William 
A. Graham was frankly disappointed. "I regret," he wrote 
Swain, "that Lossing, after taking all the trouble of a Journey, 
through the South, should have made it, in the dead of win- 
ter, and in such haste that he did not obtain, full information 
on historical subjects." 35 John H. Wheeler, author of Histori- 
cal Sketches of North Carolina, was also displeased. Lossing's 
biographical sketch of Richard Caswell was almost identical 
with the one in Wheeler's book. Lossing, however, had re- 
ceived the sketch from another source and was apparently 
unaware of its origin. 36 

The Pictorial Field-Book of the Revolution gave Lossing a 
wide national reputation. During the next thirty-five years 

81 Swain to Lossing, January 14, 1852, Swain Papers. 

32 Quoted in a letter from Lossing to Swain, June 2, 1852, Swain Papers. 

33 Lossing to Swain, January 24, 1853, Swain Papers. 

34 Semi-weekly Raleigh Register, May 21, 1853. 

30 Graham to Swain, December 20, 1852, Swain Papers. 

36 Swain to Wheeler (copy), April 22, 1853, Swain Papers. 



Benson, J. Lossing and Revolutionary History 19 

he wrote or edited forty additional works, including pictorial 
histories of the War of 1812 and the Civil War. He died in 
1891 at the age of 78. Of Lossing's work, modern historian 
Lawrence S. Mayo has said: "Although to the appraising eye 
of the twentieth century Lossing appears to have been pri- 
marily a successful popularizer of American history, his Picto- 
rial Field Book of the American Revolution still commands 
respect. It was an original idea well executed and the anti- 
quarian of today turns to it for details which cannot be found 
elsewhere." 3T 

Cornwallis' headquarters in Hillsboro, the New Garden 
meeting house near Guilford College, and the homes of 
Hooper, Lillington, and Harnett no longer stand, but Benson 
J. Lossing has left us a record of their appearance, which 
otherwise might have been lost to posterity. 



87 



Mayo, "Benson John Lossing," 422. 



RAISING A VOLUNTEER REGIMENT FOR MEXICO, 

1846-1847 

By Lee A. Wallace, Jr.* 

The outbreak of war with Mexico was hailed with delight 
by the state Democratic newspapers. The news of General 
Taylor's victories at Palo Alto, May 8, 1846, and Resaca de la 
Palma on May 9, and the American occupation of Matamoras 
was received in Democratic Edgecombe County with the 
booming of artillery salutes. Since the Whigs in their cam- 
paign of 1844 had protested against the annexation of Texas 
on the grounds that war would be the inevitable result, it 
could not be expected that the outbreak of war with Mexico 
would be met with any great show of enthusiasm among the 
party ranks. Hostilities began amidst the campaign of 1846, 
in which the Whigs denounced the rashness of Polk and 
held that the war was unconstitutional. Following their 
victory, the state Whigs dared not pursue a policy of non- 
support of the war, but undertook to endorse legislation 
necessary for the state's participation in the conflict. 

By May 19, 1846, requisitions for volunteers had been sent 
to the governors of nearly all the states. Governor William A. 
Graham on May 22 issued a proclamation calling upon the 
state to raise a regiment of volunteer infantry, consisting of 
ten companies. Each company when filled was entitled to 
elect its own officers, but the field officers of the regiment were 
to be appointed, rather than elected by the company officers 
as was customary in the militia. Although this latter provision 
drew little adverse criticism at the outset, it was a point of no 
little discontent before the final organization of the regiment. 

Qualifications for enlistment in the regiment were certainly 
not rigid by present day standards: "No private or non-com- 
missioned officer can be received who is apparently over 45 
or under 18 years of age, and who is not in physical strength 
or vigor." * 

* Mr. Lee A. Wallace is Staff Historian (Exhibits Research), National 
Park Service, United States Department of the Interior, Washington, D. C. 

1 North Carolina Standard (Raleigh), May 27, 1846, hereinafter cited as 
North Carolina Standard. 

T20] 



Raising a Volunteer Regiment for Mexico, 1846-1847 21 

During the summer of 1846, more than three times the 
requisite number of volunteers, most of them from the western 
part of the State, offered their services. The spirit of volun- 
teering was high. The commanding officers of state militia 
units were ordered to muster their commands and "cause to 
be enrolled those who duly estimate the high honor of their 
country and are inclined to rally around her banner in this 
crisis as volunteers." 2 The North Carolina Standard carried 
a notice on May 27, that officers of the Thirty-fifth Regiment 
of Militia were ordered to muster their commands three days 
hence. On the same day O. L. Burch & Co. of Raleigh was 
offering "the finest and most fashionable BOOTS, to the 
Volunteers for the Rio Grande." 3 The Whig Hillsborough 
Recorder was enthusiastic over the state's military efforts, 
especially those of Orange County, which judging from that 
paper, must have been the center of considerable military 
activity. On June 4, the Recorder reported that on ' . . . Sat. 
last one hundred and ten men belonging to the Hawfield 
Regiment 4 in this county enrolled themselves as volunteers 
for the Mexican War." It further stated that if the two other 
militia regiments in the county showed the same spirit nearly 
one half of the requisition from North Carolina would be met 
by Orange County. 5 

The first company that officially reported to the state 
adjutant general, Robert W. Haywood, was that of Rowan 
County, commanded by Captain Richard W. Long. Captain 
Long's company was placed "No. 1, in the Regiment," on 
June 4. 6 Seven companies were reported to have been raised 
in Buncombe County by June 13. 7 In early July, the Eighty- 
seventh and Eighty-eighth Regiments of militia met at Lex- 
ington and formed a full company of volunteers, 8 and on the 
eighth of the same month, it was reported that two companies 

2 North Carolina Standard, May 27, 1846. 
8 North Carolina Standard, May 27, 1846. 

4 The Forty-eighth Regiment of State Militia. 

5 Hillsborough Recorder, June 11, 1846. 

6 Robert W. Haywood to Richard W. Long, June 4, 1846, quoted in the 
Carolina Watchman (Salisbury), June 12, 1846. This paper will herein- 
after be cited as Carolina Watchman. 

7 Hillsborough Recorder, June 15, 1846. 

8 North Carolina Standard, July 8, 1846. 



22 The North Carolina Historical Review 

had been organized in Ashe County and a third one was being 
contemplated. 9 Thirty-two companies were included in the 
drawing from which the ten companies to comprise the 
regiment were to be selected. The method of selection by 
lot had been announced in the governor's proclamation of 
May 22, 1846. A number of other companies offered their 
services, but were too late to be included in the drawing. In 
mid- July, the adjutant general announced that the companies 
of the following counties had been drawn by lot: Rowan, 
Orange, Buncombe, Lenoir, Ashe, Surry, Davie, Cherokee, 
McDowell, and Caswell. 10 The regiment was ordered to be 
ready to muster when its services should be called for by 
the War Department. 

Although the selection of the ten companies was done by 
lot, the eastern Democrats resented the fact that the regiment 
was virtually composed of western companies. The Wilming- 
ton Journal noted that: 

By a singular freak of fortune, although a large number of the 
companies from the Eastern portion of North Carolina tendered 
their services to the government and although the companies to 
comprise the Regiment were drawn by lot, there is but one com- 
pany belonging to it east of Raleigh. That company is Lenior 
County. 11 

The War Department on November 16 issued a call to the 
governors of Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania, Vir- 
ginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Louisiana, and Missis- 
sippi, to furnish each one regiment of infantry. These regi- 
ments were requisitioned for immediate service. A difference 
in the terms of enlistment for May and those for November, 
was the period of enlistment. While the original terms of 
service in May were for the "duration of twelve months unless 
sooner discharged," the terms of November 16 were "for 
the duration or unless sooner discharged," and only upon 
this later condition would the regiment be mustered into 
federal service. Secretary of War Marcy informed Governor 

9 North Carolina Standard, July 8, 1846. 

10 Tarboro' Press, July 22, 1846. 

11 Wilmington Journal, November 27, 1846. 



Raising a Volunteer Regiment for Mexico, 1846-1847 23 

Graham that, if the existing regiment had been organized 
under the indefinite term as given in May, he was to enroll a 
new regiment under the terms of enlistment stated in Nov- 
ember. 12 The regiment in North Carolina was organized under 
the terms of twelve months unless sooner discharged, which 
meant that a new regiment would have to be formed. 13 

Graham wrote Secretary of War Marcy on December 7 
that there was little probability that the regiment already 
formed would accept the new terms of enlistment. Already, 
four companies had reported their unwillingness to muster, 
and the remainder of the regiment had not bothered to report 
at all. 14 The Rowan County company was the only one which 
was willing to accept the new terms of enlistment, but that 
company had been allowed to drift apart, and had to be 
reorganized with a large number of new men. The new com- 
pany, still the first to report, left Salisbury on December 31, 
1846, for the rendezvous point at Charlotte, but further 
developments caused the disbandment of the company before 
the final organization of the regiment. 

Another call for volunteers to form a new regiment was 
issued on December 7 and on the same day the Governor 
wrote the War Department that the regiment could not be 
expected at the place of muster, Wilmington, before the 
middle of January, at the earliest. 15 Lieutenant Sewell L. 
Fremont, United States Army, arrived in Wilmington on the 
second of December, and anticipating the difficulty of raising 
a regiment in the State, secured permission to have the com- 
panies mustered into service as they reported there instead of 
mustering the entire regiment at one time as originally 

12 W. L. Marcy to W. A. Graham, November 16, 1846, "Message from his 
Excellency, Gov. Graham, communicating; the Correspondence with the 
War Department, on the Subject of the Mexican War," Executive Docu- 
ment No. VII, Legislative Documents (1846-1847) , 9, hereinafter cited as 
Executive Document No. VII. 

18 Executive Document No. VII, 11. 

14 W. A. Graham to W. L. Marcy, December 7, 1846, Executive Document 
No. VII, 20. 

16 Executive Document No. VII, 20. 



24 The North Carolina Historical Review 

planned. 16 The Governor, through the assistance of Repre- 
sentative Daniel W. Barringer in Washington, obtained the 
designation of Charlotte as the rendezvous point so as to be 
more convenient for mustering in the companies which had 
been raised in that area of the State. The original plan was 
to send these companies from Charlotte to the port of em- 
barkation at Charleston, 17 where they were to be joined by 
the companies sent by transport from Wilmington. However, 
Wilmington was later selected as the port of embarkation for 
the entire regiment. 

The second call for volunteers under the new terms did 
not meet with the hearty response as did the call of the pre- 
ceding May. Enthusiasm for service in Mexico appeared to 
have been lost in late 1846. Whig papers took this occasion 
to upbraid the Democrats for their lack of response and at- 
tacks were especially levied at Edgecombe County, the 
home of the popular Democratic senator, Louis D. Wilson. 

16 S. L. Fremont to W. A. Graham, December 2, 1846, Executive Docu- 
ment, No. VII, 18. Lieutenant Fremont was sent to Wilmington as an 
assistant quartermaster for the purpose of equipping the state regiment 
and with no authority to muster the volunteers into service, but by the 
twenty-seventh had received orders from the War Department to muster 
companies into service at Wilmington and Charlotte. S. L. Fremont to 
W. A. Graham, December 27, 1846, Executive Document, No. VII, 25. 

Sewell L. Fremont, of Vermont, was registered at the United States 
Military Academy as Sewell L. Fish. He graduated in 1841, and was com- 
missioned as second lieutenant in the Third Artillery Regiment. He had 
served with distinction at Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma before his 
assignment to Wilmington. After resigning from the army in 1854, Fremont 
was employed as an engineer in the Federal Government's project for the 
improvement of the Cape Fear River. He served as Chief Engineer and 
Superintendent of the Wilmington & Weldon Railroad, 1854-1871, and was 
engaged in rice planting near Wilmington in 1877-1878. Fremont was 
Architect and Superintendent of the North Carolina Asylum for Colored 
Insane near Goldsboro in 1878. He died in Memphis, Tennessee, in May, 
1886, at the age of 63. George W. Cullum, Biographical Register of the 
Officers and Graduates of the United States Military Academy . . . 1802- 
1890 (Washington, 1891), II, 82-83. 

17 W. L. Marcy to W. A. Graham, December 23, 1846, Executive Docu- 
ments No. VII, 22. Graham suggested to Marcy on November 19, 1846, that 
Salisbury or Charlotte be designated as a mustering point, and that 
Charleston would be more accessible as a port of shipment for the regiment. 
He further pointed out that the one company from the east could be sent 
to Wilmington and from there, by transport, to Charleston to join the 
regiment. W. A. Graham to W. L. Marcy, November 19, 1846, Executive 
Document No. VII, 11. Graham's proposals made little headway with the 
War Department and Marcy wrote him on the twenty-third that "such 
change would conflict with arrangements already in progress, and would 
be incompatible with the interests and economy of the service." W. L. 
Marcy to W. A. Graham, November 23, 1846, Executive Document No. VII, 
13. 



Raising a Volunteer Regiment for Mexico, 1846-1847 25 

But newspapers of both parties appealed for volunteers to 
fill up the regiment. The Wilmington Journal, on December 
18, said: 

It is with extreme regret that we hear floating rumors to the 
effect that the companies composing the N. C. Regiment of Volun- 
teers are not coming up to the mark as well as could be wished. 
. . . We do not think that the war will last more than 12 months 
longer at any rate, but even if it does, we would suppose that 
the brave spirits who are willing to devote themselves to the 
service of their country for this period of 12 months, would not 
mind if it lasted a little longer. 18 

Edgecombe County answered the second call for volun- 
teers with two companies. That county, which had previously 
been the object of Whig ridicule, was now the recipient of 
statewide praise for its response to the call for troops. The 
Raleigh Register, offering its apology, wrote: 

. . . though we have fired several squibs at the Democracy of the 
County, because we thought them laggards in the race for dis- 
tinction, we yet hail this patriotic movement of theirs with 
pleasure. 19 

The first company of Edgecombe County was raised in De- 
cember and was sworn into active service as Company B of 
the North Carolina Regiment of Volunteers in the early part 
of January 1847, at Smith ville. The other company from the 
county was also organized in December, and was sworn 
into service as Company H, with William S. Duggan as its 
commanding officer. 20 

Enrollment continued to be slow and on the eighth of 
January notice was served that men would be accepted in 
any numbers and would be used to fill vacancies in the exist- 
ing, but incomplete, companies. 21 As the volunteers arrived 
at Wilmington they were sworn into service by Lieutenant 
Fremont and then sent to the garrison at Fort Johnson. By 

18 Wilmington Journal, December 18, 1846. 

19 Quoted in the Tarboro' Press, January 2, 1847. 

30 Weekly Raleigh Register and North Carolina Gazette, January 19, 
1847, hereinafter cited as Raleigh Register. 
81 Wilmington Journal, January 8, 1847. 



26 The North Carolina Historical Review 

January 13, companies from Rowan, Edgecombe, Wayne, 
Cabarrus, and Yancey counties had been accepted by the 
governor, and word was circulated that a company was being 
formed in Mecklenburg County. Governor Graham wrote 
Fremont that he was of the opinion that the organization of 
the regiment would be completed by January 30, and that 
half of the regiment would rendezvous at Charlotte for mus- 
ter. 22 Approximately thirty volunteers left Wake County on 
January 13-14, for Wilmington without waiting for the organ- 
ization of a company in the county. The Commissioners of 
Raleigh, prior to the departure of these volunteers, appro- 
priated $100 for the benefit of volunteers from the county. 
This sum was sent to Captain Wilson at Fort Johnson to be 
dispersed under his supervision. 23 

On January 19, 1847, the Raleigh Register reported the 
regiment organized as follows: 



Company A 


Rowan County 


B 


Edgecombe County 


C 


Wayne County 


D 


Cabarrus County 


E 


Yancey County 


Company F 


Cumberland County 


G 


Mecklenburg County 


H 


Edgecombe County 


I 


Orange County 24 



The regiment still lacked one company to make it complete. 
But the above was not to be the final organization of the 
regiment, and all of the named companies were not at Fort 
Johnson when the Raleigh Register published the organiza- 
tion of the regiment. The Orange County company was evi- 
dently not actually mustered into service when the list ap- 
peared for it was shy the requisite number of men, and those 
that were present were apportioned off to fill vacancies in the 
existing companies. 25 Recruits were slow in arriving at Smith- 



22 Wilmington Journal, January 15, 1847. 
28 Raleigh Register, January 19, 1847. 
"Raleigh Register, January 19, 1847. 
26 Raleigh Register, March 2, 1847. 



Raising a Volunteer Regiment for Mexico, 1846-1847 27 

ville, and when they did arrive, it was more often in small 
detachments. On January 23, twenty-three "noble-looking" 
volunteers from Martin County passed through Tarboro 
enroute to Fort Johnson. 26 The Wilmington Journal, January 
30, carried a notice that more men were wanted and, as an 
inducement to volunteering, mentioned a proposed bill then 
before Congress, which would grant a bounty of one hundred 
acres of western land to the volunteer serving in Mexico, 
and that this would be in addition to the state bounty of $10. 
The fever then raging in the Wilmington area was perhaps 
partially responsible for the lag in volunteering. There was 
scarcely an issue of a state newspaper which did not carry 
notices of deaths and illness among the volunteers at Fort 
Johnson. On January 30 Governor Graham directed Adju- 
tant General Haywood to proceed without delay to Wilming- 
ton to assist in the organization of the regiment and make 
arrangements for the early embarkation of the troops. 27 
Haywood was instructed to inquire as to what provisions had 
been made to issue the companies with six months supply of 
clothing. 28 Reports had drifted out that there were inadequate 
quarters and clothing for the newly arrived troops. Volun- 
teers, coming from the western part of the State by the Cape 
Fear, were on one occasion forced to use two steamboats as 
sleeping quarters. 29 Difficulties had arisen over the mainten- 
ance of troops prior to their muster into service and some 
of the companies awaiting muster, because of deficient 
strength, depended solely upon voluntary contributions from 
home and sympathetic individuals. Graham warned Haywood 
that it was "impossible to anticipate many subjects that may 
arise at the rendezvous," and told him that many decisions 
would be left up to his discretion. 30 

28 Tarboro' Press, January 23, 1847. 

87 W. A. Graham to Robert W. Haywood, January 30, 1847, Governor's 
Letter Book, XXXVII (North Carolina State Department of Archives and 
History, Raleigh), 160, hereinafter cited as Governor's Letter Book, 
XXXVII. 

28 Governor's Letter Book, XXXVII, 160. 

29 Raleigh Register, February 9, 1847, quoting the Fayetteville Observer. 

30 W. A. Graham to Robert W. Haywood, January 30, 1847, Governor's 
Letter Book, XXXVII, 160. 



■^ 



28 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Governor Graham's appointment of the regiment's field 
officers on January 16, 1847, 31 afforded ground for discontent 
among the state Whigs and Democrats, and within the regi- 
ment itself. The regiment was largely composed of Demo- 
crats. 32 Dissatisfaction among the regiment's Democrats over 
the appointment of Whig officers was not so apparent, how- 
ever, until after the appearance of bitter controversial edi- 
torials in the press. 

The traditional practice in the state militia was that the 
field officers were elected by the commissioned officers of the 
regiment. Graham, in his address to the General Assembly 
in November, 1846, declared that, in the absence of laws 
relative to the raising of state forces for federal service, and 
outside the state, it seemed the duty of the executive who 
was also commander-in-chief of the militia to decide who 
should be accepted among those who volunteered and in 
what grades they should serve. The proclamation calling for 
volunteers announced that company officers elected by the 
men would be commissioned and that field officers would be 
accepted and appointed by the Governor. Graham further 
explained that he had acted after the consideration and in- 
vestigation of the precedents of the War of 1812. Governors 
of the states had appointed field officers then and in accord- 
ance with the views, but not the orders, of the War Depart- 
mentment. 33 Graham had appointed the field officers for the 
regiment which had been raised during the preceding sum- 
mer, but after the General Assembly convened in November 
1847, he left the decision of appointments to the existing regi- 
ment, up to the legislature. The matter was a decidedly 
heated issue among the members of the General Assembly. 
The Democrats charged that the whole business was a bit 
of Whig trickery. Governor Graham's brother, James, express- 
ed hope that the legislature would pass the law permitting 
company officers to elect the field officers, or that the legis- 
lature itself would make the appointments, and wrote the 

31 W. A. Graham to W. L. Marcy, January 16, 1847, Governor's Letter 
Book, XXXVII, 141. 

82 Tarboro' Press, January 30, 1847. 

88 W. A. Graham, Biennial Message, November 16, 1846, House Journal 
(1846-1847), 281. 



Raising a Volunteer Regiment for Mexico, 1846-1847 29 



governor that: "It is, after so much delay, better for you 
and the Whig Party that they should do it." 3i 

The General Assembly on January 15 passed an act that 
provided that any regiment, or regiments called from the 
state into federal service henceforth would be allowed 
to choose its own field officers and privates as well as officers 
were to participate in these elections. A further provision of 
the act stated that: 

. . . nothing in this act contained shall be construed as to 
relate to the appointment of field officers for the regiment of 
volunteers now required by the general government for the 
existing war with Mexico, but the appointment of said officers 
shall be made by the Governor of the State. 85 

On January 19 the Raleigh Register announced the field 
officers which had been appointed: Colonel Robert T. Paine, 
of Chowan County; Lieutenant Colonel John A. Fagg, of 
Buncombe County; and Major Montford S. Stokes, of Wilkes 
County. The Register further reported that, ' . . . we should 
like to see the man, who would object to either of the appoint- 
ments." SG Many objections were forthcoming. Democrats 
were quick to censure the governor's action. The T arbor o 9 
Press which had previously recommended Captain Louis D. 
Wilson, now commanding Edgecombe's Company B, as their 
choice for the regimental commander, was especially harsh 
in its criticism. It said: 

Familiar as we have become in our editorial capacity for years, 
with the extravagancies of party, we have never witnessed so 
flagrant a violation of public honor and political justice as has 
been exhibited by Governor Graham in his recent appointment 
of the staff of our North Carolina Regiment. 

... all men of all parties in this region, concur that the grossest 



34 James A. Graham to W. A. Graham, January 10, 1847, William A. 
Graham Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Caro- 
lina Library, Chapel Hill. 

35 Laws of the State of North Carolina, Passed by the General Assembly 
at the Session of^ 1846-47, 97. 

38 Raleigh Register, January 19, 1847. 



30 The North Carolina Historical Review 

injustice has been done to the feelings of those noble Democrats, 
who have volunteered to serve their country. . . , 37 

Similar statements of partisanship were expressed by news- 
papers throughout the State. The Fayetteville Observer 
denounced the appointments as shameful trickery. 38 The 
Raleigh Register predicted the harm which could arise 
from the controversy over the appointments, when it accused 
the North Carolina Standard of using its editorials to spread 
discontent among the yet unorganized regiment. 39 News- 
papers in all parts of the State undertook the task of deciding 
which party was dominant in the regiment. The exact num- 
ber of Whigs and Democrats in the regiment is unknown, but 
available evidence indicates that the Democrats held a major- 
ity over the Whigs. The Tarhord Press probably exaggerated 
when it said that four-fifths of the regiment were Demo- 
crats. 40 

Colonel Robert Treat Paine (1812-1872) of Edenton had 
served as a member of the House of Commons since 1838, 
and was without previous military experience. In addition to 
his law practice, Paine was also an owner and operator of 
a shipyard. 41 Colonel Paine reported to Fort Johnson in 
February, 1847, and within a short time won a reputation 
as a strict disciplinarian. 

John A. Fagg, like Paine, was a Whig and a member of 
the General Assembly when the war broke out. Fagg was 
recommended as a field officer in a petition dated January 
14, 1847, which was signed by prominent Democrats as 
well as Whigs. 42 His support of a bill to permit the regiment 
to elect its own field officers was largely responsible for the 
Democrat names which appeared on the petition. It had been 
rumored that Graham was determined to appoint only Whigs 
to the two highest commands in the regiment, 43 and it was 

87 Tarboro' Press, January 30, 1847. 

38 Tarboro 1 Press, February 6, 1847, quoting the Fayetteville Observer. 

39 Raleigh Register, February 2, 1847. 

40 Tarboro* Press, January 30, 1847. 

"Biographical Directory of the American Congress, 1774-194-9 (Wash- 
ington: Government Printing Office, 1950), 1646-1647. 
'- Raleigh Register, February 2, 1847. 
43 Raleigh Register, February 2, 1847. 



Raising a Volunteer Regiment for Mexico, 1846-1847 31 

believed that a petition for, and the selection of, Fagg as 
lieutenant colonel of the regiment would prove of some satis- 
faction to the Democrats. Fagg's flirtations with the Demo- 
crats in the legislature caused some feeling of disfavor among 
the ranks of his own party. Richard Hines, influential state 
Whig, wrote Senator Mangum on January 19, that with the 
exception of Fagg, party members were satisfied with the 
officers named by the Governor. 44 

After the Governor's appointment of field officers, members 
of the company which had been raised in Mecklenburg 
County by Green W. Caldwell, met and drew up a set of 
resolutions declaring that they would not serve under those 
officers. Caldwell's men condemned the preamble to the 
state's appropriation bill for the volunteers, which placed the 
blame for the war on Polk and the Democrats, and insisted 
that if "Cols. Paine and Fagg want men to command, they 
will have to get them elsewhere than in Mecklenburg." 45 
The Mecklenburg Jeffersonian hailed the occasion as a "proud 
day for the sons of old Mecklenburg," while the Raleigh 
Register contended that the affair was executed under "the 
most wretched pretexts." 46 The officers of the company re- 
fused to accept their commissions and returned them on 
January 27, to the adjutant general. 47 Lieutenant Fremont, 
who had gone to Charlotte to muster in Caldwell's company, 
wrote Graham that the company's request to be mustered into 
federal service as mounted troops would not likely be ac- 
cepted by the War Department. 48 However, in the following 
April, the Mecklenburg company was mustered into the 
Third United States Dragoons as Company A. 

By January 25 the Rowan company which had been at 
Charlotte with Caldwell's company, awaiting muster since 

** Richard Hines to Willie P. Mangum, January 19, 1847, Henry T. 
Shanks (ed.), The Papers of Willie Person Mangum (Raleigh: State De- 
partment of Archives and History, 5 volumes, 1950-1956), V, 15-16, herein- 
after cited as Shanks, Mangum Papers. 

45 Raleigh Register, February 9, 1847, quoting the Mecklenburg Jeffer- 
sonian (Charlotte). 

46 Raleigh Register, February 9, 1847. 

" G. W. Caldwell to R. W. Haywood, January 25, 1847, Shanks, Mangum 
Papers, V, 32. 

48 S. L. Fremont to W. A. Graham, January 27, 1847, Shanks, Mangum 
Papers, V, 33-34. 



32 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the sixth, had all deserted and returned home with the ex- 
ception of a handful. Captain Long submitted his resigna- 
tion to Governor Graham. 49 The embarrassed but clever, 
Salisbury Carolina Watchman announced this news with: 

Company "A" — Where are you! Echo answers HERE — 
here-here-here-h-e-r-e. — they answer from every point of the 
compass, as a sound reverberating among the hills and rocks. 
Reader, the Rowan Company of Volunteers have disbanded. 50 

The cause for the disbandment of the Rowan company was 
reputed to have been the delayed arrival of the mustering 
officer, Lieutenant Fremont, at Charlotte, and the exhaustion 
of state funds which had been appropriated for the subsis- 
tence of the company pending its muster. 51 The governor 
ordered the Rowan company officially disbanded and ac- 
cepted in its place another company that had been waiting to 
be included in the regiment. 52 The disbandment of the 
Rowan company presented another opportunity for the in- 
evitable press lambasting between parties. The Carolina 
Watchman, as could have been expected, defended the 
conduct of the county's company of volunteers, while the 
Raleigh Register criticized their action severely, although 
this paper did contend that Captain Long was innocent of the 
charge of having misappropriated a portion of the state's 
funds, as had been previously publicized. 53 

Paine's regiment was never completely filled, or assembled, 
at Fort Johnson. In early February 1847, the companies from 
Cabarrus and Rockingham counties arrived at Smithville, 
replacing the former companies of Long and Caldwell in the 
regimental organization. 54 These companies were soon fol- 
lowed by the arrival of the Yancey County company. 55 

49 W. A. Graham to W. L. Marcy, January 25, 1847, Governor's Letter 
Book, XXXVII, 148. 

60 Carolina Watchman, January 29, 1847. 

51 W. A. Graham to W. L. Marcy, January 25, 1847, Governor's Letter 
Book, XXXVII, 148. 

52 W. A. Graham to W. L. Marcy, January 25, 1847, Governor's Letter 
Book, XXXVII, 148. 

63 Raleigh Register, February 19, 1847. 

64 Raleigh Register, February 5, 1847. 

65 Raleigh Register, February 5, 1847. 



Raising a Volunteer Regiment for Mexico, 1846-1847 33 

Adjutant General Haywood presented a flag to the regiment 
on February 13, with an address, described by the Raleigh 
Register as in "language that went to the heart of every man 
present." 56 Colonel Paine, accepting the colors for the regi- 
ment, assured Haywood that the regiment would bring noth- 
ing but honor to the flag or else, "leave their bones to bleach 
on the battlefields of Mexico." 57 

On February 15 Companies A and E sailed from Smith- 
ville for Brazos Santiago on the transport schooner E. S. 
Powell. 58 Companies B, C, and D, sailed on the schooner 
Samuel N. Gott™ February 27; and on March 2, Companies 
H and I left Smith ville on the Harrison Price. The remaining 
companies, F and G, sailed on the Florida, with Paine and his 
staff aboard, during the first week of March. 60 

Colonel Fagg was sent to Buncombe County in March to 
bring back the Buncombe Rangers, recently organized there, 
to make up the tenth company for the regiment. 61 The Bun- 
combe Rangers arrived at Fort Johnson in April and joined 
the regiment in Mexico in the late summer. 

Cerro Gordo, Churubusco, and Chapultepec, were yet to 
be fought when the Regiment of North Carolina Volunteers 
arrived in Mexico. But Paine's regiment wasn't destined to 
share these battle honors or any other battle awards. Men 
would die, but not from Mexican bullets. Illness and dis- 
content, which evolved into mutiny in August 1847, along 
with the less colorful role of escorting wagon trains of sup- 
plies, was the record of the state's regiment in the War with 
Mexico. 



M Raleigh Register, February 23, 1847. 
67 Raleigh Register, February 23, 1847. 
M Raleigh Register, February 23, 1847. 
"Raleigh Register, March 2, 1847. 
60 Wilmington Journal, March 5, 1847. 
w Raleigh Register, March 23, 1847. 



i 



A FORGOTTEN INSTITUTION - PRIVATE BANKS 

IN NORTH CAROLINA 

By H. H. Mitchell* 

In the all too sketchy treatment that historians have given 
to banking in North Carolina, little mention has been made 
of the private bank, an institution which at one time played 
an important role in banking in the state. Between 1865 and 
1905 there were over one hundred private banks opened. 
During this period sixty-one cities and towns at one time 
or another had private banks in operation. The resources 
of these institutions were limited in amount but the contri- 
bution made to the economy of North Carolina was an im- 
portant one. 

The Attempts to Organize Chartered Banks 

1865-1870 

Prior to the War between the States the people of North 
Carolina depended on state chartered banks for banking 
services. When the war ended in 1865 there were in opera- 
tion eighteen state chartered institutions with seventeen 
branches and four agencies. The legal assets of these banks 
were valued at approximately $6.5 million. The collapse of 
the Confederacy and the repudiation of the war debt made 
Confederate and North Carolina currency and securities 
worthless and rendered most of the loans and discounts un- 
collectible. Specie amounting to nearly $800,000 constituted 
the principal valuable asset of the banks. 1 The legislators of 
the 1865-1866 General Assembly of North Carolina explored 
a number of plans concerning the use of this specie as a basis 
for establishing new state banks but none of the various pro- 
posals were accepted. The only law passed by the Assembly 
of any particular significance to banking was enacted on 
March 12, 1866, for the purpose of "enabling the banks of 

* Dr. H. H. Mitchell is Head of the Department of Business Administra- 
tion, Mississippi State College, State College. 

1 North Carolina Convention Documents, 1865, 16. 

[34] 



Private Banks in North Carolina 35 

the state to close their doors." 2 This Act provided that a bank 
could close by surrendering its charter and filing a bill in 
equity in the proper courts. The court was authorized to ap- 
point a commissioner for the purpose of collecting the debts, 
paying the claims, and distributing any available assets to 
stockholders. All of the banks in the State were closed within 
a short time after the passage of this act. 

Even though there was a shortage of capital in the State, it 
is likely that new state banks would have been organized had 
not Congress, in an attempt to force all banks to join the 
newly organized National Banking System, levied a ten per 
cent tax on the face value of all bank notes outstanding. This 
law sounded the death knell of the note issue power of the 
state banks. This privilege of issuing bank notes was the ma- 
jor advantage of the state chartered bank. Consequently, 
with this feature eliminated most of the people with avail- 
able funds were not interested in organizing such banks. Al- 
though several charters were granted by the North Carolina 
General Assembly, not one bank was opened prior to 1870. 
Those people interested in bank stock as an investment pur- 
chased stock in those institutions which had the note issue 
power— the national banks. 

The proponents of the National Banking law believed that 
a national banking system would greatly improve banking 
conditions in the country but the people of North Carolina 
received little help from early national banks. Since the na- 
tional banking law was passed with the avowed purpose of 
encouraging state banks to join the National Banking System 
it would seem that the provisions of the law would have been 
of such a nature as to make it easier to join, but this was not 
the case. 

Four restrictions in the national banking laws were said to 
have been primarily responsible for causing would-be bank- 
ers to shun the national bank charter. 3 First, the minimum 
capital of $50,000 prohibited the organization of banks in 
many of the smaller towns. Second, the capital had to be in- 

8 Laws of North Carolina, 1866, 6-12. 

'Davis R. Dewey, "Banking in the South," Southern Economic History, 
The South in the Building of a Nation, VI (Richmond, Va.: The Southern 
Historical Society, 13 volumes, 1909-1913), 427. 



36 The North Carolina Historical Review 

vested in United States Government bonds on which the cir- 
culation could be issued up to ninety per cent of the par 
value. Due to the high current rate of interest and the pre- 
mium on bonds it was in many cases not profitable to organ- 
ize a national bank. Third, the restrictions on real estate 
loans limited the lending power materially. This was espe- 
cially important because at this time manufacturing was not 
of much importance in the State, and land was practically the 
only available asset. Fourth, a national bank could not lend 
over ten per cent of its capital to any one individual or busi- 
ness. Since the cotton business, the principal one in North 
Carolina at that time, was generally concentrated in the 
hands of a small number of men in each locality, sufficient 
loans could not be made to develop the industry to the fullest 
extent. Only six national banks were open in North Carolina 
between 1865 and 1870. It was into this near void of banking 
institutions that private banks began to appear. 

The Unstable Character of Early 

Private Banks 

1865-1870 

The private bank required no charter and no approval by 
state authorities. It was as easy to open a bank as it was to 
open a general store. It was natural then that those people 
with some funds, made loans and called themselves bankers 
without going to the trouble of securing a charter from the 
General Assembly of the State. 

Prior to 1887 bankers were not required to file reports with 
state officials. Consequently, the information concerning 
private banks is highly fragmentary. Many bankers simply 
carried on an "out-of-pocket" business or operated their bank 
in connection with some other enterprise. Most of these early 
bankers operated on a small scale and appeared upon the 
scene briefly, either to disappear as bankers or to become 
affiliated with national chartered institutions. The short life 
of the early banks is apparent from the records compiled by 
two publications— Bankers Magazine and Branson and Far- 
rar's North Carolina Business Directory. The material con- 
tained in these two sources, although not in total agreement 



Private Banks in North Carolina 



37 



nor comprehensive in nature, furnishes the most accurate in- 
formation available about these early banks. Bankers Maga- 
zine of October, 1865, listed the following private banks: 



James Dawson 

William L. Smith 

Joseph Wilkins 

John H. Everson 

S. T. Jones and Company 

Baker, Couper and Company 

George W. Swepson 

G. H. Bennett 

B. F. Grady 

John G. Williams and Company 



Wilmington 

Wilmington 

Wilmington 

New Bern 

New Bern 

Raleigh 

Raleigh 

Raleigh 

Raleigh 

Raleigh 4 



A glance at the list presented by the same magazine, ten 
months later, shows the rapidity of the changes which oc- 
curred in private banking. Of the twelve banks named, only 
three had been in operation in October, 1865. This means 
that seven of the ten banking institutions of 1865 were either 
no longer in operation or did not report to Bankers Magazine, 
and that nine new organizations had come upon the scene. 
The names of the private banks in operation in August, 1866, 
with their New York correspondents, are shown below: 



Banks 

R. W. Lawson and 

Company 
P. A. Wiley and 

Company 
Disoway and Guion 



Location 

Charlotte 
Fayetteville 
New Bern 
New Bern 



S. T. Jones and 

Company 
R. H. Rountree and New Bern 

Company 
John G. Williams and Raleigh 

Company 
Burbank and Gallagher Washington 
Burrus Brothers Wilmington 



Neiv York 
Correspondents 

Manning and Forest 

National Bank of the 

Republic 
Harrison, Garth and 

Company 
First National Bank and 

Hawes and Macy 
Lawrence Brothers and 

Company 
National Bank of the 

Republic 
Hawes and Macy 
McKim Brothers and 

Company 



'Bankers Magazine, XX (October, 1865), 340, 



38 



The North Carolina Historical Review 



Banks 



James Dawson 
B. F. Grady and 

Company 
Wilkinson and 

Company 



Location 



Wilmington 
Wilmington 

Wilmington 



New York 
Correspondents 

Marine National Bank 
Importers and Traders 

National Bank 
Harrison, Garth and 

Company 5 



In 1867 there were still twelve banks in operation but there 
had been a number of changes since August, 1866. Four 
banks had dropped out and four new banks had been added. 
The list for this year was as follows: 



Banks 

Brenizer, Kellogg and Company 

Steele and Company 

James G. Cook 

P. A. Wiley and Company 

Disoway and Guion 

S. T. Jones and Company 

Rountree and Company 

John G. Williams and Company 

Sprague Brothers 

Burrus and Brothers 

Grady and Company 

James Wilkinson 



Location 

Greensboro 

Greensboro 

Fayetteville 

Fayetteville 

New Bern 

New Bern 

New Bern 

Raleigh 

Salisbury 

Wilmington 

Wilmington 

Wilmington 6 



By 1868 the situation had changed still further. The cur- 
rent edition of the North Carolina Business Directory had 
dropped Burrus and Brothers, James G. Cook, Grady and 
Company, and James Wilkinson from its list and had added 
Wilson and Shober of Greensboro, T. W. Dewey of Char- 
lotte, and Russell Chapman of Tarboro. Brenizer and Kellogg 
had taken a new partner, Hugh Peters, and were operating 
under the name of the City Bank of Charlotte. 7 

By 1869 other changes had occurred. Henry G. Kellogg 
was operating independently from the City Bank of Char- 



5 Bankers Magazine, XXI (August, 1866), 135. 
North Carolina Business Directory, 1866-1867, 108. 
7 Branson's Business Directory, 1867-68 (Raleigh: 
1868), 122. 



E. C. Branson, 



Private Banks in North Carolina 39 

lotte, Roundtree had taken a new partner and L. S. Webb 
and A. Day had appeared in Goldsboro. A number of these 
early private bankers had been connected previously with 
some of the pre-war banks. A. W. Steele, S. T. Jones, T. W. 
Dewey, and Russell Chapman had been in the employ of 
the Bank of North Carolina at the Fayetteville, New Bern, 
Charlotte, and Tarboro branches respectively, L. S. Webb 
had operated an agency of the Bank of North Carolina at 
Windsor. 

By 1871 the number of private banks had fallen to six. 
This decrease was primarily due to the affiliation of a number 
of the private bankers with national institutions. John G. Wil- 
liams of Raleigh organized and became president of the State 
National Bank of Raleigh in 1868; Edwin Burrus was elected 
president of the First National Bank of Wilmington; John G. 
Guion was appointed cashier of the First National Bank of 
New Bern; P. A. Wiley became cashier of the Citizens Na- 
tional Bank of New Bern; and A. G. Brenizer was selected as 
the first cashier of the Commercial National Bank of Char- 
lotte. 

Growth and Importance of Private Banks 

1871-1906 

From 1871 to 1898 the number of private banks in opera- 
tion increased from six to twenty-one. During this same peri- 
od the number of state chartered banks (including commer- 
cial and saving ) increased from two to fifty, and the number 
of national institutions rose from nine to twenty-seven. Al- 
though records of total resources are not available to prove 
it, the private bank was of more importance to the economy 
of North Carolina between 1865 and 1887 than in later years. 
Their principal value during this period lay in the fact that 
other types of banks were not available in sufficient number 
to serve the people of the State. Private banks outnumbered 
state banks during eighteen of the twenty-three years be- 
tween 1865 and 1887, and ran a close second to national 
banks from the standpoint of numbers during most of these 
years. In 1888 state chartered banks forged ahead of pri- 



40 The North Carolina Historical Review 

vate banks in number and after that date the majority of new 
banks were organized under state charters. Table I shows 
the number of banks of different types in operation for each 
year from 1871 through 1906. 

Some indication of the importance of private banks after 
1887 may be secured from a study of their total resources. In 
1887 the North Carolina General Assembly made it manda- 
tory that all banks file financial statements 8 with state offi- 
cials, and reasonably accurate information is available begin- 
ning with 1888. From $1.1 million in 1888, resources in- 
creased to a high of about $2.4 million in 1900. During this 
period private banks accounted for approximately one- 
twelfth of total banking resources. Percentages ranged from 
a high of 8.7 in 1888 to a low of 6.1 in 1892. The percentage 
of resources held by state chartered banks, including com- 
mercial and savings, rose from 30 per cent in 1888 to approx- 
imately 42 per cent in 1900. The proportion held by national 
banks declined from about 60 per cent to 50 per cent during 
the same period. 9 

Practices of Private Banks 

Judged by present day standards, the practices of the pri- 
vate banks during the private era were loose and slipshod. 
Many private banks were known by two different names. For 

TABLE I 

Banks in Operation in North Carolina 

1871-1906 



1 




State 






Year 


Private 


Chartered* 


National 


Total 


1871 


6 


2 


9 


17 


1872 


7 


8 


10 


25 


1873 


9 


11 


10 


30 


1874 


9 


11 


11 


31 


1875 


9 


11 


11 


31 



8 Laws of North Carolina, 1887, 398-401. 

"Compiled from data contained in Annual Report of the Comptroller of 
the Currency, 1888-1901, passim; "Reports of Condition of State Banks," 
Annual Report of the North Carolina Corporation Commission, 1899, 338- 
399; 1901, 398-399. 



Private Banks in North Carolina 41 







State 






Year 


Private 


Chartered* 


National 


Total 


1876 


9 


9 


15 


33 


1877 


9 


7 


15 


31 


1878 


10 


7 


15 


32 


1879 


11 


8 


15 


34 


1880 


9 


8 


15 


32 


1881 


10 


7 


15 


32 


1882 


9 


8 


15 


32 


1883 


14 


8 


15 


37 


1884 


13 


8 


15 


36 


1885 


16 


10 


15 


41 


1886 


15 


10 


17 


42 


1887 


14 


12 


18 


44 


1888 


10 


20 


18 


48 


1889 


11 


25 


19 


55 


1890 


13 


25 


21 


59 


1891 


13 


33 


22 


68 


1892 


13 


37 


23 


73 


1893 


15 


38 


22 


75 


1894 


16 


41 


26 


83 


1895 


16 


41 


27 


84 


1896 


17 


47 


28 


92 


1897 


16 


51 


27 


94 


1898 


21 


50 


27 


98 


1899 


21 


60 


29 


110 


1900 


20 


69 


31 


120 


1901 


19 


97 


31 


147 


1902 


21 


96 


38 


155 


1903 


7 


141 


42 


190 


1904 


7 


176 


44 


227 


1905 


3 


216 


49 


268 


1906 


1 


252 


53 


306 10 













*The figures for state chartered banks include both commercial and sav- 
ings banks. 

10 James W. Albright, Greensboro, 1808-1 90 A: Facts, Figures, Traditions, 
and Reminiscences (Greensboro: Jas. J. Stone and Co., 1904), 17, 59-62; 
Moses N. Amis, Historical Raleigh: Historical, Industrial, Commercial, 
Educational, Religious, and Statistical (Raleigh: Edwards and Broughton, 
1887), 72, 100, 124; Moses N. Amis, Historical Raleigh: From Its Founda- 
tions in 1792 (Raleigh: Edwards and Broughton, 1902), 147, 154, 159, 207, 
217; Banker's Directory, 1876 (New York: Rand-McNally, Inc., 1876), 
passim; William K. Boyd, The Story of Durham (Durham: Duke Univer- 
sity Press, 1925), 116-117; Bettie D. Caldwell, Founders and Builders of 
Greensboro, 1808-1908 (Greensboro: Jas. J. Stone and Co., 1925), 113; 
Adelaide L. Fries, and others, Forsyth County: A County on the March 
(Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1949), 182-185; 






42 The North Carolina Historical Review 

example, William H. S. Burgwyn and Company of Hender- 
sonville was sometimes referred to as the Bank of Henderson; 
the bank of S. H. Buchanan of Jonesboro was also known 
as the Bank of Jonesboro; the firm of S. H. Loftin, Banker, 
was often referred to as the Bank of Kinston; and Ward and 
Company of Murfreesboro was often called the Bank of Mur- 
freesboro. This makes it difficult to trace the development of 
the institutions and to determine accurately their status. 

Many private banks were careless in keeping records and 
in filing reports. Most private banks complied with the 1887 
law under which all banks were required to submit periodic 
reports to state officials but many of these reports were in- 
complete. For example, of the fourteen private institutions 
submitting reports in 1887 only five gave information con- 
cerning the rate of profit. In 1899, only two of twenty-two 
institutions gave such information. In 1887, only eight banks 
reported on the rate of interest paid on deposits, and in 1899 
only five of the 22 banks replied to this question. 

One banker, J. B. Bonner, who operated a combination 
store and bank in Aurora from 1888 to 1895, included his 
personal property as an asset of the bank. The following no- 
tation was found in the balance sheet of this institution for 

Clarence W. Griffin, The History of Old Tryon and Rutherford Counties 
(Asheville: The Miller Printing Co., 1937), 389-391, 517-523; High Point 
Chamber of Commerce, High Point, The Building and Builders of a City 
(High Point: Hall Printing Co., 1947), 241-245; I. Smith Homans, (ed.), 
Homans Bankers Almanac, 1873-1900 (New York: Office of the Bankers 
Magazine and Statistical Register, 1873-1900), passim; John A. Oates, The 
Story of Fayetteville (Charlotte: The Dowd Press, Inc., 1950), 558-561; 
Joseph H. Separk (ed.), Gastonia and Gaston County, North Carolina, 
1846-1949 (Kingsport, Tenn.: Kingsport Press, Inc., 1936), 124-128; F. A. 
Sondley, A History of Buncombe County, North Carolina (Asheville,: The 
Advocate Printing Co., 1930), II, 724; Gertrude S. Carraway, "History of 
Banking in Craven County," Tarheel Bankers (April, 1941), XIX, 23-26; 
Records of tax returns contained in State Auditor Report, State of North 
Carolina, 1871-1899, passim; North Carolina Corporation Commission, Re- 
ports of Condition of State Banks, 1899-1906, passim; Annual Reports of 
the Comptroller of the Currency, 1872-1907, passim; Private Laws of North 
Carolina, 1871-1906, passim. The following material located in the Depart- 
ment of Archives and History, Raleigh: "List of Private Banks and Bank- 
ers in North Carolina" (no date), in box labeled State Treasurer — Miscel- 
laneous Bank Material, 1804-1920; Original Reports of Condition of Banks, 
1887-1899, in boxes labeled Bank Reports; Original Bank Examiners Re- 
ports, 1887-1899, in boxes labeled Bank Reports; Return of Share and Value 
of Stock, 1877-1886; State Treasurer, Corporation and Franchise Taxes, 
filed in box (no date on box) ; "State Treasurer Receipts," filed in box, 
Taxes Collected by the Sheriff, 1871-1876; State Treasurer Records, 1871- 
1895, filed in boxes labeled Tax Return on Banks. 



L 



Private Banks in North Carolina 43 

the year 1888: "personal property consisting of stock of goods, 
mules, horses, cattle, hogs, etc. $3,284." u 

An analysis of the composition of assets and liabilities of 
the different types of banks in North Carolina reveals a num- 
ber of differences in banking practices of the private institu- 
tions as compared with state and national banks. 

Loans and discounts have traditionally been the major 
source of profit for commercial banks. Throughout the period 
from 1888 through 1902 loans composed the bulk of assets 
for all types of banks but during every year a larger percent- 
age of assets of state banks was represented by this type of 
asset than was the case in private banks. During most of these 
years a larger percentage of resources of national banks was 
represented by loans and discounts than in private banks but 
the difference was not so pronounced as that between state 
and private institutions. The reason for this difference is a 
matter of some conjecture but it was likely due to the fact 
that most of the private banks were located in small towns 
and the opportunities to make acceptable short term loans to 
business men were not so numerous as they were in the larger 
towns in which state and national banks were located. 

Prior to 1899 there was little difference in the proportion 
of assets represented by securities in state and private banks 
but the proportion of assets invested in securities by private 
banks jumped from 2.6 in 1898 to 9.5 in 1899. By 1901 this 
figure had risen to 16.1 per cent and by 1902 it had fallen to 
11.1. In state banks, on the other hand, the percentage re- 
mained about the same, ranging from 3.2 to 4.6. Again, the 
reason for this difference is a matter of some question. Since 
a large portion of the investments were in corporate securities 
it may be that private banks, disregarding one of the basic 
principles of banking— the maintenance of liquidity— were 
attracted to these corporate securities, because of the prom- 
ise of success of manufacturing industries in the State. The 
proportion of assets represented by securities was much 
higher in National Banks because they were required to keep 
a certain amount of U. S. government bonds. 

11 "Report of J. B. Bonner, Banker, 1888," filed in box marked Bank Re- 
ports, North Carolina Department of Archives and History, Raleigh, here- 
inafter cited Bank Reports. 






44 The North Carolina Historical Review 

One type of asset that has always given the banker trouble 
—the overdraft— was apparently a much more serious prob- 
lem for private banks than for state and national institutions. 
Private banks consistently had a larger proportion of assets 
tied up in overdrafts than did state banks, and national banks 
listed no such item. This is probably explained by the closer 
relationship existing between bankers and customers in the 
small towns in which most private banks were located than 
in the larger towns in which other types of banks were in 
operation. Permitting overdrafts is undoubtedly poor bank- 
ing practice but the small institutions apparently believed 
that they could not afford to offend customers by refusing to 
honor checks on accounts which contained insufficient funds. 

Marked differences in the practices of private banks as 
compared with other types of banks may also be noted from 
a study of the composition of the liabilities of the three types 
of institutions. Generally, the proportion of liabilities repre- 
sented by the capital accounts (paid-in capital, surplus and 
undivided profits) gives some indication of the size of the 
cushion for depositors in times of financial stringency. This 
means that the higher the proportion of capital accounts to 
liabilities the more secure the position of the depositor. From 
this standpoint, the private banks were in a weaker position 
than state and national institutions. In fourteen of the fifteen 
years between 1888 and 1902 state and national banks main- 
tained a higher capital account-liability ratio than did pri- 
vate institutions. 

As might be expected, deposits composed the bulk of lia- 
bilities for all types of banks. Until 1892 a smaller proportion 
of the liabilities of private banks was represented by depos- 
its than in the case of state and national banks but for the 
majority of the years after 1892 the reverse was true. 

Private bankers apparently made little or no attempt to 
impress their customers or prospective customers with large 
bank buildings or expensive bank fixtures. In 1902 the total 
value of banking houses and fixtures for twenty-one private 
banking institutions was only $26,476. The Gastonia Bank- 
ing Company had the highest investment in banking house 
and equipment— $4,497. Ten banks reported building and fix- 



Private Banks in North Carolina 45 

tures to be worth $1,000 or less. The average of $1,260 per 
private bank was in marked contrast to the figure of $4,484 
for state banks and $9,868 for national institutions. 12 

Since private banks maintained a larger percentage of their 
assets in less liquid funds— real estate and corporate securi- 
ties—since they were more lax in allowing overdrafts, and 
since they maintained a smaller capital account-liability ratio 
it might be assumed that their failure rate would be much 
higher than other types of institutions. Actually, in the case 
of private and state banks it is difficult to determine whether 
a bank failed or simply "went out of business" prior to 1888. 
In the case of national banks the records are complete since 
the beginning of the national banking system and it is an 
easy matter to determine the number of failures. The rec- 
ords which are available disclose only three failures of pri- 
vate banks out of about 110 which were at one time or an- 
other in operation between 1865 and 1902. During the same 
period there were apparently ten failures out of 153 state 
banks and six failures of 55 national banks. Granting the pos- 
sible inaccuracy of the records for private banks it can be 
seen that the failure rate compared favorably with that of 
other types of institutions. 

Some Interesting Private Bankers 

At this point it seems appropriate to mention some of the 
early private bankers. 

John G. Williams came into Raleigh with the Union Sol- 
diers in 1865 and established a private bank. In 1868 he or- 
ganized the State National Bank of Raleigh and was elected 
president of that institution. While serving as president of 
the national bank he apparently continued to conduct a pri- 
vate banking business and made loans to those individuals 
who could not meet the loan requirements of the national 
banking system. 13 

12 Annual Report of the North Carolina Corporation Commission, 1902, 
359. Annual Report of the Comptroller of the Currency, 1903. 

u Statement of White and Cross, Statement made in court by Charles C. 
Cross at his trial in connection with the failure of the State National 
Bank in 1888 (no imprint). Filed in miscellaneous banking documents in 
the University of North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill. 



46 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Heath Brothers Bank, which operated in Charlotte 
from 1890 to 1896, was an interesting institution. According 
to the state bank examiner's report for 1895 this bank and the 
firm of O. P. Heath, cotton buyer, were one and the same. 
Banking privileges were claimed and bank taxes were paid 
in order that the cotton buyers could more easily finance their 
operations. The report of 1895 showed that the bank had 
loans and discounts of $153,540.26, which had been granted 
to O. P. Heath, cotton buyer. Of this amount, $125,000 was 
represented by a note by O. P. Heath on September 1, 1895. 
Of the proceeds of this note, $72,226.19 had been drawn out 
by Heath and the remainder was shown as a deposit. 14 

The bank of Carpenter and Morrow of Rutherfordton was 
probably typical of many of the private banks. K. J. Carpen- 
ter and D. F. Morrow had conducted a general merchandise 
store for a number of years, and finding it difficult to handle 
money in paying expenses, decided in 1891 to open a bank. 15 
They changed their stationary to read "Carpenter and Mor- 
row, Merchants and Bankers" and provided a small space in 
a front corner of the store for the bank. The scale of opera- 
tions was small as indicated by the fact that deposits during 
the first year were reported as less than $2,000. It is said that 
these bankers were the first to institute the use of checks in 
that section of the state. This experiment apparently created 
considerable interest as evidenced by the fact that it was 
recorded in one of the histories of the county. 16 Morrow had 
a number of checks printed and persuaded one A. L. Grayson 
to send a check to Raleigh instead of a money order. There 
was some doubt as to whether or not the check would be 
honored. Payment was made and "that was the beginning of 
check writing in the county." 17 

The Craig and Jenkins Bank of Gastonia was also located 
in a store. In 1887 L. L. Jenkins, just out of college, saw the 
opportunity for a profit in a bank, and formed a partnership 

14 Examiner's Report for Heath Brothers Bank, 1895, filed in box marked 
Bank Reports. 

15 Clarence W. Griffin, The History of Old Tryon and Rutherford Counties 
(Asheville: The Miller Printing Company, Inc., 1937), 389, hereinafter 
cited Griffin, The History of Old Tryon and Rutherford Counties. 

10 Griffin, The History of Old Tryon and Rutherford Counties, 389. 
17 Griffin, The History of Old Tryon and Rutherford Counties, 389. 



Private Banks in North Carolina 47 

with his brother-in-law, John H. Craig. Each man invested 
$5,000 and their venture was successful from the beginning. 
It was reported that during the early years the bank safe con- 
sisted of a money belt. 18 (There is no information available 
concerning the determination of which partner could carry 
the money belt.) This bank was converted to the First Na- 
tional Bank of Gastonia in 1890. 

William Webb's Bank of Louisburg had the distinction of 
being the only private bank with a branch. Webb opened the 
Bank of Louisburg in 1890, and intent on broadening the 
scope of his operation, he opened a branch in Nashville in 
1895. Webb did not follow the usual practice of identifying 
the branch with the parent by calling it the Nashville Branch 
of the Bank of Louisburg. The branch was named the Bank 
of Nashville. This banking system operated for only a short 
while. Both the parent and the branch closed in 1897 after 
the state bank examiner reported unfavorably upon them. 19 

Of the more than one hundred banks that were opened 
between 1865 and 1905 only a small number were in opera- 
tion for any length of time. Two banks— Guirkin and Com- 
pany of Elizabeth City and Branch and Company of Wilson 
—operated for twenty-seven years each. Only seventeen 
banks were in operation for ten years or longer. The names 
and other pertinent information about these banks are shown 
in the appendix. 

The End of the Private Banking Era 

Just as one law— the federal act of 1865 which placed a ten 
per cent tax on state bank notes— was in a large measure re- 
sponsible for the growth of private banks in North Carolina; 
so was another law, the act of 1903 which allowed banks to 
secure a charter under general incorporation laws, respon- 
sible for the end of private banking in the State. Prior to 1903 
each bank charter had to be secured by a special act of the 
North Carolina General Assembly. This process was expen- 

18 Joseph H. Separk, Gastonia and Gaston County, North Carolina (Kings- 
port, Tennessee: Kingsport Press, Inc., 1949), 124. 

18 "Reports of Condition of Banks," 1895-1897, Department of Archives 
and History. 



48 



The North Carolina Historical Review 



sive and time-consuming. Furthermore, it involved problems 
of politics. Consequently, many bankers chose to operate as 
private institutions rather than to seek a charter. Under the 
1903 law, three or more individuals, by following certain 
well-defined procedures, could secure a bank charter from 
the Secretary of State of North Carolina. Within a few 
months after the enactment of this law fifteen private banks 
converted to state chartered institutions. By the end of 1903 
there were only seven private banks. By the end of 1904 the 
number had fallen to three, and by the end of 1906 there was 
only one private bank in operation. The era of private bank- 
ing was at an end in North Carolina. 

APPENDIX 
Important Private Banks in North Carolina 



Name and 
Location of bank 

Wilson and Shober 
Guirkin and Company 
Elizabeth City 
Branch and Hadley 
Wilson 



1865-1905 

Period of operation Remarks 



1868-1878 
1871-1898 

1872-1899 



D. A. Davis 
Salisbury 



1872-1889 



Clinton Loan Association 1873-1891 

Clinton 

E. Sluder 1876-1891 

Asheville 



Eugene Morehead 

Durham 

S. H. Loftin 

Kinston 

S. H. Buchanan 



1878-1889 
1883-1900 
1883-1902 



Closed 1878. 
Closed 1898. 

Began in 1872 as Branch 
and Hadley. Became 
Branch and Company in 
1887. Incorporated 1887 
but operated as a private 
bank until end of 1899. 
Became Davis and Wiley 
in 1882. Incorporated in 
1889. 
Closed in 1891. 

Became Sluder and Bar- 
nard in 1884. Closed in 
1891. 
Incorporated in 1889. 

Known as Bank of Kin- 
ston. Closed in 1900. 
Also known as Bank of 



Private Banks in North Carolina 



49 



Name and 
Location of bank 

Jonesboro 

H. D. Lee and Company 
Shelby 

W. H. S. Burgwyn 
Hendersonville 

C. M. Brown 

Washington 

J. R. B. Hathaway 

Edenton 

Gillom and Lyon 

Windsor 

Scotland Neck Bank 

Scotland Neck 

Gardner and Jeffreys 

Warrenton 

Bank of Lenoir 

Lenoir 



Period of operation Remarks 

Jonesboro. Closed in 

1900. 
1880-1895 Predecessor of B. Blan- 

ton and Company which 

closed in 1903. 
1883-1894 Also known as the Bank 

of Henderson. Closed in 

1894. 
1883-1893 Became Beaufort County 

Bank. 
1884-1895 Closed in 1895. 

1889-1901 Incorporated in 1901 as 

Bank of Windsor. 
1891-1901 Incorporated 1901. 

1891-1905 Closed 1905. 
1894-1904 Incorporated in 1904. 1 



1 Bankers' s Directory 1876 (New York: Rand-McNally, Inc., 1876), pas- 
sim; William K. Boyd, The Story of Durham (Durham: Duke University 
Press, 1925), 116-117; I. Smith Homans, (ed.), Homans Bankers Almanac, 
1873-1900 (New York: Office of the Bankers Magazine and Statistical Reg- 
ister, 1873-1900), passim; F. A. Sondley, A History of Buncombe County, 
North Carolina (Asheville: The Advocate Printing Co., 1930), II, 724; 
records of tax returns contained in State Auditor Report, State of North 
Carolina, 1871-1899, passim; North Carolina Corporation Commission, Re- 
ports of Condition of State Banks, 1899-1906, passim; Private Laws of 
North Carolina, 1871-1906, passim. The following material was located in 
the State Department of Archives and History, Raleigh: Original Reports 
of Condition of Banks, 1887-1899, in boxes labeled Bank Reports; Original 
Bank Examiners Reports, 1887-1899, in boxes labeled Bank Reports; "State 
Treasurer Receipts," filed in box Taxes Collected by the Sheriff, 1871-1876; 
State Treasurer Records, 1871-1895, filed in boxes labeled Tax Return on 
Banks; "List of Private Banks and Bankers in North Carolina" (no date), 
in box labeled State Treasurer-Miscellaneous Bank Material 1804-1920. 



EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY NORTH CAROLINA 
IMPRINTS: A REVISION AND SUPPLEMENT 

TO McMURTRIE 

By William S. Powell* 

Until presses cease to publish new books and until all in- 
terest in old books has long been dead it will be impossible 
to prepare a perfect bibliography. In 1938 the University of 
North Carolina Press published Douglas C. McMurtrie's 
bibliography, Eighteenth Century North Carolina Imprints, 
11 '49-1800. * in an edition of two hundred copies. This was an 
extension of the pioneer work in the field by Stephen B. 
Weeks whose Press of North Carolina in the Eighteenth 
Century appeared in 1891. 2 Weeks located 76 imprints; Mc- 
Murtrie located 237. In addition to located copies of books 
printed in North Carolina in the eighteenth century, how- 
ever, both men recorded information concerning books which 
they had reason to believe were printed but, to the best of 
their knowledge, no longer survived. 

The list of eighteenth-century North Carolina imprints has 
now been further extended by the location of copies of 32 
titles unknown to either Weeks or McMurtrie and by the lo- 
cation of copies of nine volumes or broadsides about which 
they had some information but which they could not locate. 
Although no copy has been located, evidence has also 
been found that a broadside was issued in 1791 over Isaac 
Guion's signature. 

While McMurtrie specifically disclaimed any attempt to 
locate every extant copy, in his list of imprints he did record 
that "a quite diligent effort has been made to ascertain what 
was to be found in the principal libraries, especially those of 
North Carolina, and in a number of highly specialized libra- 
ries elsewhere, such as the Baptist and Masonic collections." 3 

*Mr. William S. Powell is Assistant Librarian, North Carolina Collec- 
tion, University of North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill. 

1 McMurtie's work first appeared in The North Carolina Historical Re- 
view, X (July, 1933), 214-234; XIII (January, April, July, 1936), 47-86, 
143-166, 219-254. 

2 Stephen B. Weeks, The Press of North Carolina in the Eighteenth Cen- 
tury (Brooklyn, New York: Historical Printing Club, 1891). 

3 Douglas C. McMurtrie, Eighteenth Century North Carolina Imprints, 
1749-1800 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1938), 18. 

[50] 



Eighteenth-Century Imprints 51 

The maximum number of copies which he located of any one 
title was 29 so we may assume that his recording of locations 
was not on a selective basis; instead it would appear that he 
located all copies known to him. 

Among nearly 60 of the located titles in McMurtrie's work 
it is now possible to locate additional copies. For others it is 
necessary to report that copies have "migrated" and in a few 
cases it is well to note minor errors which made an unfortu- 
nate appearance in his volume. In a few cases additional in- 
formation is supplied. 

New or changed location symbols (in addition to those in 
McMurtrie, pages 25-26) are: 

Broadfoot Winston Broadfoot, Hillsboro. 

Clarkson Francis 0. Clarkson, Charlotte. 

Cotten Bruce Cotten Collection, Uni- 

versity of North Carolina 
Library, Chapel Hill 

Davis T. L. Davis, Wilson 

First Presbyterian Church First Presbyterian Church, 

Fayetteville. 

KyU University of Kentucky, Lex- 

ington. 

MiU-C William L. Clements Library, 

University of Michigan, Ann 
Arbor. 

Nc-Ar State Department of Archives 

and History, Raleigh. 
(Formerly NcHiC) 

Powell William S. Powell, Chapel Hill. 

PPL-R Library Company of Philadel- 

phia, Ridgeway Branch. 

Roberts Dr. B. W. Roberts, Durham. 

Ruffin William H. Ruffin, Durham. 

ScU University of South Carolina, 

Columbia. 

ViRU University of Richmond, Vir- 

ginia. 

ViU University of Virginia, Char- 

lottesville. 

ViWC Colonial Williamsburg, Wil- 

liamsburg, Va. 

Wood Mrs. J, G, Wood, Edenton. 



52 



The North Carolina Historical Review 



McMurtrie 
Entry 

Number Date 
1 1749 



1751 



7 


1752 


11 


1753 


21 


1756 


37 


1762 


48 


1765 



51 



59 



1776 



1770 



69 



1773 A 



70 



1774 



Comment 

Reprinted in facsimile, 1949, by the State De- 
partment of Archives and History, Raleigh, 
N.C. 

NcU copy does not have pages 331-353 which 
lends strength to McMurtrie's statement un- 
der No. 4 that these pages were issued sep- 
arately. Sixteenth line from bottom change 
"Samuel" to "Stephen." Nc-Law now has two 
copies. 

NcD now has. 

DLC now has. 

The first word in the title is "To" which ob- 
viously should be "A" as supplied by Mc- 
Murtrie. 

NcU, DLC, MiU-C now have copies. 

This imprint is identical with pages 387-393, 
No. 50, and probably is an extract or separate 
printing from that volume. 

Pagination of this imprint would indicate that 
it was designed to follow page 393, the back 
of which is blank, in No. 50. 

NcU has imperfect copy (pages 3, 80-104, sup- 
plied in photostat, page 4 typed). ICN, 
PPL-R, MiU-C now have copies. In 1853 
William D. Cooke, compiler of Revolutionary 
History of North Carolina published that 
year in Raleigh, mentioned, among the sourc- 
es used in a section of the book, "Herman 
Husband's small volume on the doings of the 
Regulators, (of which the present writer 
possesses a perfect copy) ." 
variant copy at NcU has pages 567-612 fol- 
lowing the nine-page "A Table to the Laws 
of North Carolina" with which other copies 
end. This is identical with No. 74 except that 
it does not have a separate title page. Un- 
doubtedly copies of the Revisal remaining 
unsold with the printer after the laws passed 
at the 1774 session of the General Assembly 
were printed had these extra pages added. 

Powell now has. 



Eighteenth-Century Imprints 53 

74 1774 Delete "(last leaf blank)." See note under 

No. 69 for explanation of pagination of this 
imprint. In 1908 thirty-one copies of this 
imprint were made by "photo-facsimile" 
process by the Statute Law Book Co., Wash- 
ington, D. C. NcU has a copy of this repro- 
duction. 
80 1775 Correct [Newbern? 1755?] to read [Newbern? 

1775?]. 

MiU-C now has. 

Seventh line from bottom correct "Hopper" to 
read "Hooper." 

NcU has imperfect copy. Title page and pages 
81-84 supplied in photostat. 

Size is 30 x 19 cm. 

DLC now has. 

DLC now has. 

DLC now has. 

DLC now has. 

DLC now has. 

DLC now has imperfect copy. Title page and 
contents (two pages) wanting. Page 42 in- 
correctly numbered 38. 

Delete NcU in last line. NcU has only a photo- 
copy. 

Delete NcAS. NcU, ViU now have copies. Cor- 
rect [Edenton? 1788.] to [Newbern? Hodge 
& Wills? 1788] based on typographical simi- 
larity to No. 133a] 

MH now has the copy formerly owned by Matt 
B. Jones. 

ViU now has the copy formerly owned by Matt 
B. Jones. This work appeared in full in The 
State Gazette of North Carolina, September 
15, 1788. In 1947 the volume was reprinted 
by the Tracy W. McGregor Library, Univer- 
sity of Virginia, with an introduction by 
Hugh T. Lefler. 
136 1788 DLC, PHi now have. 

142 1789 We must disagree with McMurtrie's statement 

that "it seem[s] likely that this work was of 
local authorship and manufacture." This 
title is cited in Frank P. Hill, American Plays 
Printed, 1714-1880 (Stanford University: 
Stanford University Press, 1934), as pub- 



82 


1775 


88 


1775 


93 


1777 


99 


1778 


104 


1779 


105 


1779 


106 


1779 


107 


1780 


108 


1780 


125 


1786 


127 


1787 


132 


1788 


133 


1788 


133a 


1788 



/^ 



54 The North Carolina Historical Review 

lished in New York in 1789. The scene of the 

play is New York. 
Nc-Ar now has. 
NcU now has. 
NcD now has. 
NcD now has. Ruffin has imperfect copy (pages 

28-41 wanting). 
Nc-Ar now has. 

KyU, Broadfoot (2 copies) now have. 
Broadfoot now has. 
The Andrews Library, cited by McMurtrie, has 

now been dispersed. Clarkson, NcD, ScU now 

have. 
NcU now has. 
Broadfoot now has. 
NcU, Cotten now have. 
Broadfoot now has. 

NcU, NcD, Broadfoot, Powell, Ruffin now have. 
Broadfoot now has. 
KyU, ScU now have. 
NcD, Roberts now have. Delete final s from 

"seems" third line from bottom. 
Broadfoot now has. 
NcD, Broadfoot now have. 
NcU now has. Delete "Cotten" in last line. 
Broadfoot now has. 
Delete "(imperfect)" and substitute "(2 

copies)" in last line. 
NcU now has. Delete "Cotten" in last line. 
NcU now has. 
DLC now has. 
Broadfoot now has. 
NcU now has. 

NcU now has. Delete "Cotten" in last line. 
Third line from bottom add "[2], 36, [l]p." 
NcU now has. 
NcD, Broadfoot now have. 
Broadfoot now has. Sixth line from top 

insert / between "first" and "Session." 
Delete "Cotten." Correct [401] p. to read [40] p. 
Broadfoot now has. 
DLC now has. 
DLC (2 copies), Broadfoot now have. Insert 

/ in line seven between "First" and "Ses- 



143 


1789 


145 


1789 


148 


1789 


149 


1789 


165 


1791 


170 


1791 


179 


1792 


180 


1792 


181 


1792 


187 


1793 


190 


1794 


196 


1794 


197 


1794 


198 


1794 


199 


1794 


200 


1794 


210 


1795 


211 


1795 


216 


1796 


224 


1796 


226 


1796 


230 


1797 


232 


1797 


233 


1797 


237 


1797 


239 


1797 


248 


1798 


250 


1798 


253 


1798 


256 


1798 


257 


1798 


258 


1798 


265 


1799 


268 


1799 


269 


1799 



Eighteenth-Century Imprints 55 

sion." It would seem more likely that this 
was printed by Abraham Hodge in Halifax. 

271 1799 Cotten, Powell now have. As a means of pub- 

lishing the laws, selected newspapers were 
paid to issue them as Supplements. Hodge 
issued four-page supplements to each issue 
of his North Carolina Journal from No. 357 
through No. 390 with the exception of Nos. 
358, 362, and 378. Paging is continuous, how- 
ever. No. 390 appeared on January 6, 1800. 

272 1799 ICN now has the copy listed in the Anderson 

Catalogue. (Cotten and Powell are recorded 
as owning this with the complete file de- 
scribed as No. 271.) This is the Supplement 
to the North Carolina Journal, No. 390, Jan- 
uary 6, 1800 (See No. 271) and logically 
should not be entered as a separate imprint. 

273 1800 NcU now has. Third line from bottom insert 

"&" between "Hodge" and "Boylan." Also 
printed in Philadelphia in 1800 by Z. Poulson, 
Jr. 

274 1800 DLC now has. 

281 1800 Evans 37867 erroneously locates a copy at Har- 
vard. The National Union Catalog, Library 
of Congress, reports American Imprints slip 
has "MH No. 266" written on it, "which 
number may refer to a collection of Wash- 
ington eulogies or a volume." Efforts to lo- 
cate a copy have been fruitless. 
Broadfoot now has. 
Broadfoot now has. 

Cotten, MWA, Powell now have. A series of 
seven four-page Supplements to Nos. 409, 
410, 412, 417, 421-423 of the North Carolina 
Journal. Apparently issued without separate 
title page. 

290 1800 NcU now has. 

D17 1791 Is Evans' 23727. Printed in Virginia. 

D26 1793 1973 is obviously a misprint for 1793. 



286 


1800 


287 


1800 


289 


1800 



56 



The North Carolina Historical Review 



McMurtrie 
Entry 

Number* Date 
8 1753 



1755 



Additional and Newly Located Imprints 

[Hall, Clement] 

A/Collection/of Many/Christian Exper- 
iences, Sentences,/ and Several/Places of 
Scripture Improved :/Also, /Some short and 
plain Directions and Prayers/for sick Per- 
sons; with serious Advice to Persons/who 
have been sick, to be by them perused and 
put/in Practice as soon as they are recover- 
ed; and a/Thanksgiving for Recovery./To 
which is added/Morning and Evening Pray- 
ers for Families and Chil-/dren, Directions 
for the Lord's-Day, and some Cautions/ 
against Indecencies in Time of Divine Serv- 
ice, &c./Collected and Composed for the 
Spiritual Good of his Parish-/oners, and 
others./ [Rule] /By C. H. Missionary to the 
Honourable Society for the Propaga-/tion 
of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, and Rector 
of St. Paul's/ Parish, in North-Carolina./ 
[Rule] / [5-line quotation] / [Rule] /Newbern : 
/Printed by James Davis, M,DCC,LIII./ 
I6V2 x 10% cm. 51p. 

A second title page on page 25 : Serious/Ad- 
vice/to/Persons/Who have been Sick;/To 
be by them perused and put in Practice as 
soon as/they are recovered: /With a Thanks- 
giving for Recovery./ [Rule] /Wrote by a 
Minister of the Church of England, for the/ 
spiritual Good of his Parishoners, &c./ [Rule] 
/[Jf-line quotation] / [Rule] / [Group of orna- 
ments] /[Rule] /Newbern: /Printed by James 
Davis, M,DCC,LIII. 

First non-legal book to be written and pub- 
lished in the colony. The author was a native 
of England. NcD. 

North Carolina (Colony). Laws, statutes, etc. 
An Act, for erecting that Part of Rowan 
County called Wachovia, into a/distinct 
Parish. [Newbern: James Davis, 1755?] 
20 x 21 cm. Broadside. 
Caption title; no imprint. 



* The absence of a number in this column indicates that the imprint 
was unknown to McMurtrie. 



* 



Eighteenth-Century Imprints 57 

A separate printing of Chapter XIII, Laws 
of North Carolina, 1755. The anglicized spell- 
ing of Wachovia appears in print for the first 
time in this act. 
NcU. 
47 1765 North Carolina (Colony). House of Assembly. 

The/Journal/of the/House of Assembly./ 
[Line of type ornaments'] / At an Assembly 
begun and held at Wilmington,/the Third 
Day of February, in the Fourth Year of the/ 
Reign of our Sovereign Lord George the 
Third, by the/Grace of God, of Great-Britain, 
France, and Ireland,/King, Defender of the 
Faith, &c. and in the Year of our/Lord One 
Thousand Seven Hundred and Sixty-four; 
and/from thence continued, by several Pro- 
rogations, to the Third/Day of May, in the 
Fifth Year of the Reign of our said/Sover- 
eign Lord George the Third,&c. and in the/ 
Year of our Lord One Thousand Seven Hun- 
dred and Sixty-/five ; to be then held at New- 
bern: Being the Third Session/of this pres- 
ent Assembly./ [Line of type ornaments']/ 
[Rule] /Published by Authority./ [Rule]/ 
Newbern :/Printed by James Davis, M,DCC,- 
LXVI. 

18 x 29 cm. 18p. 
NcU. 

1766 James Davis, Sen. was born the 21st/of 
October, in the Year of Our Lord/MDCC- 
XXI. /Prudence Davis, was born the 22d/of 
November, MDCCXXV./[Lme of type orna- 
ments] /James Davis, Jun. was born the 18 
of/ . . . [Newbern: James Davis, 1766.] 

19 x 13 cm. Broadside. 
No imprint. 

Lists birth dates of James Davis, his wife, 
four sons, and three daughters. Border of 
type ornaments. 
Davis. 
1767 North Carolina (Colony). House of Assembly. 
[Journal of the House. November 20-24, 
1766.] [Newbern : Printed by James Davis, 
1767.] 
25 x 19% cm. Imperfect pages 37-44. 



i 



THE 



JOURNAL 



OF THE 



y 



HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY. 



At an ASSEMBLY begun and held at }Vtlmiugton % 
the Third Day of "February y in the fourth Year oi the 
Reign of our Sovereign Lord GEORGE the Thiid, by the 
Grace of GOD, of Great-Britain, France, and Ireland^ 
King, Defender of the Faith, &c. and in the Year of our 
I oid One Thouftnd Seven Hundred and Sixty-four; pnd 
from thence continued, by feveral Prorogations, to the i fcircl 
Day of May y in the Filth Year cf the Reign cf o\:t fa ; d 
Sovereign Lord GEORGE the Third, &c. and in i!.*? 
Year oi our Loid One Thoufand Seven Hundred and fcjxiy- 
five; to be then he'd at S^uibern : Being the Ihi.d Scflion 
of this preflnt Afllmbly. 



Publi/hed by jaU'I II Q R ITT. 



N E ir B E R N: 
Printed by JAMES DAVIS, M,DCC,LXV. 



Eighteenth-Century Imprints 59 

See McMurtrie's note under Number 47. 
DLC. 

1774 North Carolina (Colony). Governor (Josiah 

Martin) . 

Advertisement./Whereas it appears that 
many Persons have settled in the District of 
this/Province, granted by his late Majesty 
to the Right Honourable John Earl/Gran- 
ville, deceased . . . Newbern, May 3, 177 Jf. 
Jo. Martin. [Newbern: James Davis, 1774.] 

22 x 19 cm. Broadside. 
No imprint. 

Advising persons who, prior to this date, had 
settled on Granville's land expecting to ob- 
tain grants as soon as possible, that it was 
intended that grants be made to them at an 
early date. No grants would be made, how- 
ever, to unauthorized persons taking up lands 
after this date. 
NcU. 

1775 Jarvis, Samuel, and others. 

[Broadside signed by Samuel Jarvis, Solo- 
man Perkins, and Nathan Poyner of Curri- 
tuck County, and Isaac Gregory and Jonathan 
Herring of Pasquotank County, defending 
the withdrawal of Thomas Macknight of Cur- 
rituck, and explaining their own reasons for 
withdrawing from the Provincial Conven- 
tion held at Newbern, April 3-7, 1775.] [New- 
bern? James Davis? 1775.] 

23 x 35 1 / 4 cm. Broadside in two columns. 
No imprint. 

NcU. Wood. 
1775 North Carolina. Provincial Congress. 

At a General Meeting of Delegates of the 
Inhabitants of this Province in Convention, 
at Newbern, the Third Day of April, in the 
Year one thousand seven Hundred and Seven- 
ty-five. . . . [Journal, April 3-7, 1775.] [New- 
bern: James Davis, 1775.] 
211/2 x 30i/o cm. 4p. 

No imprint. At the final session it was 'Re- 
solved, That the Clerk furnish Mr. James 
Davis with a Copy of the Proceedings of this 
Convention, and that Mr. Davis print the 
same." Printed in Colonial Records, IX, 1178- 



ADVERTISEMENT 

WHEREAS it appears that many Perfons have fettled in theJ>Ubri& of this 
. Province, granted by his late Majefty to the Right Honourable John Earl 
Granville, deceafed, (in Lieu of his Right to one undivided eighth Part of 
the Carolina!* under the Grant of King Charles the Second to certain Eight Lords 
Proprietors) and now the Property of the Right Honourable Robert*Earl Gran- 
ville, without any Right, Title, or Claim thereto whatever j and yet .-with Dcfign to 
do JufHce to the faid Earl Granville, and to obtain legal Titles therein when the 
(aid Earl fhould make or authorize any Perfon or Perfons in his Behalf to make the fame : 
I have thought it proper for the Satisfaction of fuch well inteniioned Perfons to declare", 
that it is his Lordfhip's Intention to make them Grants of fuch Lands as the); have at 
tnis Time actually cultivated and improved, together with a reafonable additional Quan- 
tity of uncultivated Land adjoining thereto, i>n due Proof of fuch Cmriv?rrton'and frri- 
provement, and on their doing fuch reafonah*e Juftice to the faid Earl as will be required 
of them, and paying the accuftomed Charges of fuch Grants. And for the Prevention 
of fuch unlawful Invafion of the faid Earl's Property hereafter, I do hereby give Notice, 
that no Favour or Preference whatfoever will be fiiewn or given to any Peribn or Pcrfbni 
who (hall, from the Date hereof, feat himfelf, or themfdves on any of his Lordfhip's 
Land, without havin* firft made Entry thereof, and obtained Grants- in due Form of 
Law, and according to the Rules and Regulations of Office* hereafter to be made known ; 
and that all and ever)'- Perfon or Perfons committing fuch Trefpafs, will be profecuted 
indifcriminately, with the utmoft Rigour of the Law. 

And whereas It is notdrious that many Perfons follow the bafe and difiioncft Practice 
of cutting Boards, Staves, Shingles, Sec. and committing other great Waftc on the Tim- 
ber and Lands of the faid Earl Granville, in the lower Counties of his Diftrict, to the 
manifeft Injury and Detriment of his Lordllup's Jntcreft: I do hereby ftri&Iy enjoin and 
warn ail and every fuch Perfon or Perfons, . to forbear fuch unjuft and unwarrantable 
Practices, and to depart immediately from the Lands of faid Earl Granville, on Pain 
of being profecuted to the Extent of the La*% without further Notice. 



Newhcm, May 7 ¥ tf"\ 

7, 1774. i * 



3» *774 



MARTIN. 



Eighteenth-Century Imprints 61 

1185, from manuscript records then in the 
office of the Secretary of State. 
NcU. Wood. 
1778 North Carolina. General Assembly. 

An Act/For confiscating the Property of 
all such Persons, as are inimical/to the United 
States, . . . [Newbern: James Davis, 1778.] 
24.8 x 32.8 cm. Broadside. 
No imprint. 

This is a separate printing of Chapter XVII 
of the laws passed by the General Assembly 
which convened at New Bern on November 
15, 1777. It is dated December 28, 1777, and 
signed "J. Sitgreaves, Assist. C.H.C" The 
printed volume of laws for that session did 
not appear until March, 1778. 
PRO. 
1781 Rules and Regulations/For the well-gov- 

erning the Loyal Militia of the Province of 
North-Carolina./ [Wilmington ? 1781.] 
3OV2 x 18 cm. Broadside. Dated "Head- 
Quarters, Wilmington, 25th September, 
1781." 
No imprint. 

It has been said that the British Army in 
North Carolina had its own printing press. 
If so, this may be a product of that press. 
The general appearance of the type, however, 
is light and thin as is that known to have 
been used in Wilmington by Andrew Steuart 
(1764-1765) and Adam Boyd (1774-1775) 
before the Revolution and by Hodge and 
Blanchard (1787-1788) afterwards. There 
are fourteen rules plus a concluding para- 
graph: 'The strict observance of the above 
Regulations is strongly recommended, as the 
best Means of giving the King's faithful 
Subjects, a manifest Superiority over the 
Rebel Militia, and ensure them that Success 
their Zeal and Spirit in the Cause of their 
Country entitles them to expect." 
NcU. 
1783 Mercer, Silas 

Tyranny Exposed,/And/True Liberty Dis- 
covered. /Wherein Is Contained/The Scrip- 
ture Doctrine Concerning / Kings ; / Their 



~' 



62 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Rise, Reign, and Downfall: /Together with/ 
The Total overthrow of antichrist./ [Double 
rule] /The Kings of the Earth set themselves 
and the Rulers take counsel/together against 
the Lord, and against his anointed, Psalm 
2.2/ [Rule] /By Silas Mercer, Minister /of the 
word of God./ [Rule] /Halifax :/Printed by 
Thomas Davis./MDCCLXXXIII. 
15 x 10 cm. 70, [l]p. 

Mercer was born near Currituck Bay, N. C, 
in 1745. For a brief sketch of his life see 
David Benedict, A General History of the 
Baptist Denomination (Boston: 1813), II, 
357-361 We are told here that Mercer worked 
on several other volumes, but left them un- 
published. 
DLC. 
119 1784 North Carolina. Governor (Alexander Mar- 
tin), 

State of North Carolina, ss./By His Excel- 
lency/Alexander Martin, Esq ;/Governor, 
Captain-General and Commander in Chief 
over the State aforesaid./A Proclamation./ 
[Containing the Definitive Articles of Peace 
and Friendship, ratified between his Britan- 
nic Majesty, and the United States of Amer- 
ica. . . . ] Newbern : Printed by Robert Keith, 
[1784.] 

34 x 42 cm. Broadside. 
NcU. 

1788 Analyse / Des Loix / Commercials, / Avec 
Les Tarifs, Des Etates Des Deux/Carolines, 
/et de La Georgie. /[Pointing hand and line 
of asterisks] /Fayette-Ville,/Etat de la Caro- 
line du Nord,/Par Bowen & Howard,/ 
MDCCLXXXVIII. 

21 x 13 cm. 17p. 
NN. 

1789 Baptists. Virginia. Roanoak District Associa- 

tion. 

Minutes/of the/Proceeding/of the/Roa- 
noak District Association, /Virginia./Con- 
vened at Grassy Creek Meeting House,/May 
1789./ [Line of type ornaments] /Hillsbor- 
ough :/Printed By R. Ferguson./ [1789.] 



Eighteenth-Century Imprints 63 

9% x 151/2 cm. 15p. 
ViRU. 
164 1791 Crauford, Le D. 

Searmoin,/Chuaidh A Liobhairt Ag An 
Raft-Swamp,/Le D. Crauford, Minister;/ 
[Line of type ornaments] /Veritas Vinget. — 
Gheibh firinu buaidhi/ [Line of type orna- 
ments'] /Fay etteville;/ Air Na Clo Bhualadh 
Le Sibley, Howard & Roulstone./M.DCC.XCI. 
91/2 x 18 cm. 50p. 

A second title page on page 29: Searmoin,/ 
A Chuaidh A Liobhart Aig An Raft-Swamp, 
Air /An Fhicheada' Latha Don Cheud Mhios/ 
Do'n Fhoghmnar 1790,/Le D. Crauford, Min- 
ister./ [Line of type ornaments] / [2 -line 
quotation in English] / [Line of type orna- 
ments] /Fay etteville:/ Air Na Clo-Bhualdh 
Le Sibley, Howard & Roulstone./M.DCC.XCI 
First Presbyterian Church. 
1791 Guion, Isaac 

[David Ward reported in The North-Caro- 
lina Gazette of November 5, 1791, that "The 
public attention has been arrested for several 
days past by a printed handbill signed Isaac 
Guion, wherein he has charged me with hav- 
ing calumniated his character. . . . "] 

[Newbern: F. X. Martin, 1791?] 
Broadside 
No copy located. 
1793 North Carolina. Governor (Richard Dobbs 
Spaight). 

State of North Carolina,/By His Excel- 
lency,/Richard Dobbs Spaight, Esq./Gover- 
nor, Captain-General and Commander in 
Chief in and over the said State./ [Newbern : 
Francois X. Martin?, 1793.] 
22 x 19 cm. Broadside. 

Proclamation by Spaight designed to prevent 
outbreak of "a pestilential fever" through 
contact with persons or vessels arriving from 
Philadelphia. 
Nc-Ar. 
188 1793 Protestant Episcopal Church. North Caro- 
lina. 

Circular./Dearly Beloved,/The Convention 
of the Protestant Episco-/pal Church of 



64 The North Carolina Historical Review 

America, for the State of North-Carolina, at 

their Meeting held at/Tarborough on the 21st 

day of November, 1793, Resolved, That in 

consideration of/. . . 

20 x 25% cm. Broadside. 

Caption title; no imprint. 

' 'Signed in behalf of the convention of the 

P.E.C. for the State of North-Carolina, James 

L. Wilson, President." 

Nc-Ar. 

1795 North Carolina. Laws, statutes, etc. 

A Bill to Authorize the Secretary to issue 
Grants for Military Lands, in the manner 
therein described; and to direct the Secre- 
tary/and Comptroller to issue warrants in 
certain cases therein mentioned./ [Halifax: 
Hodge & Wills, 1795?] 
25 x 44 cm. Broadside. 
Caption title; no imprint. 
Dated November, 1795, in manuscript. This 
bill is quite similar to an act passed by the 
next session of the General Assembly which 
appears as Chapter IX in the Laws of 1796. 
The bill as we have it here probably was 
introduced but not passed by the Assembly 
of 1795. Hodge & Wills printed the laws and 
journals for both years. 
Nc-Ar (2 copies). 
214 1795 [Price, Jonathan] 

A/Description/of/Occacock Inlet; and of 
its/Coasts, Islands, Shoals, and Anchorages:/ 
With the Courses and Distances to and From 
the Most/Remarkable Places,/and Directions 
to sail over the Bar and thro' the Channels./ 
Adorned with a Map, taken by actual survey, 
by Jonathan Price./ [Entered according to 
Law.]/ [iMe]/Newbern:/Francois-X. Mar- 
tin./1795. 

14!/2 x 17 cm. 8p., folded map. 
Nc-Ar. 

1796 Baptists. North Carolina. Neuse Baptist As- 
sociation. 

[Ornamental headband'] /Minutes/of the/ 
Neuse Baptist Association ;/held at Chech- 
quamin Chapel,/Jones County, October 1796./ 
[Ornamental &awd]/[Newbern, Printed and 



Eighteenth-Century Imprints 65 

sold by Francois-Xavier Martin.] 
2iy 2 x 251/2 cm. [4] p. 
Caption title. Imprint on page 4. 
NcWfC. 

219 1796 North Carolina. Courts. 

Report/of a/Case, /Lately Decided in/ Fay- 
etteville Superior Court of Law: /Wherein 
the Following Questions Are Discussed and 
Settl-/ed: viz. /I. Whether, in the case of a 
sealed instrument, unattested by any/sub- 
scribing witness, the handwriting of the party 
may /be admitted in evidence ?/II. Whether 
an action of debt lies upon such an instru- 
ment?/ [Ornament]/ Newbern:/ Francois- 
Xavier Martin./ [Line] /MDCCXGVI. 
131/2 x 21 cm. [2], 17, [l]p. 
Gotten. 

225 1796 The/North-Carolina/Almanack,/For the 

Year of our Lord, 1797: / And of 
American Independence, -XXI-XXII, /Being 
the 1st after Leap Year. /Containing/The 
Eclipses: Rising, Setting, and Declination/ 
of the Sun: Rising, Changing, Southing,/ 
Setting, Age and Place of the Moon: /re- 
markable days — accounts of /the weather; 
and many /other things useful/and neces- 
sary./ [Ornamental rule] /Calculated for the 
Meridian of Raleigh, 35/Deg. 54 Min. North 
Lat. 3 Deg. 36 Min. /Longitude, West from 
Philadelphia./ [Ornamental rule] /Newbern: 
/Francois X. Martin./ [1796.] 
lOl/. x I6I/2 cm. 36p. 
NcU. 
1797 Baptists. North Carolina. Neuse Baptist As- 
sociation. 

[Ornamental headband] /Minutes/of the/ 
North-Carolina/Neuse Baptist Association/ 
holden at/Naughunty Meeting House,/Wayne 
County./ [Ornamental band]/ [New T bern, 
Printed and sold by Francois-X. Martin.] 
I51/2 x 18 cm. [4] p. 

Caption title. Imprint on page 4. No date; 
first reported meeting that of Saturday, Oc- 
tober 7, 1797. 
NcWfC. 



i\ • »N 




ft £ P O 



.**■ 




Of A 



CASE, 

Lately DECIDED in 
FATSfTBFIlLE SUPERIOR COURT of LAW : 



WSIIIEW TBI FOLLOWING QVISTIOMt A SI DISCUSSED ANDSETTL- 

id : viz, 

L'Wesstebs, mtbe crnfetf a it albd i*ftrument> vmattefied by any 
tViscsisiMO tvitmeft, the HANDWSITING of the forty ma-v 
if admitted in evidence f 

Me Wbbthss «* eSim oft>t*T ties upontvzu mm tmfinment t 




^ • 



is) /> / sv rj'f* 



/ 



N B W B B §N 



ANCOIS.XAVIER martin. 



*•* 



MBCCXCVL 



BIT 



ggfeflte! i 




/i 



/ 



.¥ 
^ 




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. 



Eighteenth-Century Imprints 67 

1797 [Edenton, North Carolina. Theatre.'] 

The Last Night of Performance at Eden- 
ton, This Season./ On Thursday evening, the 
20th of July, 1797, will be exhibited, the 
Beauties of/the Comic Opera of/Inkle and 
Yarico . . . [Edenton: Hodge & Wills?, 
1797.] 

20 x 32 cm. Broadside. 

No imprint. ("Tickets for admittance to be 
had ... at the Printing Office . . .") 
ViWC. 

1797 [Newbern, North Carolina. Theatre.] 

Newbern Theatre./Dr. Llewellyn Lechmere 
Wall, (of Orange county) /Will on Wednesday 
Evening, the 16th of May, 1797,/ Administer 
at the Newbern Theatre, Wholesome Physic 
to the mind . . . [Newbern: J. Pasteur, 
1797.] 

16% x 20 cm. Broadside. 
"Tickets may be had ... at the Printing- 
office of J. Pasteur ..." 
ViWC. 

1797 [Newbern, North Carolina. Theatre.] 

New Theatre, Newbern./This Evening, 
Friday March the 31st, 1797,/will be pre- 
sented,/A Variety of Entertainments,/In 
Five Parts . . . [Newbern : J. Pasteur, 1797.] 
16 x 37 cm. Broadside. 

"Tickets to be had ... at the Printing- Office, 
of J. Pasteur . . ." 
ViWC. 

1797 [Newbern, North Carolina. Theatre.] 

To all lovers of Wit, Satire, Character, 
and Sentiment. At the/Newbern Theatre./ 
Llewellyn L. Wall, Mrs. Douglas and Family, 
&c. will exhibit/on Saturday Evening, the 
13th of May, 1797 :/An Antidote For the 
Spleen, . . . [Newbern: J. Pasteur, 1797.] 
16 x 20 cm. Broadside. 
ViWC. 

1797 Sammlung/von erbaulichen; Gesangen,/ 

zum Gebrauch/bey dem offentlichen Gottes 
=/dienste, fur die Deutschen Ge-/meinen in 
Nord=Carolina./ [Row of type ornaments]/ 
Die erste Auflage./ [Rule] /Kostet/ Schilling 
das Exemplar./ [Rule] /Salisbury : /Gedruckt 



G^y&Bvd&r^, v*v %Ahf-UL fosrvtv* <t^7 



The LAST NIGHT of PERFORMANCE st EDENTOV,thi. SEASON. 

On Iburfii) tvmmt, the coibtf Juh. 1797, viil! it (.\l\li:id. the BEAUTIES^ 
/«#OMIC OPERA c; » ' 

Inkle and Yarico. 

INKLE, by Mr. DOUGLAS. 

TKUDGE, by Ma. LATHY. 

Sir CHRISTOPHER CURRY, by Mr. WALL. 

YARICOandWOUSKl. by Mrs. DOUGLAS 

INDIANS, Matter GUAY, >ad : Mifi P. WALL. 

MUSIC on the GUITAR. 

Alter which A DISH OF ALL SORTS, by Mr. Wall, viz.' 

A DISSERTATION on LOVE, with a Poetical Pifhirc^f JEALOUSY. 

„ Alfo, MAN the SOUL of CONTRADICTION. 

A Critical DISSERTATION on NOSES, HATS. SNEEZING, and SNUFF. 

TAKING. >•• 

To which will be added, the FARC K of the ^ 6ff!f 

Wrangling Lovers, 

1 OK, 

LIKE MASTER LIKE IVftAN. 



EON CARLOS, 
SANCHO, (i/i mm,) 
LEONORA, 
JAC1NTA, (brrwuiJ.) 



Mr. DOUGLAS. 
Mr. LATHY. 
Mrj. DOUGLAS, 
M*. WALL". 



Th* whole to conclude with Shakiipiam'* SEVEN AGES, or 

All the World's a 
' Stage, 

■ P/enovftctd itj Mr . Wdl % and funf by Mr. Uu\n, >* the cfetraAer of Sri. v 10 As* 
sua, F. R. S. (i. c. ) Ftltow of ibf R.Cbk Socktj,.*ai ielf created DOC- 
TOR «1 TUM. , 

To begi» u half paft feves o'clock. Ticket* fcr wJouUat** to Wfitd ©f Afc 
Dwgta m Afr, Ctrbem'i, mm* at the Pfkiini-Ofiu, pffce j fiulfhsgi cack. 



;i Dtjiof 



te«tteaace*b7theWH3i%orft &**• 



f^t 



.*V 



,a-r 



i 



#$££ 



•»^V- 



«*?'■ 



J^ 



•m 



ie&i 



Eighteenth-Century Imprints 69 

und zu haben, bey F. Coupee und/J. M. 
Schlump, in ihrer Deutschen und/Englischen 
Buch=Druckery : im Jahr 1797. 

17 x 10 cm. [2], 30p. 

Translation of title : Collection of basic songs 
for use at public services for the German 
communities in North Carolina. 
NcSaM. 

1798 Baptists. North Carolina. Neuse Baptist As- 
sociation. 

[Ornamental headband] /Minutes /of the/ 
North-Carolina/Neuse Baptist Association,/ 
holden at/Falling-Creek Meeting House,/ 
Wayne County./ [Ornamental band] [New- 
bern, Printed and Sold by John C. Osborn, 
& Co.] 

20 x 28 cm. [4] p. 

Caption title. Imprint on page 4. No date; 
first reported meeting that of Saturday, Oc- 
tober 20, 1798. 
NcWfC. 

1798 (Circular.) /[Line] /To the Officers of the 
5th and 6th Brigades/of the Militia of North- 
Carolina./Gentlemen,/A Continued system of 
tyranny, injustice and/depredation on the 
part of the French nation, has/at length pro- 
duced a crisis . . . [Halifax? Abraham Hodge? 
1798.] 

18 x 30 cm. [4] p. Pages 2-4 blank with manu- 
script letter on page 3 and address on page 4. 
(Circular) as above is in first column and 
signed :W. R. Davie,/Major General of the 
3d division./Halifax, June 25th, 1798./ Sec- 
ond column is : Division orders. /The General 
relies upon the zeal and patriotism . . ./ 
Signed by Wm. E. Johnston, aid-de-camp. A 
copy sent to Gen. William Lenoir was mailed 
at Halifax, July 9, 1798. 

NcU. Nc-Ar. 
259 1798 The/ North-Carolina/ Almanack,/ For the 

Year of our Lord, 1799:/ And of American 
Independence, — 23-24,/Being the 3d after 
Leap Year./Containing/The Eclipses : Rising 
and Setting of the Sun:/ Rising, Changing, 
and Place of the Moon ; /remarkable days — 
account of the wea-/ther: and many other 



70 



The North Carolina Historical Review 



things/useful and necessary./ [Ornamental 
rule]/ Calculated for the Meridian of New- 
bern, 35/Deg. 4 Min. North Lat. 2 Deg. 16 
Min./Longitude, West from Philadelphia./ 
[Ornamental rwte]/Newbern:/John C. Os- 
born, & Co./ [1798.] 
91/2 xl7 cm. [38p.?] 

NcU. (Imperfect, lacking all following page 
34.) 

1798 [Ornamental headband] /Zur Christnacht, 
1798,/In Salem./ [Filet]/ Chor./Siehe ich 
verkuendige euch grosse Freude,/ . . . [Salis- 
bury: Francis Coupee?, 1798.] 

9% x 16 cm. [4] p. 

Records of the Moravians (Raleigh: State 
Department of Archives and History, 8 Vol- 
umes, 1922-1954), hereinafter cited as Rec- 
ords of the Moravians, VI, 2608 : January 23, 
1798 : "A book printery has been established 
in Salisbury and it is suggested that in future 
we might have our festival odes printed there. 
The printer has been asked his price, and 
thinks he should have $3.00 for one hundred 
and fifty copies. . . . " Records of the Mora- 
vians, VI, 2613: December 11, 1798: "We 
have received a proof of the hymns for 
Christmas, printed in Salisbury, and the use 
of English letters looks well." 
NcSaM. 

1799 [Hodge, Abraham] 

In the Press, and shortly will be published,/ 
Instructions/To Be Observed For The/For- 
mation and Movements/of the/Cavalry;/ 
Published agreeably to a Resolution of the 
General Assembly of North-Carolina: /By 
William R. Davie, Esq. . . . [Halifax : Abra- 
ham Hodge, 1799.] 
20 x 33 cm. [4] p. 
Caption title ; no imprint. 
Lower portion of page 1 and pages 2-4 are 
blank, for the insertion in manuscript of 
names of advance subscribers. Dated April 
29, 1799. 
Nc-Ar. 

1800 Baptists. North Carolina. Neuse Baptist As- 
sociation. 



Eighteenth-Century Imprints 71 

[Thick-thin rule] /Minutes/of the/ North- 
Carolina/Neuse Baptist Association, /holden 
at/Meadow Meeting-House,/Green County./ 
[Short rule] [Raleigh, Joseph Gales.] 
141/2 x 231/2 cm. lip. 

Caption title. Imprint on page 11. No date; 
first reported meeting that of Saturday, Oc- 
tober 11, 1800. 
NcWfC. 

1800 Dem/lieben und wurdigen Bruder / Fried- 
rich Wilhelm/von Marschall,/nach zuruckge- 
legten / achtzig Lebensjahren/und/sechzig- 
jahrigem/treuem und gesegnetem Dienst/bey 
der/evangelischen Bruderunisat/ am 5 ten 
Februar 1801/von/der Gemeine in/Salem./ 
[Line of type ornaments'] /Salisbury, (Nord- 
Caroline.) /Gedruckt Bey Francis Coupee. 
[1800?] 

Hi/2 x 18% cm. 8p. 

Words for solo and choral music in honor of 
80th birthday of Pastor Friedrich Wilhelm 
von Marschall. Undoubtedly printed near the 
end of the year 1800 to enable the singers to 
prepare for the February 5, 1801, lovefeast. 
NcSaM. 

1800 North Carolina. Courts: Superior Courts of 
Law and Equity. 

Reports / of / Cases, / Determined by the 
Judges of the Superior/Courts of Law, and 
Courts of Equity of/The State of North- 
Carolina, at their/Meeting on the Tenth of 
June, A.D./1800, Held Pursuant to an Act of/ 
The General Assembly for Set-/tling Ques- 
tions of Law or Equi-/ty arising on the cir- 
cuit./By [Rule] /Duncan Cameron, Attor- 
ney at Law./ [Rule] /Raleigh/From the 
Press of Hodge & Boylan./Printers to the 
State./1800. 
15 x 23 cm. 108 pp. 
NcU. 

1800 A North-Carolina Planter. 

An/Address/to the/Citizens of North- 
Car olina,/on the Subject of the Approach- 
ing/Election./ [Filet] /July, 1800./ [Rule] 
[Raleigh? Hodge & Boylan? 1800.] 
13 x 211/2 cm. [2], 14p. 



/^ 



72 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Signed at the end : A North-Carolina Planter. 
Largely an attack on another pamphlet writ- 
ten by "A Republican Farmer" and pub- 
lished in New York, but addressed to citizens 
of North Carolina. 

The assumption that this item was printed by 
Hodge & Boylan is admittedly weak. The 
North-Carolina Minerva, a newspaper pub- 
lished by Hodge & Boylan supported Adams 
and the Federalist ticket; Raleigh's other 
printer and newspaper — Joseph Gales and 
The Raleigh Register — supported Jefferson 
and the Republicans. The Address reflects 
the views of Hodge & Boylan. 
NcU. 

1800 [The North-Carolina Almanac, for the year 

of our Lord 1801 . . . calculated for the State 
of North Carolina . . . Salisbury : Printed by 
Francis Coupee, 1800.] 
16 x 10 cm. [44] p. 
DLC. (Imperfect. Title page wanting.) 

1800 Purviance, Samuel D. 

To the/Freemen/of/Fayetteville District/ 
[Ornament] /The Partiality of a consider- 
able Number of the Citizens of/our District, 
had induced them frequently to request that 
I would become a/Candidate for its Repre- 
sentation in Congress. . . . [Raleigh: Joseph 
Gales, 1800.] 

23!/2 x 30% cm. Broadside. 
Caption title ; imprint at end. 
Dated "Fayetteville, July 1, 1800" and signed 
"Samuel D. Purviance." The text of this 
broadside appeared as an advertisement in 
The North-Carolina Minerva, July 15, 22, 29, 
and August 5, 1800. 
Nc-Ar. 

1800 [Speculation Land Company] 

For sale. /The quantity of 389,565 acres 
of Farm Lands, in Sixty adjoining and adja- 
cent tracts, fit for wheat, rye and/other 
grain, cattle, tobacco, and cotton. These lands 
(except one tract) are situated in the county 
of Rutherford,/. . . . [1800?] 
18 x 32 cm. Broadside. 



Eighteenth-Century Imprints 73 

No imprint and no date. In the text, however, 
mention is made of "Charleston, in South- 
Carolina, a port which has shipped in 
1800. . . ." In format this broadside is quite 
similar to the following one and they may 
have been issued together. 
Mr. Clarence W. Griffin, Forest City, N. C, 
who has read this and the following broadside 
says the phrasing is exactly the same as later 
publications of the Speculation Land Com- 
pany. 

NcD. NcU. ViU. 
1800 [Speculation Land Company] 

North-Carolina./The following minutes 
concerning the State of North-Carolina, will 
tend to/shew the situation and prospects of 
that state. /A central seat of government has 
been fixed. . . . [1800?] 
20 x SOY2 cm. Broadside. 
No imprint and no date. The Library of Con- 
gress dates it [1790?]. In the broadside it- 
self, however, reference is made to "a State 
House . . . erected" — the first capitol in Ra- 
leigh was completed in 1794. The State of 
Tennessee is also mentioned and since Ten- 
nessee was admitted to the Union on June 1, 
1796, it seems reasonable to assume that this 
broadside was printed after that date. In 
context it bears a relationship to the preced- 
ing broadside. The type and paper of the two 
appear to be identical and they may, indeed, 
have been issued as one large sheet. 
DLC, NcD. NcU. ViU. 



BOOK REVIEWS 

Public Addresses, Letters, and Papers of William Kerr Scott, 
Governor of North Carolina, 1949-1953. Edited by David Le- 
roy Corbitt. (Raleigh: Council of State, State of North Caro- 
lina. State Department of Archives and History. 1957. Pp. 
xxxii, 626. Pictures. Free.) 

Addresses and Papers of Governor William Kerr Scott 
illustrates a double dilemma. 

For one thing, the papers of modern-day governors are 
becoming so mountain-like that the job of editing them has 
become little more than a "put-on-the-blindfold-and-grab" 
affair. No single volume can do justice to the great mass of 
material that is preserved under Scott's name in the archives 
of the State Department of Archives and History. 

Governor Scott himself creates another dilemma which is 
frustrating to one who lived through the bumptious days 
when the material was created. As everyone knows who was 
a part of those days, Scott's most telling "material" came 
drawled at press conferences and in asides. He was the de- 
light of the news reporter. 

With these two frustrations outlined, it is well to say, how- 
ever, that veteran editor D. L. Corbitt has put together a 
representative collection of Scott material in this volume of 
gubernatorial papers which he has edited. The reader will be 
able to find here the major policy papers of the Scott admin- 
istration and catch a tantalizing glimpse of the far-reaching 
implications in the "Go Forward" program. 

The breadth of the subject matter in even this sampling 
of material is a catalog of the sweep of Scott's activity. 
Schools, liquor referendum, electric power, public welfare, 
water resources development, agriculture, and, of course, 
roads, are the recurring subjects in speeches, letters, press 
statements, and messages to the General Assembly. 

Here also are the coldly informal official papers of such 
delightfully blunt affairs as the "firing" of Assistant Budget 
Director Dave Coltrane ("Dear Coltrane ... I find your use- 
fulness . . . has been hampered ... I am requesting your 
resignation immediately." ) . 

[74] 



Book Reviews 75 

Oh, that Mr. Corbitt had included one gem, the famous 
"we the people against the people" speech leveled at the ul- 
traconservative North Carolina Citizens' Association (maga- 
zine title: "We The People"). Still, there is enough here to 
feel the electric excitement of the days when the "Squire of 
Haw River" made headlines and re-made North Carolina. 

The volume leads off with the usual biographical sketch, 
this one written well and fairly by Robert W. Redwine, for- 
mer Associated Press reporter and unblushing admirer of 
Scott. Also valuable for the researcher is the usual list of gu- 
bernatorial appointments. 

Roy Parker, Jr. 

Ahoskie. 



Mclver of North Carolina. By Rose Howell Holder. (Chapel Hill: 
University of North Carolina Press. 1957. Pp. xi, 283. Illus- 
trations, notes, and index. $5.00.) 

The appearance of this volume in 1957, when public edu- 
cation in the South hovers on the brink of tragedy, is timely 
indeed. It is more than a biography; it is a story of the 
launching of an ignorant and impoverished people toward 
enlightenment and comfort. The book is well-written. It is 
not "scholarly" in the sense of being documented with foot- 
notes. But there is a useful section of notes at the end of the 
text, and it is obvious that the author used many and excel- 
lent sources, including Mclver's letters and papers, contem- 
porary periodicals, and the memories of persons who knew 
Mclver and lived through the period of his achievements. 
She has also read widely in secondary accounts and woven 
the Mclver story into a larger fabric. She has written in a 
manner which will maintain the reader's interest and enter- 
tain him, even as it instructs him. 

Charles Duncan Mclver was born in 1860 and died in 1906. 
In his short life he placed the people of North Carolina in 
his debt forever. His career in education began upon his grad- 
uation from the state university in 1881. During the next 
eight years he distinguished himself as a teacher in Durham, 



76 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Winston, and at Peace College. During these years, too, he 
dedicated his life to the improvement of public education 
and, more especially, to the higher education of women. To 
these causes he gave the remainder of his life. He taught, 
lectured, persuaded, lobbied, organized, drove, and led. 
'Ideas," he said, "are worth more than acres. Education pre- 
cedes and creates wealth instead of being a result of it" 
(pp. 134-135). From 1889 to 1892, he and his friend, Edwin 
A. Alderman, were in the employ of the state, conducting 
county institutes for teachers. In the first year alone they 
conducted sixty such institutes, "traveled well over 6,000 
miles, instructed around 3,000 teachers, and made public 
addresses before an estimated 25,000 to 30,000 persons" (p. 
108). 

But better provision for the higher education of women 
had become Mclver's great object in life. "No civilization," 
he said, "can move in advance of its women" (p. 162). He 
lobbied unceasingly for the establishment of a state college 
for women. Largely as a result of his efforts, the institution 
that is now the Woman's College of the University of North 
Carolina was founded in 1892, and he became its first pres- 
ident. From then until his untimely death he labored against 
successive obstacles, but with great success, to get the college 
well-established. And he continued the struggle for better 
public education. 

Mrs. Holder calls Mclver and his cohorts, including Alder- 
man, Aycock, Joyner, Noble, Page, and Winston, "prophets 
of education." She does this rightly. The phenomenal devel- 
opment of education in North Carolina during the first half 
of the twentieth century, and the resultant strides the State 
has made materially and culturally, are traceable directly to 
their efforts. To use a term which Ole Rolvaag applied to 
another part of the country, there were giants in the earth in 
Mclver's day. It remains to be seen whether the record will 



Book Reviews 77 

show that there were comparable giants in North Carolina at 
mid-century. 

Charles Duncan Mclver lived a great life, and Mrs. Holder 
has told his story well. 

William H. Cartwright. 

Duke University, 

Durham. 



A History of Meredith College. By Mary Lynch Johnson. (Ra- 
leigh: Meredith College. 1956. Pp. vii, 301. $5.00.) 

This is a valuable addition to the growing number of col- 
lege histories. The story of Meredith College includes the 
record of its predecessors: Baptist Female University, 1899- 
1904; and the Baptist University for Women, 1904-1909. 
Most of the study is devoted to the growth and development 
of modern Meredith, 1909-1956. A valuable appendix dis- 
cusses the life and work of the noted Baptist leader, Thomas 
Meredith, 1795-1850. 

The author of this work, Mary Lynch Johnson, brought to 
her task a wealth of personal information and devotion 
coupled with the trained scholar's ability to select and inter- 
pret facts and trends. She became identified with Meredith 
"in the tenth year of its operation when she was a sixth grade 
student. She came as a member of the family whose name 
the college administration building honors/' Excepting leaves 
of absence for graduate work, Dr. Johnson has taught Eng- 
lish at her alma mater since 1918. This timely study is addi- 
tional evidence of her service to her college, State, and church. 

Since the establishment of Wake Forest College for men 
in the 1830's, Baptists in North Carolina had long desired 
"a female seminary of high order." The idea became a reality 
with the opening of the Baptist Female University in 1899 
under the presidency of Dr. James C. Blasingame. Colonel 
L. L. Polk of Progressive Farmer fame and the "father" of the 
North Carolina State College in Raleigh was one of the lead- 
ing advocates and a member of the first board of trustees. 
With this beginning, Dr. Johnson shows how the college has 



78 The North Carolina Historical Review 

grown steadily stronger. Its ideal, phrased by President Rich- 
ard T. Vann, is ''culture made perfect through the religion of 
Jesus Christ." 

The brief administration of President Blasingame, the pio- 
neering work of President Vann, and the constructive years 
of Presidents Charles E. Brewer and Carlyle Campbell are 
set forth in chronological order. These are enlivened with 
faculty notes, student activities, and the role of a Baptist col- 
lege for women in the life of North Carolina. Accounts of 
financial drives, building programs, the State Baptist Con- 
vention, and distinguished alumnae all add to the interest 
and permanence of this work. 

This study does not contain a bibliography, but there are 
footnotes, and references to sources are made in the text. In 
the foreword the author discusses the writing of the history, 
mentions authorities consulted, and expresses her apprecia- 
tion to living witnesses. The illustrations of college leaders 
and buildings are most appropriate, and the index is ade- 
quate. This history will be welcomed by Meredith's "Devoted 
Daughters," students of the history of higher education, and 
citizens, especially Baptists, throughout North Carolina. 

David A. Lockmiller. 

University of Chattanooga, 

Chattanooga, Tennessee. 



The Ahoskie Era of Hertford County 1889-1939. By J. Roy 
Parker, Sr., and others. (Ahoskie: Parker Brothers, Inc., 
Brothers, Inc., Publishers-Printers. 1955. Pp. 751. Illustra- 
tions, index, and appendices.) 

This is an interesting and unusual book, not of a commu- 
nity, but an era— "The Ahoskie Era" of Hertford County, 
North Carolina, as the authors title it. 

Materials in the present volume first appeared in a special 
88-page edition of the Hertford County Herald, a weekly 
newspaper published in Ahoskie. The dateline was August 
11, 1939. This story of Ahoskie was the work of twenty-seven 
volunteer writers of the local communities who joined in pre- 



Book Reviews 79 

paring a pictured study which would contribute "vital infor- 
mation about their communities, or their organizations, for 
the living neighbors and for those of later generations/' 

During the intervening years efforts were made to publish 
the 1939 study in volume form. Largely through the editorial 
efforts of J. Roy Parker, publication was accomplished in 
1955. The titles of the eight general sections, as they are list- 
ed in the Contents, provide an insight about its scope and 
content: "The Schools of Hertford County"; "Farm Life in 
Hertford County"; "Historical Sketches of Hertford County 
Towns"; "United Daughters of Confederacy"; "State and 
County Officers— and Distinguished Sons"; "Record of Negro 
Race in Hertford County and Ahoskie"; "Ahoskie, its Organ- 
ization, its Schools, its Churches"; "Fifty-year Review 
of its People"; and "History of Ahoskie First 50 Years." 

Here, briefly, is a portrait of a community and a county 
made possible through the co-operative efforts of many of its 
members, written in a spirit of community pride, and gener- 
ously illustrating by photo and statistical fact, the life of its 
people and their contributions. 

D. G. Monroe. 

University of North Carolina, 

Chapel Hill. 



A Rare Pattern. By Lucy Phillips Russell. (Chapel Hill: The 
University of North Carolina Press. 1957. Pp. x, 185. $3.00.) 

This charming autobiography is a record of events and 
characters encountered by a person of perceptive and phe- 
nomenally retentive mind. Over ninety-five years ago, on 
March 7, 1862, Lucy Phillips was born in Chapel Hill; yet 
wherever she has lived, Chapel Hill has been her home. Her 
family has been close to the heart of the intellectual and edu- 
cational life of the State. Her grandfather, her father, a 
brother, and a son have been professors at the University of 
North Carolina; her cousin, Kemp Plummer Battle, was its 
president; and her aunt, Mrs. Cornelia P. Spencer, was "the 



80 The North Carolina Historical Review 

woman who rang the bell" for the restoration of the Univer- 
sity after the Civil War. 

Her grandfather, James Phillips, was born in England; and 
as a young man came to New York, where he started a suc- 
cessful school for boys. In 1826 President Joseph Caldwell 
called him to the University of North Carolina as Professor 
of Mathematics. Her father, Charles Phillips, married Laura 
Caroline Battle in 1847. Lucy, who was next to the youngest 
of their eight children, begins her autobiography with the 
arrival of Union soldiers in Chapel Hill in 1865. Reconstruc- 
tion politics forced her father to leave Chapel Hill for several 
years; from 1869 to 1875 he was Professor of Mathematics at 
Davidson College, which was comparatively free from the 
agonies of Reconstruction. Here, in the memoirs, begin the 
vignettes of North Carolina life in the 'seventies and 'eighties 
which recreate the atmosphere, record the manners and cus- 
toms of the period, and include anecdotes of scores of indi- 
viduals, famous and unknown; the terrifying thunderous roar 
of millions of passenger pigeons in flight; visits of Zebulon 
Vance and Mrs. "Stonewall'' Jackson; memorizing the cate- 
chism; early morning family prayers; the formalities of dat- 
ing a girl to take her to choir practice; the return to Chapel 
Hill; long walks through the woods with "Cousin Kemp" 
Battle leading his students; and the first University Summer 
("Normal") School in 1877. "There were no dancing or card 
parties in those good old days and in that place; drug stores 
sold drugs and not collations of sandwiches and drinks with 
straws stuck in a bottle. Ice cream was a dessert served only 
to the elect at Commencement, and even lemonade was only 
as cool as the bottom of a well." In 1883 Lucy Phillips mar- 
ried M. H. Russell, a merchant of Rockingham, N. C, where 
she has lived for the past seventy-five years. 

"The biographer," wrote Virginia Woolf, "does more to 
stimulate the imagination than any poet or novelist save the 
very greatest. He can give us the creative fact, the fact that 
suggests and engenders." Mrs. Russell did not purpose to 
make her memoirs profound; but whether she portrays the 
moving incidents of a Negro funeral or describes a nine- 



Book Reviews 81 

teenth-century Chapel Hill garden, she writes with insight 
which stimulates the imagination. 

William P. Cumming. 

Davidson College, 

Davidson. 



The Committees of Safety of Westmoreland and Fincastle : Pro- 
ceedings of the County Committees, 1774-1776. Edited by Rich- 
ard Barksdale Harwell. (Richmond: Virginia State Library, 
1956. Pp. 127. $1.00.) 

Most studies of the American Revolution concern them- 
selves with some facet of that conflict, but they are usually 
presented from a national rather than a local point of view. 
Although the work being reviewed cannot be called a study 
in the strictest sense of the word, it provides interesting read- 
ing and the different emphases are so obvious that conclu- 
sions are unnecessary. 

In the Committees of Safety, offspring of the earlier Com- 
mittees of Correspondence, lay the germ of government. 
Prior to the development of state constitutions these organi- 
zations were responsible, in many instances, for the preserva- 
tion of the revolutionary movement. The chief functions of 
these committees were to supply the Continental Army with 
men and provisions, curb loyalist tendencies, police their 
communities and insure the proper continuance of local insti- 
tutions. 

This booklet, delineating the operations of two Virginia 
county committees during the turbulent years of 1774-1776, 
offers a contrast in emphasis in two widely separated coun- 
ties. In aristocratic Westmoreland County, matters other than 
the usual and mundane, that occupied the attention of the 
members of the Committee included an expression of sym- 
pathy for the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, then fighting for 
political existence against the provisions of the "Intolerable 
Acts," the examination of those persons accused of harboring 
loyalist sympathies, approval of the actions of the Continental 
Congress, a censure of Governor Dunmore for his "inimical 



82 The North Carolina Historical Review 

measures" in removing the powder from the Magazine in 
Williamsburg, methods for implementing the provisions of 
the non-importation agreements, and the gathering of mili- 
tary personnel and supplies. The Westmoreland minutes run 
from June 22, 1774, to July 30, 1776. 

Fincastle County, named for the son of Governor Dun- 
more, was a comparatively frontier community, having at- 
tained county status as late as 1772. The semi-isolated posi- 
tion of this county is reflected in their primary concern with 
the Indians. Other items mirror the changing moods of the 
times. For instance, there is the address of thanks to Gov- 
ernor Dunmore for his subjugation of the Shawnees in the 
Battle of Point Pleasant, and expressing the hope that he 
would "long govern the brave and free people of Virgin- 
ia. ...' In less than four months, with the news of the re- 
moval of the powder at Williamsburg, these same people 
passed a resolution condemning the executive and his ad- 
herents as "abject tools of a detested administration." Aside 
from the more immediate fear of Indian raids, these minutes 
of Fincastle, covering the period from June 20, 1775 to June 
11, 1776, are similar in general content to the Westmoreland 
minutes. 

An appendix comprises significant documentary materials 
pertinent to both counties, including the Westmoreland Res- 
olution of 1766 protesting the Stamp Act, among the signa- 
tures of which are found the names of those who became the 
recognized leaders of the Revolutionary movement in Vir- 
ginia. Equally interesting are Colonel William Preston's in- 
structions to the scouts of Fincastle County, stationed along 
the frontier to warn of possible Indian forays. 

As editor, Mr. Harwell has done a most creditable job, and 
his short introductory essay adequately sets the stage for the 
documents to follow. He successfully resists the powerful 
temptation posed by a work of this nature to over-edit, to 
the disappointment of some who will wish he had dealt more 
fully with the Battle of Point Pleasant. An excellent index 
augments the usefulness of the volume. In editing and pub- 
lishing this work Mr. Harwell and the Virginia State Library 



Book Reviews 83 

have earned the gratitude of both professional and amateur 
historians for the grist here provided for their mills. 

Hugh F. Rankin. 

Tulane University of Louisiana, 
New Orleans. 



Inside the Confederate Government: The Diary of Robert Gar- 
lick Hill Kean. Edited by Edward Younger. (New York: Ox- 
ford University Press. 1957. Pp. xxxvi, 241. $5.00.) 

In recent years we have been treated to a wide variety of 
personal narratives of the Civil War. Some are long estab- 
lished classics, made available now to the rank and file of 
the Civil War enthusiasts through inexpensive editions; 
others, we suspect, owe their reappearance in print primarily 
to the commercial possibilities of the coming centennial, 
while a few have been published for the first time. The Kean 
Diary belongs in this last category. 

Inside the Confederate Government is a detailed diary kept 
by an observant and well-informed official in the War De- 
partment. Kean wrote not only of his personal experiences 
with pen and sword; but also gives us a revealing picture of 
the Southern war effort and of the difficulties of administra- 
tion. "No one," he confided to his diary, "can administer the 
War Office, or the Government, on the terms laid down by 
the President." Joseph E. Johnston "treats the Department as 
an enemy," and the Inspector-General, who according to 
Kean surrounded himself with "accommodating, civil-spoken 
persons of small capacity," seemed "ignorant of the military 
legislation of the Confederacy to a marvellous degree." It 
comes as something of a surprise to learn that after Gettys- 
burg Lee became "nearly as costive as Johnston," and that 
Beauregard, the flamboyant Creole, was the only general to 
keep the War Department "advised fully of affairs in his de- 
partment." 

A devoted patriot, Kean did not let his enthusiasm for the 
cause blind him to the realities of the war. His analysis of the 
military operations as they progressed was generally sound, 



84 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and he was well aware of the cracks in the Confederate ar- 
mor. One can almost see the gloom settle as Kean recorded 
the events of the last eighteen months of the war. With 
crumbling finances, a critical manpower shortage, and an ac- 
tive enemy that was numerically superior on every front, the 
days of the Confederacy seemed numbered. The failure of 
the Hampton Roads Peace Conference splintered his last 
hopes; the only choice that remained to the South was either 
to submit or be conquered. 

The reader's confidence in Kean is buttressed by the infor- 
mative Introduction and careful editing of Professor Younger. 
This is clearly one of the most significant books on the Civil 
War to appear in recent years. 

Jay Luvaas. 
Allegheny College, 
Meadville, Pa. 



When the World Ended, The Diary of Emma LeConte. Edited by 
Earl Schenck Miers. (New York: Oxford University Press. 
1957. Pp. xviii, 124. $4.00.) 

To Emma LeConte, the seventeen-year old daughter of 
Joseph LeConte, the scientist, the events of the winter and 
spring of 1865 meant the end of the world she had known 
and loved. From her home on the campus of South Carolina 
College at Columbia, she had followed the course of the 
Civil War and observed its devastating effects upon her fam- 
ily and friends. As discouraging news of the losses of the Con- 
federate troops became more frequent, despair weighed 
heavily upon her, lifted only at intervals by some spurious 
hope which vanished with the reports of the advance of 
Sherman's forces towards Columbia. Hopelessness, bitterness, 
and hatred possessed her as the troops actually entered the 
city and began to burn, pillage, and lay waste large portions 
of the most beautiful sections. 

Under these circumstances Emma took time to write her 
diary, which although not a pretty story, is a valuable first- 
hand account of one of the important events of the Civil War. 



Book Reviews 85 

The story has a universal character where it reflects the emo- 
tional reaction of youth wherever they are faced with defeat 
and military invasion. This is primarily a social history and 
reveals the day-to-day life of the community. Emma did not 
generalize nor lose herself in philosophical musings, rather 
she wrote about people she knew and the actual experiences 
which they were undergoing. Comments were made on the 
effect of the War upon the types and quantities of food, 
clothing and services which they had. She wrote of changes 
in their work and amusements and the attitude of the slaves 
towards their masters and their families both before and after 
the city had been invaded. The reader is able to imagine the 
scenes as they are pictured and to follow the descriptions 
with understanding. Emma was writing for her own satis- 
faction and thus exercised much greater freedom than is some 
times found in the works of professional historians. There 
may be some danger that if this diary should be read by 
some highly prejudiced persons that hatred and bitterness 
might rise in their hearts; but, if accounts are to be smothered 
because of this, then there can be no true history. 

The editor, author of numerous books, has done much 
study and writing in the Civil War era and is able to com- 
ment at length on both the contents of the Diary and on Sher- 
man's responsibility for the burning of Columbia. In editing 
this work, Mr. Miers is careful to identify important military 
and political persons,, even when they are well-known, but he 
does not employ the same technique with private characters. 
When Emma wrote, "Hurrah! Old Abe Lincoln has been as- 
sassinated!", the editor added a footnote, "Lincoln, shot by 
John Wilkes Booth, died the following morning at 7:22 
o'clock." But when Emma quoted her Uncle John, the editor's 
footnote was, "Emma's Uncle John was superintendent of the 
works of the Nitre Bureau in Columbia." The reader must 
find out Uncle John's surname for himself if he wishes to 
know. A brief sketch of Joseph LeConte given when he was 
first mentioned would have been helpful for the reader. 

In spite of minor criticisms, the editor has done a good 
service for students of American history by bringing to light 



86 The North Carolina Historical Review 

this interesting account of the immediate effect of the Civil 
War upon Columbia. 

Alice B. Keith. 

Meredith College, 
Raleigh. 



The Rebel Shore : The Story of Union Sea Power in the Civil 
War. By James M. Merrill. (Boston: Little, Brown and Com- 
pany. 1957. Pp. vii, 246. $4.75.) 

This book tells how the Union's sea power blockaded the 
South and captured some of the ports and strategic areas of 
the South Atlantic and Gulf coasts during the Civil War. 
These operations established important bases from which to 
harass Confederate commerce and force the South to divide 
and weaken its total military effort. Most of the chapters em- 
phasize naval operations against particular ports, beginning 
with the recovery of Hatteras Inlet, the successful assault on 
Port Royal, South Carolina, and the capture of strategic Roa- 
noke Island, all within the first year of the war. The victorious 
campaign of Farragut at New Orleans was offset by the dis- 
mal failure of Du Pont at Charleston. The author describes 
the activities and conditions of the blockading squadrons, and 
tells of experiments with submarines, mines, and torpedo 
boats. Less emphasis is given to important background factors 
which helped to determine the course of naval operations. 
Undermanned and inadequate ships, lack of knowledge and 
experience concerning amphibious warfare, inability to co- 
ordinate different expeditions in an over-all strategy, inter- 
service rivalry— all are pointed out as handicaps to the suc- 
cess of Union sea power. Gradually, the lessons of experience 
were learned, and the final Union victories of Farragut at 
Mobile Bay and Porter at Fort Fisher near Wilmington were 
dramatic demonstrations of sea power effectively used. 

The author's bibliographical essay shows a wide acquaint- 
ance with a great variety of source material. Because he saw 
fit to omit all footnotes, however, it is not possible to judge 
how extensively the sources were used. The lack of footnotes, 
the emphasis on operational narrative, and a style which is fre- 



« 



Book Reviews 87 

quently injudicious in its choice of words, all detract from 
the real worth of the author's contribution to our knowledge 
of the Civil War. He breaks important new ground for schol- 
ars of naval policy and Civil War history. 

Thomas Weber. 
Douglas College, 
New Brunswick, New Jersey. 



Henry Clay and the Art of American Politics. By Clement Eaton. 
(Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1957. Pp. iv, 209. 
Source notes and index. $3.50.) 

It may be that Henry Clay has been so thoroughly worked 
over that in spite of the monumental Clay collection being 
assembled at the University of Kentucky, there really isn't 
much more to be said about the Great Pacificator. It is more 
likely that the present volume, based though it is on the Ken- 
tucky collection, contains nothing startling because, as the 
latest product of The Library of American Biography, it is 
projected as a popular, unfootnoted, relatively short study 
which precludes the possibility of emphasizing new minor 
facts or novel interpretations. For what it is meant to be, the 
latest Clay biography has been splendidly executed. 

The heart of Clement Eaton's book concerns Clay the mas- 
ter politician who "more than any other statesman of his era 
contributed to preserving the Union." Scorning dema- 
goguery, the Kentuckian, though more popular as an orator 
than Webster or Calhoun, belonged in his political behavior 
to the early Republic. He represented "a relatively conserva- 
tive Western community," protested against being consid- 
ered a Southern man, abhorred the Jacksonians as modern 
Goths, and in reality played the game of northeastern busi- 
nessmen. His successful efforts at compromise highlight his 
enormous contribution to his country and make one wonder 
how the course of history might have been changed with his 
election in 1844 or if he had lived another ten years. 

Professor Eaton, perhaps because of having to keep his 
wordage to a minimum, frustrates and tantalizes the reader. 
Clay, for instance, wagers his hotel in a card game but does 



88 The North Carolina Historical Review 

he win or lose? John Q. Adams looks askance as Clay's cronies 
drink bad wine, but how about the good? Clay is responsible 
for the acquittal of many guilty criminals but there is neither 
example nor proof. It is difficult to see how Clay's chances 
for the presidency would have been enhanced if he had nosed 
Crawford out of third place in 1824; and it is hard to believe 
that his acceptance of the secretaryship of state the following 
year was the "most fateful decision in his life." 

But this is a skillfully written, adequately researched, 
meaningful little volume which may be described as con- 
taining "the best of Henry Clay," the "modern Republican" 
of 1816, and the magnificent nationalist of 1850. 

James W. Silver. 

University of Mississippi, 

University. 



Studies in Southern History. Volume XXXIX of the James 
Sprunt Studies in History and Political Sciences. Edited by 
J. Carlyle Sitterson. (Chapel Hill: The University of North 
Carolina Press. 1957. Pp. viii, 168. $2.50.) 

The ten essays of this volume constitute a testimonial by 
a group of his former students to the memory of Albert Ray 
Newsome. This reviewer also owes a debt of gratitude to 
Newsome for encouragement received when she took him 
her first historical article a quarter of a century ago while he 
was editor of The North Carolina Historical Review. 

Of the six essays which deal with North Carolina, Charles 
G. Sellers' "Making a Revolution: The North Carolina Whigs, 
1765-1775" is outstanding. It furnishes a clarification of, and 
a connection between, disturbances over courts, power to 
attach for debts the North Carolina property of persons liv- 
ing in England, the "Presbyterian Party" of the Piedmont, 
royal Governor Martin's effort to enlist support of the old 
Regulators, his belief that Loyalists were strong in the Prov- 
ince, and the ready entry of eastern merchants into the Con- 
tinental Association. 

The remaining essays centered on North Carolina are "The 
Churches of Granville County, North Carolina, in the 



Book Reviews 89 

Eighteenth Century"; "William Blount in North Carolina 
Politics, 1781-1789"; "David Lowry Swain, The First Whig 
Governor of North Carolina"; "The Impact of Civil War on 
Agriculture in North Carolina"; and "Business Leaders in 
Post-Civil War North Carolina, 1865-1900." All of these rep- 
resent excellent research on subjects not only important in 
North Carolina history but also with wider ramifications. 

The four essays wider in scope are "Confederate Literature 
and Its Publishers"; "The Cotton Crisis, The South, and An- 
glo-American Diplomacy 1914-1915"; "Hoke Smith and the 
New Freedom, 1913-1917"; and "Governor Eugene Talmadge 
and the New Deal." 

Professor Link's analysis of the task of the British Foreign 
Office to prevent the collapse of cotton prices and to keep 
cotton off the German market in 1915 reveals perhaps one of 
the last flourishes of power by the ante-bellum King of the 
South. Cotton forced the British to maintain a satisfactory 
price despite putting it on the contraband list. This crisis 
demanded the careful attention not only of President Wilson 
but also of numerous United States agencies and officials. In 
his analysis of Hoke Smith Professor Dewey Grantham has 
shown the almost inevitable doom of a progressive leader 
from the South. But nothing progressive figures in Professor 
Sarah Lemmon's picture of Eugene Talmadge whom she de- 
scribes as a blatant demagogue mouthing about laissez- 
faire and Jeffersonian democracy, as unaccountably affluent, 
as a friend of private power interests and Coca-Cola big-wigs, 
and as one favored by the Liberty League with its wealthy 
northern Republicans and its Atlanta members and one Tex- 
an wealthy from lumber and oil. She leaves Talmadge after 
a violent struggle with the leaders of his own party marked 
as the founder of the Dixiecrat party. Although an excellent 
essay, the one on literature and publishing in the Confeder- 
acy seems lacking in reality when compared with those on 
the new South. 

Within the limits set for a review it is impossible to do jus- 
tice to each essay, and, under such circumstances, perhaps no 
space should be taken to note small errors generally unavoid- 
able; yet this reviewer cannot refrain from calling attention 



90 The North Carolina Historical Review 

to "baited breath" (p. 58 ), "the old bete noire benefited" (p. 
27, n. 15), and one clear typographical error (p. 77). This 
volume represents again the vitality and courage of the His- 
tory Department of the University of North Carolina which 
has taken the lead in the South in crossing the fatal Rubicon, 
1861-1865. 

Nannie M. Tilley. 
East Texas State College, 
Commerce. 



Negro Militia and Reconstruction. By Otis A. Singletary. (Aus- 
tin: University of Texas Press, 1957. Pp. xi, 181. $3.75.) 

This is an objective analysis of the role of the Negro militia 
in Radical Reconstruction. Neither agreeing with the Dun- 
ning School's castigation of the Negro militia movement nor 
the Revisionists' inclination to minimize its importance, Pro- 
fessor Singletary holds that the Negro militia was organized 
primarily for the purpose of preserving Radical regimes in 
the Southern states and that its failure was due more to the 
indifferent support it received than to wicked deeds. 

After summarizing the status of the white militia under the 
Johnson governments, the author reviews the efforts of the 
Radicals to establish state militias in several of the states as 
a means of preserving order, and as a means of keeping the 
Radical governments in power. At election times, he con- 
tinues, the militia was very active. It exerted great influence 
in keeping the Radical in office. Mr. Singletary contends that 
numerous riots, brawls, and crimes ensued as a result of the 
organization but that they were rarely as bad as the press 
presented them. 

In three short chapters, the author reviews the several 
dramatic battles or skirmishes between the whites and mili- 
tia, such as the Brooks-Baxter conflict in Arkansas and the 
Kellogg-McEnery fight in Louisiana. In his accounts of these 
little wars, he follows rather closely the earlier accounts. 
Here, he has apparently used the original sources rather spar- 
ingly. 



Book Reviews 91 

The latter part of the volume describes the life in the mi- 
litia—the great Negro enthusiasm for the militia at the time 
of induction and a corresponding decline of interest upon 
mobilization for action— and the Conservatives' hostility and 
effective retaliation first by legal and peaceful means, and 
later by the organization of the "White Line" or "Red Shirts." 
Mr. Singletary disagrees with the Conservatives' contention 
that the purpose of the white organization was protective and 
the Radical position that it was simply the Ku Klux Klan re- 
vived. Instead, he contends, it was a new organization with 
little similarity to the Ku Klux Klan. Since its main purpose 
was to gain political control, it was practically an adjunct to 
the Democratic party. 

In a concluding chapter, the author analyzes the causes of 
the failure of the Negro militia movement. He holds that the 
Radical governors and the national administration failed to 
give it their full support. The militia, he adds, was poorly or- 
ganized, undisciplined, poorly equipped, and inadequately 
led. But above all the cause for the failure was the opposition 
of the whites which was due more to racial hostility and the 
desire for political power than to the desire of protection. 

The book is a careful and sound piece of historical writing. 
Based on solid research, it is well-documented and objective- 
ly presented,, It includes an extensive bibliography, eight in- 
teresting illustrations, and a workable index. It is also good 
reading. 

Henry T. Shanks. 

Birmingham-Southern College, 

Birmingham, Alabama. 



American Indian and White Relations in 1830. Needs and Op- 
portunities for Study. By William N. Fenton. (Chapel Hill: 
The University of North Carolina Press. 1957. Pp. x, 138. 
$3.00.) 

Only in the subtitle of this book can one get an indication 
of its contents. After a "Foreword" of four pages by Lester 
J. Cappon it contains an essay of twenty-four pages by 



92 The North Carolina Historical Review 

William N. Fenton entitled "Indian and White Relations in 
Eastern North America: A Common Ground for History and 
Ethnology." The remainder of the book is devoted to a 
bibliography under the same title as the essay and which was 
compiled jointly by Lyman H. Butterfield, Wilcomb E. Wash- 
burn, and William N. Fenton. 

During 1952-1953 the Institute of Early American History 
and Culture held a series of Conferences in Williamsburg "to 
encourage a broadening of historical studies into fields where 
relatively little original research has been carried on. . . ." 
(p.v. ) Mr. Fenton's essay was presented to the Conference 
on American Indian and White Relations on February 19, 
1953. It is a brilliantly and persuasively written plea for 
closer collaboration between the historian of the American 
Indian and the ethnologist but bears little relationship to the 
title of the book. The short essay is provocative and well 
worth reading but, as was probably intended by the authors 
and editors, the lasting value of the work is its bibliography 
which should prove valuable to students and scholars, both 
historians and ethnologists, interested in research in Ameri- 
can Indian relations. 

The bibliography, in subdivisions, runs to ninety-two pages 
and is divided into the following seven parts: Refer- 
ence and Bibliographical Aids; Ethnological Literature; His- 
torical Literature; Serials; Manuscript Sources; Documentary 
Publications; and Special Topics. 

The bibliography, to some extent critical, seems compre- 
hensive and should prove its worth. Its compilers are compe- 
tent scholars. Perhaps the best and most scholarly analysis 
of this work will be found in the "Foreword" written by 
Lester J. Cappon, Director of the Institute of Early American 
History and Culture. 

The book is most attractive in format. 

Merritt B. Pound. 

University of Georgia, 

University. 



Book Reviews 93 

The American Indian in Graduate Studies: A Bibliography of 
Theses and Dissertations. Compiled by Frederick J. Docksta- 
der. (New York: Museum of the American Indian, Heye 
Foundation. 1957. Pp. xvii, 399. [Contributions from the Mu- 
seum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, Vol. XV].) 

Except for the original sources, perhaps the most valuable 
assembly of historical information in existence is in the 
thousands of unpublished and often forgotten master's theses 
and doctoral dissertations in the libraries of educational in- 
stitutions. 

Frederick J. Dockstader has made a useful contribution 
to researchers by compiling 3,684 titles of such manuscripts 
that relate to the American Indian. One might have wished 
for more information than that which is given: name of 
author, degree and date, institution, title and physical de- 
scription, information on where published if partially or 
wholly in print, and an occasional sentence of explanation 
or identification when the title does not convey the main 
theses or subject. But scholars, always glad to take what 
they can get, will find this compilation and its index useful 
and suggestive of other subject or area bibliographies which 
could make more readily usable the historical material lying 
fallow and waiting for cultivation. 

A list of manuscripts included in this bibliography which 
by title indicate applicability to North Carolina history fol- 
lows: 

John R. Alden, "Imperial Management of Indian Affairs in 
the South, 1756-1775" (Ph.D., Michigan, 1939). 

Dorothy Audora Arnold, "Some Recent Contributions of the 
Cherokee Indians of North Carolina to the Crafts of the South- 
ern Highlands" (M.A., Tennessee, 1952). 

Evelina Gilbert Beckwith, "A Study of the Physical Equip- 
ment and Teaching Personnel of the Indian Schools of Robeson 
County" (M.A., North Carolina, 1950). 

Leonard Bloom, "The Acculturation of the Eastern Cherokee" 
(Ph.D., Duke, 1937). 

Myrtle Studdard Bonner, "Education and Other Influences in 
the Cultural Assimilation of the Cherokee Indians on the Qualla 



94 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Reservation in North Carolina" (M.A., Alabama Polytechnic, 
1950). 

Elby Alex Boosinger, "The Cherokee Indians in the Revolu- 
tionary War" (M.A., Nebraska, 1951). 

David Peavler Buchanan, "The Relations of the Cherokee In- 
dians with the English in America Prior to 1763" (M.A., Ten- 
nessee, 1923). 

Patricia Hadaway Carter, "The Trail of Tears : An Historical 
Narrative" (M.Ed., Florida, 1949). 

Martha Corbett Chapman, "Indian Relations in Colonial 
North Carolina, 1584-1754" (M.A., North Carolina, 1937). 

Mariam Boyd Eaton, "A History of the Cherokee Indians, 
1763-1776" (M.A., Tennessee, 1928). 

Rachel Carolina Eaton, "John Ross and the Cherokee Indians" 
(Ph.D., Chicago, 1919). 

Irvin Edell, "The Indian Problem and Its Development in 
EarlyVirginia, 1607-1676" (M.A., New York, 1942). 

Thomas Franklin Harwood, "The Indian Problem on the First 
Frontier: Virginia, 1584-1622" (M.A., Texas, 1954). 

Charles Bronislaw Hirsch, "The Experiences of the S.P.G. in 
Eighteenth-Century North Carolina" (Ph.D., Indiana, 1954). 

Eugene Albert Hunsberger, "Indian Affairs in North Caro- 
lina, 1663-1775" (M.A., Indiana, 1951). 

Henry Thompson Malone, "Cherokee Civilization in the Lower 
Appalachians, Especially in North Georgia, Before 1830" (M.A., 
Emory, 1949). 

"A Social History of the Eastern Cherokee 

Indians from the Revolution to Removal" (Ph.D., Emory, 1952). 

Frances Jane Marshall, "The Influence of the Southern In- 
dians on the Revolutionary War" (M.A., Chicago, 1925). 

Herbert Claude Marshall, "The North Carolina Cherokees" 
(M.A., Oklahoma A&M, 1940). 

Robert Alexander Miller, "Latin American Literature of Dis- 
covery and Exploration in the Library of the University of 
North Carolina: A Bibliography" (M.A., North Carolina, 1953). 

Ernest West Morgan, "A Racial Comparison of Education in 
Robeson County (North Carolina)" (M.Ed., North Carolina, 
1940). 

Louise Virginia Nunn, "A Comparison of the Social Situation 
of Two Isolated Indian Groups in Northern North Carolina" 
(M.A., Columbia, 1937). 

Henry McClain Owl, "The Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians 
Before and After Removal" (M.A., North Carolina, 1929). 

Clifton Oxendine, "A Social and Economic History of the In- 
dians of Robeson County, North Carolina" (M.A., George Pea- 
body, 1934). 



Book Reviews 95 

Herbert Richard Paschal, Jr., "The Tuscarora Indians in 
North Carolina" (M.A., North Carolina, 1953). 

Charles Barnard Seidel, "Indian Trade in the Old South from 
1789-1812" (M.A., Louisville, 1928). 

Sarah R. Tirrell, "The Land Situation in North Carolina 
Prior to the Ratification of the Federal Constitution" (M.A., 
Yale, 1931). 

J. W. Williams, "Emigration from North Carolina, 1789- 
1860" (M.A., North Carolina, 1939). 

William Shedrick Willis, "Colonial Conflict and the Cherokee 
Indians, 1710-1760" (Ph.D., Columbia, 1955). 

H. G. Jones. 

State Department of Archives and History, 
Raleigh. 



The Territorial Papers of the United States, Volume XXII : The 
Territory of Florida, 1821-1824. Compiled and edited by Clar- 
ence Edwin Carter. (United States Government Printing- 
office, Washington, 1956. Pp. xiii, 1,129. $8.25.) 

This twenty- second volume of The Territorial Papers of 
the United States maintains the high standards established in 
earlier ones. As the first of several projected volumes per- 
taining to Florida, it begins with Judge DuVal's job applica- 
tion of January 27, 1821, and ends with a recommendation 
written late in June, 1824. These documents relating to 
Florida are the pertinent ones from those in the National 
Archives and in the Library of Congress. 

In chronological order the records of the transition of 
Florida from Spanish to American rule introduce the stormy 
and formative Jackson era. After Jackson, the papers re- 
lating to the secretaries or acting governors of East and West 
Florida flow into the most voluminous records, those of the 
first administration of Governor DuVal. The papers of the 
first three years of DuVal's governorship are so extensive and 
so important that they are not completed in this first volume 
of the territorial papers of Florida. 

The subjects of these papers are as varied and inclusive 
as are the activities of governments. Job applications, com- 
missions, instructions, reports, and acts intermingle with land 



96 The North Carolina Historical Review 

claims, archives, roads, yellow fever, salaries, timber and 
lighthouses. Herein, too, is a storehouse of biographical data 
as well as information on Indians, slaves, troops, and wreck- 
ers. The acts of men in creating counties and towns, in 
forming a territorial government, and in establishing a primi- 
tive economy stand in relief. 

The editing and indexing are superbly done. Every item 
is identified as to its collection within the National Archives 
or the Library of Congress. The clearly written preface ade- 
quately sets the stage for use of the papers which follow. 
The full footnotes will be time saving for students, and 
sampling checks indicate that the index is accurate. The 
141-page, double-columned index is indicative of the magni- 
tude of the work and of its value. Although this book will be 
of most use to the historian, it will eventually bring to the 
layman a better understanding of his American heritage. 

Rembert W. Patrick. 

University of Florida, 

Gainesville. 



The Army Air Forces In World War II : Volume Six, Men and 
Planes. Edited by Wesley Frank Craven and James Lea Cate. 
(Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. 1955. Pp. iii, 808. 
$8.50.) 

After five large volumes devoted to the combat activities 
of the Army Air Forces, the editors concentrate in Volume 
Six on the men and planes which made possible the success 
of the combat teams. The volume is divided into three 
sections: The Organization and its Responsibilities, Equip- 
ment and Services, Recruitment and Training. Six contribu- 
tors wrote chapters while the editors assumed responsibility 
for the integration of the chapters and contributed the in- 
terpretative foreword. 

Emphasis is rightly placed upon the remarkable achieve- 
ments of American air power. "During World War II the 
United States conceived, constructed, and employed with 
devastating success the largest and most powerful air force 
the world had yet known. In the fullest sense it was a 



Book Reviews 97 

triumph of the American people as a whole, for it was the 
product of a truly national effort, a remarkable collaboration 
among the scientific, industrial, and military components of 
American society." By December 1941 the United States 
had become the world's foremost producer of military air- 
craft; by August 1945 she had produced almost 300,000 
planes. Nowhere do the authors claim that the AAF won 
the war, but this volume plus the earlier volumes make it 
abundantly evident that air power was unsurpassed in. im- 
portance. 

Although the volume was obviously not written for indoc- 
trination purposes, it makes clear at least two important les- 
sons for the American people— the need for a genuinely uni- 
fied Department of Defense to insure effective co-ordination 
of the military services, and the absolute necessity of ade- 
quate military preparation before the outbreak of hostilities. 
The great contribution of President Roosevelt's bold pre- 
paredness program of 1938-1941 is underscored by the simple 
but often forgotten facts: "The AAF fought during World 
War II with aircraft which were all either in production or 
under development prior to 7 December 1941. . . . The major 
wartime achievements in research and development—for ex- 
ample, jet propulsion— had their chief effect upon the tactical 
strength of the air force only after the war was over." 

This is a large, scholarly, well-organized, and well-written 
book, interesting and impressive but not designed to be 
"popular." The treatment is sympathetic without being un- 
critical—highly factual but seldom permitting statistics to 
detract from the narrative. Although this is an official his- 
tory, the editors and contributors freely admit that the AAF 
and its agencies "made mistakes." Among these were the 
neglect to provide enough spare engines and parts, unneces- 
sary competition with the Navy for desirable air station sites, 
and failure to use enough experienced educators in the train- 
ing program. 

The authors discuss frankly but do not exaggerate the im- 
portance of such controversial subjects as the Reuther Plan 
for mass production of planes, the "uneconomical" use of 
material in order to be "economical" of lives, the aircrew 



98 The North Carolina Historical Review 

college training program, the policy of segregating Negroes 
in the AAF, and the allocation of aircraft among the various 
claimants, chiefly the AAF, the Navy, Great Britain, and 
the USSR. 

This is a handsome and significant book. It contains 
valuable organizational charts, many fine illustrations, an 
appendix, a glossary, and an adequate index. The illustra- 
tions consist of photographs of various types of planes, of 
production methods, and of training schools and techniques. 

Winfred A. Harbison. 

Wayne State University, 
Detroit, Michigan. 






m 



HISTORICAL NEWS 

The purchase of the Bentonville Battleground site which 
is to be developed under the direction of the Historic Sites 
Division of the State Department of Archives and History 
has been completed. The 1957 General Assembly appropri- 
ated $25,000 toward the purchase and Johnston County (in 
which the battle was fought) appropriated an additional 
$10,000. Since the purchase price was $50,000 an option was 
secured with the agreement that the remaining $15,000 be 
raised not later than September 1. People in Johnston and 
other counties through a successful campaign were able to 
raise the required amount with the exception of approxi- 
mately $1,500 which was borrowed from a bank. On August 
29 the transaction was consumated and a total of 51 acres 
was acquired from Mr. and Mrs. J. J. Dunn who were the 
owners of the property. The purchase included the Harper 
House, used as an emergency hospital, several well-preserved 
earthworks, and the Confederate cemetery with its monu- 
ment erected by the Goldsboro Rifles. 

Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Director of the Department of 
Archives and History, accompanied by Mr. D. L. Corbitt 
and Mr. W. S. Tarlton, attended the joint meeting of the 
North Carolina Literary and Historical Association, Inc., and 
the Western North Carolina Historical Association which was 
held in Cullowhee August 16-17. On September 6, during 
the celebration of the 200th Birth Anniversary of General 
LaFayette ( for whom Fayetteville was named ) , Dr. Critten- 
den spoke to a group in Fayetteville on the historic sites pro- 
gram of the State. The program was illustrated with slides of 
a number of historic sites which have been restored and a 
number which are to be restored. 

On September 10 Dr. Crittenden spoke to the Colonel 
Polk Chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolution 
which met in the Assembly Room of the Hall of History and 
on September 25 he attended a meeting of the Tryon Palace 
Executive Committee in New Bern. 

[99] 



100 The North Carolina Historical Review 

On October 2 Dr. Crittenden, accompanied by Mr. II. G. 
Jones, State Archivist, attended the twenty-first annual meet- 
ing of the Society of American Archivists in Columbus, Ohio. 
On October 4 he presided at a joint luncheon of the Society 
of American Archivists and the American Association for 
State and Local History and on October 6 he met again with 
the latter group. On October 10-13 Dr. Crittenden attended 
the annual meeting of the National Trust for Historic Preser- 
vation at Swampscott, Mass., and on October 17 attended 
the meeting of the Wake County Historical Society. On Octo- 
ber 18-19 he represented Governor Luther H. Hodges at the 
celebration of the 176th anniversary of the surrender of 
Cornwallis held in Yorktown, Virginia. At a meeting of the 
Eastern North Carolina Press Association held in Smithfield 
on October 26 Dr. Crittenden spoke on the topic, "History 
Can Be Big Business." He made the same address on Octo- 
ber 31 to the Travel Council of North Carolina in Asheville, 
and on November 1 he made the presidential address, "We've 
Come a Long Way— History and Historical Activities in 
North Carolina," at the meeting of the Historical Society of 
North Carolina meeting at Wake Forest College, Winston- 
Salem. Dr. Crittenden spoke on the procedures for the dis- 
posal of county records having no further value at the Insti- 
tute of Government Workshop for County Attorneys in 
Chapel Hill on November 2. From November 4 through No- 
vember 7 he and Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Museum Adminis- 
trator of the Department of Archives and History, attended 
a meeting of the Tryon Palace Commission in New Bern. On 
November 21 Dr^ Crittenden gave an illustrated talk to a 
group at the Rowan Museum, Inc., in Salisbury on preserving 
the history of North Carolina. He participated in a panel ses- 
sion of the North Carolina Library Association meeting on 
November 22; the discussion was on the conservation and 
utilization of historical resources in North Carolina libraries. 
On November 27 Dr. Crittenden participated with Mr. Wil- 
liam S. Powell of the University of North Carolina Library 
on a TV program from Station WUNC-TV in Chapel Hill, 



Historical News 101 

on the various literary awards presented each year through 
the North Carolina Literary and Historical Association. 

Mr. D. L. Corbitt, Head of the Division of Publications, 
assisted a group of interested persons in organizing the Union 
County Historical Society on October 3. On October 11 he 
met with a group in Williamston and assisted with the forma- 
tion of the Martin County Historical Association and made 
the principal address of the evening. Mr. Corbitt spoke on 
October 16 to the Johnston-Pettigrew Chapter of the United 
Daughters of the Confederacy on "The Confederate Monu- 
ments of North Carolina." He represented the Department 
at the meeting of the Southern Historical Association held in 
Houston, Texas, November 7-9. On November 25 he spoke 
to the North Carolina Military District on "Early Settlements 
of North Carolina." 

Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Museum Administrator of the De- 
partment of Archives and History, and Miss Barbara Mc- 
Keithan of the staff of the Hall of History attended the sixth 
annual meeting of the Southeastern Museums Conference, 
October 9-12, which was held at the Florida State Museum, 
Gainesville. Mrs. Jordan, who is Secretary-Treasurer of the 
group, arranged the introductory panel session on "Installa- 
tion and Interpretation." Mrs. Jordan and Mrs. Madlin 
Futrell went to New Bern November 12-14 to photograph 
the furnishings for Tryon Palace for insurance and record 
purposes. 

Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Historic Sites Superintendent, an- 
nounces that on September 1 Mr. George K. Gelbach com- 
menced duties as Historic Site Specialist assigned to Benton- 
ville Battleground. He is a native of Hagerstown, Maryland, 
and a graduate of Gettysburg College, Pennsylvania, and 
received his master of arts degree in history from Duke Uni- 
versity. For the past nine years Mr. Gelbach has taught in 
Edenton High School. 

On September 10 Mr. Tarlton and Dr. Crittenden attended 
the meeting of The Lower Cape Fear Historical Society, 



102 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Wilmington, to discuss the possibilities of restoring Fort 
Fisher. He went on a tour of Warren County on Septem- 
ber 15, sponsored by The Society of County and Local 
Historians, and on September 19 he spoke to the joint 
meeting of the Reidsville and Winston-Salem Pilot clubs 
at Williamsburg Community Center, Rockingham County, 
on North Carolina's historic sites. On October 6 and 7 Mr. 
Tarlton attended the annual meeting of the North American 
Association of Historic Sites Public Officials at Columbus, 
Ohio, of which he is Second Vice-president, and on Octo- 
ber 12 he advised with a committee of the Littleton Woman's 
Club on the restoration of Person's Ordinary at Littleton 
and attended a luncheon conference at Halifax to discuss 
plans for observing the bi-centennial of Halifax County 
in 1958. Mr. Tarlton on October 17 spoke on "Preserving 
North Carolina's Historic Sites" to the Mecklenburg His- 
torical Association at Hopewell Presbyterian Church near 
Charlotte, and on October 18 he spoke to the joint meeting 
of the Winston-Salem Chapters of the Daughters of the 
American Revolution on the preservation of historic sites 
in North Carolina. On October 25 he attended a tour of 
Bentonville Battleground made by the Eastern North Caro- 
lina Press Association, and on November 19 he spoke to the 
Moore County Historical Society at Southern Pines on "A 
Long Range Program for the House in the Horseshoe." 

On October 22 Mr. H. G. Jones, State Archivist, addressed 
the Hertford County Historical Association at Chowan Col- 
lege, Murfreesboro, on the subject of "The Tragedy of 
Hertford." Mr. Roy Parker, Jr., was elected President of the 
Hertford group. Mr. Jones spoke on November 2 at the semi- 
annual meeting of the North Carolina Society of the De- 
scendants of the Palatines in Kinston on "Where Our Ances- 
tors Failed." He presented the society with photocopies of 
the de Graffenried documents recently acquired by the 
Department and reported on the research concerning their 
authenticity. He spoke to the Bloomsbury Chapter, Daugh- 
ters of the Revolution, in Raleigh on November 8, describing 
genealogical source materials available in North Carolina. 



Historical News 10 



o 



Mr. Jones attended the annual meeting of the Society of 
American Archivists in Columbus, Ohio, October 2-5. In 
September he accompanied Miss Mollie Lukis, Archivist of 
Western Australia, on a visit to the United Nations Archives 
in New York. On his return trip, Mr. Jones visited the Public 
Records Office of the Pennsylvania Historical and Museum 
Commission in Harrisburg. 

Mrs. Pauline Cone Beers has been employed as a tem- 
porary archivist to arrange the Governor R. Gregg Cherry 
personal papers. Mrs. Beers was formerly Assistant Curator 
of Manuscripts at Duke University. 

Records Management in North Carolina, an 8-page leaflet 
designed to acquaint state officials with the Department's 
modern records program and services, has been written by 
Mrs. Memory F. Blackwelder, Records Center Supervisor. 
Copies are available at no charge from the State Archivist or 
Mrs. Blackwelder. 

The following volumes, formerly withdrawn because of 
deteriorating conditions, have been laminated and rebound 
by the Department: Duplin County Court Minutes, 1793- 
1798 and 1801-1804; Currituck County Court Minutes, 1803- 
1807 and 1827-1830; Edgecombe County Court Minutes, 
1807-1811; New Hanover County Court Minutes, 1811-1812; 
New Hanover County Reference Docket, 1750; Richmond 
County Court Minutes, 1800-1804; and George Micklejohn, 
On the Important Duty of the Subjection to the Civil Powers 
. . . (New Bern: 1768). 

Photocopies of the registers of post offices in North Caro- 
lina, 1829-1899, and of the population census summaries for 
1790-1860 have been purchased from the Library of Con- 
gress. 

Minutes of the New Hanover County Board of Health, 
1879-1895, have been deposited in the Archives by Dr. C. B. 
Davis of Wilmington. The existence of this minute book 
appears to establish beyond doubt that the New Hanover 
County Board of Health is the oldest such county board in 
the nation. 

Mr. Jones has announced that, among others, the following 
significant acquisitions have been made by the Archives re- 
cently: 



104 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The private and congressional papers of the late Thur- 
mond Chatham, North Carolina manufacturer, naval officer, 
and representative in Congress, have been deposited as a 
gift from his heirs. The collection, consisting of approximately 
35 cubic feet, includes Mr. Chatham's personal and congres- 
sional papers (mainly for the years 1946-1956), scrapbooks, 
photographs, and a small group of historical manuscripts 
collected by him. The latter group includes letters to Eng 
and Chang, the Siamese twins, while on their nation-wide 
tour; minutes of the Wilkes Debating Society, 1824-1825; a 
number of nineteenth-century letters and papers; and one 
letter from Thomas Pinckney to Major General Lincoln dated 
April 17, 1779. After they have been processed, certain por- 
tions of the Chatham Collection will be available for public 
research. 

The W. K. Littleton Collection, deposited by Mr. Littleton 
of Badin, consists of indentures, bills of sales, legal papers, 
and letters of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth cen- 
turies. This small collection has its significance in having 
originated in Montgomery and Stanly counties where most 
of the early official records have been destroyed by fire. 

Three documents of interest in the history of the Palatines 
have been given the Archives by Mrs. Bartlett Richards of 
Hinsdale, Illinois, a descendant of Christopher de Graffen- 
ried. These consist of a copy of a statement issuing from the 
Queen's Bench stating that de Graffenried had taken the 
Lord's Supper in a Protestant Church; the original of a patent 
from the Lords Proprietors to de Graffenried, July 28, 1709; 
and a copy of the granting of arms to de Graffenried. 

County Records in North Carolina: Preservation, Repro- 
duction, Disposal, a 13 -page mimeographed manual, has been 
published by the Department. The handbook is designed to 
assist county officials in solving their records problems and 
establishes recommended schedules for county records which 
may not warrant permanent preservation. As soon as the De- 
partment is able to fill its newly-authorized position of Public 
Records Examiner, a more adequate county records program 
will be instituted with a view toward maintaining a continu- 
ous liaison between the Department and county "officials. 



Historical News 105 

During the months of July, August, and September, 939 
persons registered for research in the Archives and 666 mail 
inquiries were answered by the Search Room in addition to 
those answered directly by the State Archivist. A total of 624 
photostatic copies were furnished, 130 microfilm prints, 92 
certified copies and 1,940 feet of microfilm. 

The National Archives and Records Service through the 
Atlanta branch sponsored a workshop on correspondence on 
November 18-22 at North Carolina State College. Mrs. Fanny 
Memory Blackwelder, Records Center Supervisor, attended 
the meetings and Mrs. Betsy C. Moss and Mrs. Jo Anne Kuhn 
of the Records Center staff were awarded certificates for 
participation in the workshop classes. 

Three new faculty members have been added to the De- 
partment of History of the University of North Carolina. 
They are Dr. Robert D. S. Higham and Dr. Richard Burgess 
Barlow, who will serve as Instructors of History, and Mr. 
Otto H. Olsen, who will be a Lecturer in Social Science. 

Dr. James L. Godfrey spoke to the North Carolina State 
Library Association in Raleigh on November 21 on 'The 
Schools, the Book, and the Libraries." Dr. Godfrey read a 
paper, "The Problem of Federalism in Ghana," at the meet- 
ing of the Southern Political Science Association in Gatlin- 
burg, Tennessee, on November 22. Dr. LIugh T. Lefler deliv- 
ered an address at the 200th Birth Anniversary of the Marquis 
De LaFayette in Fayetteville on September 6 on the topic, 
"LaFayette and Fayetteville." He spoke to the Sandhills 
Kiwanis Club at Southern Pines on October 16 on the subject, 
"Some Highlights in North Carolina History." Dr. Robert 
Miller read a paper at the meeting of the Historical Society 
of North Carolina at Wake Forest College on November 1 on 
"The Bible Belt Revisited, 1919-1939." Dr. Harold A. Bierck, 
Dr. James L. Godfrey, Dr. Fletcher M. Green, Dr. Frank W. 
Klingberg, Dr. J. Carlyle Sitterson, and Dr. George V. Taylor 
attended the Southern Historical Association meetings in 
Houston, Texas, November 7-9. Dr. Green read a paper, 
"Presidential Tours in the Old South"; Dr. Klingberg led the 
discussion on "Southern Subversives"; Dr. Taylor led the 



106 The North Carolina Historical Review 

discussion on "The French Revolution"; and Dr. Sitterson 
participated in a round-table discussion on "Southern Lead- 
ership." 

Dr. Burton F. Beers of the Department of History of North 
Carolina State College had an article published in the Janu- 
ary, 1958, issue of the Pacific Historical Review entitled 
"Robert Lansing's Proposed Bargain with Japan." 

At the end of the Fall Quarter, 1957, Dr. A. D. Frank re- 
tired as Head of the Department of Social Sciences at East 
Carolina College and moved to Boca Raton, Florida. Dr. Paul 
Murray has been appointed as acting head for the remainder 
of the academic year, 1957-1958. On October 31 Mr. Herbert 
R. Paschal, Jr. read a paper on the Tuscarora Indians to the 
Wayne County Historical Society. 

Dr. William S. Hoffmann of Appalachian State Teachers 
College read a paper at the October 28 meeting of the West- 
ern North Carolina Historical Association held in Lake Juna- 
luska. Dr. Ina Woestemeyer Van Noppen read a paper, 
"Stoneman's Last Raid," at the afternoon meeting of the His- 
torical Society of North Carolina on November 1 at Wake 
Forest College. Dr. Van Noppen and Mr. John Justice at- 
tended the annual meeting of the Southern Historical Asso- 
ciation in Houston, Texas, November 7-9. Dr. Max Dixon 
attended the annual meeting of the National Council for 
Social Studies in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, November 26-28 
and Dr. Julian C. Yoder attended the annual meeting of 
Geographers of the Southeastern District at Atlanta, Georgia, 
November 25-27. 

Dr. H. H. Cunningham, Professor of History and Chairman 
of the Department of Social Sciences, has been appointed 
Dean of Elon College. Dr. Clarence B. Carson, a recent doc- 
toral graduate of Vanderbilt University, has been appointed 
Assistant Professor of History at Elon. 

Mr. Alan Williams, formerly acting head of the Depart- 
ment of History at Queen's College, has resigned to accept 



Historical News 107 

a position in the History Department at the University of 
Virginia. Dr. Norris W. Preyer, who previously taught at 
Guilford College, has accepted a position as Assistant Pro- 
fessor at Queen's. Dr. Claudia Louise Salley, who was Visit- 
ing Professor at Queen's, 1956-1957, has resigned her position 
at Florida State University and is the new Professor of His- 
tory and Chairman of the Department of History at Queen's. 
She received her Ph.D. from the University of Michigan and 
last spring read a paper, "The Conflict between Mysticism 
and Greek Learning: Lefevre," at the meeting of the South- 
eastern Renaissance Conference held at Duke University, an 
abstract of which appeared in the South Atlantic Bulletin. 

Dr. Harold T. Parker has been promoted to Professor of 
History at Duke University and is serving as Editor of the 
"Alumni Newsletter." Dr. Joel Colton has been promoted to 
Associate Professor of History and is on sabbatical leave this 
year, the second semester of which he will study in Paris on 
a Guggenheim Fellowship. Mr. Don Higginbotham, Mr. John 
Stark, and Mr. William Rock, all graduate students, are 
teaching this year to fill vacancies created by the resignations 
of Dr. Alexander De Conde and Dr. Harry Stevens who have 
accepted positions at the University of Michigan and Ohio 
State University respectively. 

Dr. Henry S. Stroupe, Chairman of the Department of 
History at Wake Forest College, will direct the college's new 
program of evening classes. The classes were established in 
September through a grant from the R. J. Reynolds Tobacco 
Company. 

An afternoon and evening session sponsored by the North 
Carolina Federation of Music Clubs on December 3 opened 
a week-long series of meetings by the various cultural socie- 
ties and organizations in Raleigh. This year is the first in 
which the music organizations have met with the other 
groups. Mrs. Harry J. Shonts of Winston-Salem presided at 
the afternoon session at which Mr. Donald McCorkle, Execu- 
tive Director of the Moravian Music Foundation, Inc., made 
an address. Mrs. Fred B. McCall, Director of the Children's 
Concert Division, and Miss Nelle Cheek of the elementary 
school staff presented a program under the direction of Dr. 
Benjamin F. Swalin. The Norden Trio of Wilmington com- 



108 The North Carolina Historical Review 

posed of Mrs. Eric Norden, viola; Mrs. Horace Moore, violin; 
and Mrs. Charles Shotts, piano, presented a program of 
chamber music which was followed by a tea. 

Mrs. Maurice Honigman of Gastonia, North Carolina rep- 
resentative on the board of the National Federation of Music 
Clubs, was the principal speaker at the banquet session. A 
performance of Alex Wilder' s short opera, "Sunday Excur- 
sion," by the Grass Roots Opera Company of Raleigh con- 
cluded the program. 

On December 4 the thirty-first annual meeting of the North 
Carolina State Art Society was opened with a business session 
during which the following persons were elected to the so- 
ciety's board of directors: Mrs. J. H. B. Moore of Greenville, 
Mr. Gregory Ivy of Greensboro, State Auditor Henry 
Bridgers, and State Treasurer Edwin Gill, both of Raleigh. 
Dr. Robert Lee Humber was re-elected President, Mr. Gill 
was elected Vice-President, Mrs. James H. Cordon was 
elected Treasurer, and Mrs. May Davis Hill was elected 
Secretary. Other members of the Advisory Board are Dr. 
Clarence Poe and Mrs. Isabelle Bowen Henderson of 
Raleigh; Dr. Clemens Sommer of Chapel Hill; and Mr. 
Egbert L. Davis of Winston-Salem. Members of the Board 
appointed by governor are Mrs. Charles A. Cannon, Dr. C. 
Sylvester Green, and Mr. Ralph C. Price. 

The winners of the North Carolina Artists' Exhibition who 
were presented special $100 awards by Dr. William R. Valen- 
tiner, Director of the State Art Museum, were Mr. James 
Bumgardner of Winston-Salem, for his painting, "Athena"; 
Mr. George Bireline of Raleigh, for his painting, "J 57"; Mr. 
Henry C. Pearson of Kinston, for his painting, "Oshidori"; 
Jane Bolmeier of Durham, for her painting, "Still Life"; and 
Mr. Roy Gussow of Raleigh, for his sculpture, "Isasoma." Mr. 
Bumgardner also received a $300 art scholarship presented 
by the North Carolina Federation of Women's Clubs. The 
special awards initiated this year replace the custom arv pur- 
chase awards (a total of $1,000), which the Art Society has 
used previously to add to the permanent collection of the 
Museum. 



Historical News 100 

Dr. Robert Lee Humber of Greenville, President of the 
Art Society, presided at the dinner at which Dr. Percy Rath- 
bone, Director of the Boston Museum of Fine Arts, spoke. 
A luncheon and a business meeting of the board of directors 
preceded the evening program with Dr. Humber reporting 
that the gifts donated during the past year double the amount 
spent by the State to operate the Museum. Total gifts for 
1957 were valued at $322,980 and a total value of $1,243,000 
has been placed on the gifts received since the Museum 
opened on April 6, 1956. 

Mr. James Byrnes, Associate Director of the Museum, 
spoke briefly on the attendance during the first 11 months of 
1957. A reception and a preview of exhibition paintings 
closed the meeting. 

The seventeenth annual session of the North Carolina So- 
ciety for the Preservation of Antiquities was held on Decem- 
ber 5 with Mrs. Ernest Ives of Southern Pines elected as 
President for 1958. Mrs. Ernest A. Branch of Raleigh was re- 
elected Secretary-Treasurer and Mrs. Charles A. Cannon of 
Concord was re-elected Honorary President. Mr. Edmund H. 
Harding of Washington was elected Vice-President and the 
following will continue to serve as members of the board of 
directors: Mrs. O. Max Gardner of Shelby, Dr. Archibald 
Henderson of Chapel Hill, Miss Gertrude S. Carraway of 
New Bern, and Mrs. Lyman A. Gotten of Chapel Hill. Mr. 
Harding presented the Charles A. Cannon Awards to Miss 
Lucy Cobb, Mrs. R. N. Simms, and Dr. Clarence Poe, all of 
Raleigh; Mr. Grayson Harding of Edenton; Mr. William S. 
Powell of Chapel Hill; and Mrs. Elizabeth D. Reynolds of 
Winston-Salem, at the evening meeting. 

During the morning session reports on preservation proj- 
ects were made by Mr. George K. Gelbach of Raleigh on 
Bentonville Battleground; Mrs. Joseph C. Mason of Winston- 
Salem on Old Salem; Mrs. Horace P. Robinson of Littleton 
on Person's Ordinary; Mr. Edmund H. Harding of Washing- 
ton on Historic Bath; and Mrs. L. R. Harrell of Elkin on the 
Elkin Library. 

At the luncheon meeting Dr. E. Lawrence Lee, Jr., Pro- 
fessor of History at The Citadel, made a talk on "Old Bruns- 
wick Town"; and at the evening session Mrs. John A. Kellen- 



110 The North Carolina Historical Review 

berger of Greensboro and Miss Gertrude S. Carraway and 
Mr. Gregor Norman-Wilcox, the latter two of New Bern, 
discussed the progress of the restoration work on Tryon Pal- 
ace. A reception for members and guests of the society 
followed the program. 

The North Carolina Literary and Historical Association, 
Inc., opened its fifty-seventh annual meeting with a business 
session and the election of the following officers: Dr. D. J. 
Whitener of Boone, President; Mr. Henry Belk of Goldsboro, 
Mr. Herbert O'Keef of Raleigh, and Mrs. Wilma Dykeinan 
Stokely of Asheville, Vice-Presidents; Mrs. Mebane H. Bur- 
gwyn of Jackson, Col. Hugh Dortch of Goldsboro, and Mr. 
Paul Green of Chapel Hill, members of the Executive Com- 
mittee; and Dr. Christopher Crittenden of Raleigh, Secretary- 
Treasurer. Members of the nominating committee are Mrs. 
Pauline Worthy of Washington, Miss Mary C. Wiley of 
Winston-Salem, Mrs. Inglis Fletcher of Edenton, and Mr. R. 
Mayne Albright and Mr. Richard Walser, both of Raleigh. 

Brief talks were made by Miss Gertrude S. Carraway of 
New Bern on "History Is an Important Product" and by Mr. 
Glenn Tucker of Flat Rock on "Hoke's Brigade at Gettys- 
burg." Mr. Phillips Russell of Chapel Hill reviewed North 
Carolina fiction of 1956-1957, and Mr. Herbert R. Paschal, 
Jr., presented the R. D. W. Connor Award for the best article 
relating to North Carolina published in The North Carolina 
Historical Review to Mr. Diffee W. Standard of Chapel Hill 
and Dr. Richard W. Griffin of the Alabama Polytechnic In- 
stitute, Auburn. The winning article was "The Cotton Textile 
Industry in Ante-Bellum North Carolina." 

Mrs. Mebane H. Burgwyn of Jackson presented the 
Roanoke-Chowan Poetry Award to Mrs. Dorothy Edwards 
Summerow of Gastonia for her volume, Ten Angels Swearing, 
and Dr. Leslie Syron of Raleigh presented the American 
Association of University Women's Juvenile Literature Award 
to Mrs. Nell Wise Wechter of Greensboro for her book, Taffy 
of Torpedo Junction. 

Mr. William S. Powell presented the only American Asso- 
ciation for State and Local History Award given in the State 
this year to the New Bern Fireman's Museum, and Mr. L. R. 
Tucker of New Bern, Chairman of the Museum, accepted the 



Historical News 111 

award for the institution which was established in 1955 and 
dedicated on June 24, 1957. 

The Association adopted a resolution instructing the Pres- 
ident to name committees for the following purposes: (1) to 
begin planning for the observance in 1963 of the three- 
hundredth anniversary of the granting of the Carolina Char- 
ter of 1663 by Charles I; (2) to begin planning for the cele- 
bration of the approaching Civil War centennials; and ( 3 ) to 
work for a new state building to house the Department of 
Archives and History. 

Mrs. Taft Bass of Clinton presided at the luncheon meet- 
ing and Mr. Winston Broadfoot of Hillsboro reviewed the 
North Carolina non-fiction books of 1956-1957. 

Mr. Gilbert T. Stephenson of Pendleton gave the presiden- 
tial address, "Literature and History," and Mr. Ray Wilkin- 
son of Rocky Mount presided at the dinner meeting. At the 
evening session Dr. Marvin L. Skaggs of Greensboro presided 
and Dr. T. V. Smith, formerly of Syracuse University, 
made an address, "Poetry, Politics, and Philosophy." 
Mr. Hugh Morton of Wilmington presented the first Cor- 
porate Citizenship Award to the Jefferson Standard Broad- 
casting Company, a subsidiary of the Jefferson Standard Life 
Insurance Company. In 1951 the broadcasting firm created 
the Jefferson Standard Foundation which gives two four- 
year scholarships (valued at $525) annually in the fields of 
radio and television— one to be used at the University of 
North Carolina, Chapel Hill, and the other at North Carolina 
State College in Raleigh. 

Miss Clara Booth Byrd of Greensboro, President of the 
Historical Book Club, Inc., presented the Sir Walter Raleigh 
Award to Mrs. Doris Betts of Sanford for her novel, Tall 
Houses in Winter. Dr. Archibald Henderson, retired professor 
of mathematics at the University of North Carolina in Chapel 
Hill, was presented the twenty-sixth annual Mayflower So- 
ciety Award for his biography, George Bernard Shaw: Man 
of the Century. Dr. Henderson had previously won the May- 
flower Award in 1932 for Bernard Shaio: Playboy and 
Prophet and the Patterson Award for George Bernard Shaw: 
His Life and Works. Mrs. Preston B. Wilkes, Jr., of Charlotte, 



112 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Governor of the Society of Mayflower Descendants in the 
State of North Carolina, made the presentation. 

Following the evening session a reception for members 
and guests was held. 

The forty-sixth annual session of the North Carolina Folk- 
lore Society met on December 6 and re-elected Mrs. Charles 
F. (Betty Vaiden) Williams of Raleigh, President; Mr. Don- 
ald McDonald of Charlotte and Mr. John Fletcher of Eden- 
ton, Vice-Presidents; and Dr. Arthur Palmer Hudson of 
Chapel Hill, Secretary-Treasurer. The program for the meet- 
ing centered on "Our Anglo-American Heritage of Story, 
Song, and Dance," with Mr. Richard Chase of Boone, col- 
lector of the "Jack Tales" and editor of American Folk Tales 
and Songs, telling folktales. Dr. I. G. Greer, veteran ballad 
singer of Chapel Hill, accompanied by Mrs. Greer on the 
dulcimer, sang folksongs. The Dixieland Square Dancers of 
Raleigh with music by a string band illustrated folk dances. 

On the afternoon of December 6 Governor and Mrs. 
Luther H. Hodges entertained at a tea and reception at the 
Governor's Mansion from 4:30 to 6:00 p.m. Members and 
guests of all the cultural societies and organizations partici- 
pating in the five-day program were invited. 

On the afternoon of December 6 the North Carolina Sym- 
phony Society held a meeting of the Executive Committee. 
Officers of the society are: Mr. Russell M. Grumman of 
Chapel Hill, President; Mr. M. Elliot Carroll of Durham, Ex- 
ecutive Vice-President; Mr. James McClure Clarke of Ashe- 
ville, Mr. Lester C. Gifford of Hickory, and Mrs. Floyd D. 
Mehan of High Point, Vice-Presidents; Mr. William R. 
Cherry of Chapel Hill, Treasurer; Mrs. Vera N. Campbell of 
Chapel Hill, Assistant Treasurer; Mr. J. E. Adams of Chapel 
Hill, Secretary; and Dr. Benjamin F. Swalin of Chapel Hill, 
Director. 

The Roanoke Island Historical Association held its annual 
business meeting at a luncheon on December 5. Officers of 



Historical News 113 

the Association are Dr. Robert Lee Humber of Greenville, 
Chairman; Mr. Russell M. Grumman of Chapel Hill, Vice 
Chairman; Mr. Isaac P. Davis of Winton, Secretary; Mr. 
Chauncey S. Meekins of Manteo, Treasurer; and Mr. Richard 
E. Jordan of Manteo, General Manager. 

On December 7 the Historical Book Club held a breakfast 
meeting for its members and Mrs. Doris Betts, winner of the 
Sir Walter Raleigh Award which is presented annually by 
the club for the best fiction work. At the same time the So- 
ciety of Mayflower Descendants in the State of North Caro- 
lina held a breakfast for its members and Dr. Archibald 
Henderson, winner of the Mayflower Award. 

Mrs. Taft Bass of Clinton was elected President of the 
North Carolina Society of County and Local Historians at a 
meeting on December 7 and the following were chosen Vice- 
Presidents: Mr. Leon McDonald of Olivia, Mrs. N. A. Ed- 
wards of Goldsboro, and Mr. D. L. Corbitt of Raleigh. The 
society presented awards to Mr. Bill East of the Winston- 
Salem Twin City Sentinel, Mr. E. P. Holmes of the Elkin 
Tribune, and Mr. F. C. Salisbury of the Carteret News-Times 
of Morehead City. Dr. Blackwell P. Robinson, Professor of 
History at the Woman's College of the University of North 
Carolina, Greensboro, received the Smithwick Award for his 
book, William R. Davie. 

The North Carolina Poetry Society met on December 7 
with Mrs. A. A. Kyles presiding. Mrs. Edith Earnshaw of 
Wake Forest read selections of her poetry and a roll call was 
made of North Carolina poets. The Roanoke-Chowan Poetry 
Award winner, Mrs. Dorothy Edwards Summerow, was pre- 
sented to the group and read from her poetry. 

The North Carolina Society of County and Local Histo- 
rians and the Warren County Historical Society sponsored a 
tour of Warren County on September 15 with approximately 
75 people participating. The group met in the Warren County 
Library where special exhibits relating to the county were 



114 The North Carolina Historical Review 

set up to aid in orienting the party for the tour. Large num- 
bered markers were placed at the points to be seen or visited 
and a loudspeaker system was used by Mr. W. W. Taylor to 
give a commentary at all stops. At the conclusion of the tour 
the group met at the home of Mr. and Mrs. Lunsford Long 
for a refreshment hour. Mrs. James Beckwith was chairman 
of the arrangement committee. Among the historic places 
which were visited were the home of John Hall in Warren- 
ton, the William R. Johnson house, the William Eaton law 
office, the hotel building at Jones White Sulphur Springs, 
the grave of Annie Carter Lee, the reconstructed home and 
the grave of Nathaniel Macon, and Little Manor or Mosby 
Hall. The group stopped at the John Graham High School 
for lunch. 

The Wake County Historical Society held its fall meeting 
on October 17 in the Assembly Room of the State Depart- 
ment of Archives and History in Raleigh with the President, 
Mr. William A. Parker, presiding. Mrs. R. Bruce Carter, 
Secretary, read the minutes of the previous meeting and Mr. 
John Y. Jordan, Jr., program chairman, introduced Mr. Her- 
bert O'Keef, editor of The Raleigh Times and speaker for 
the evening, whose topic was "The Day Sherman Came to 
Town." Mrs. Elizabeth W. Wilborn, membership chairman, 
and Mr. Richard Seawell, Treasurer, gave reports and Mr. 
Parker appointed Mr. L. Polk Denmark as projects chairman. 
The program and business session were followed by a social 
hour. There are 162 members of the society. 

The Historical Society of North Carolina held its fall meet- 
ing at Wake Forest College, Winston-Salem, on November 1, 
with the President, Dr. Christopher Crittenden, presiding. 
Following the business session in the afternoon, papers were 
read by Dr. Robert M. Miller of the University of North 
Carolina, Chapel Hill, and Dr. Ina W. Van Noppen of Appa- 
lachian State Teachers College, Boone. 

Dr. Crittenden gave the presidential address at the evening 
session. New officers elected for the year 1958 are Dr. Hugh 
T. Lefler of Chapel Hill, President; Mr. D. L. Corbitt of 



Historical News 115 

Raleigh, Vice-President; and Dr. Marvin L. Skaggs of Greens- 
boro, Secretary-Treasurer. Dr. Henry S. Stroupe of Wake 
Forest College and Mrs. Howard Thorne of Guilford College 
were elected to the executive committee. New members 
elected to the society are Dr. William S. Hoffmann of Appa- 
lachian State Teachers College and Dr. Richard N. Current 
of the Woman's College, Greensboro. 

The Moravian Music Foundation, Inc., Winston-Salem, 
has issued the first number of its "News Bulletin" which will 
report various activities of the Foundation. The first number 
has the following items: a list of acquisitions, a report on 
publications and honors received, recent programs, and work 
of the Research Division, and a number of comments from 
individuals and newspapers on the work of the Foundation. 

The Duke American Assembly, a conference co-sponsored 
by Duke University and the American Assembly of Columbia 
University, met in Durham, June 5-8, and considered the 
subject, "The United States and the Far East." Some fifty 
scholars were invited, and a booklet containing a report of 
the meeting, the list and qualifications of the participants, an 
address by Dr. Paul M. Gross of Duke University, and an 
address by Dr. Harry C. Kelly of the National Science Foun- 
dation, Washington, D. C, has been received by the Depart- 
ment of Archives and History. 

The quarterly meeting of the Carteret County Historical 
Society was held October 19 in the Episcopal Parish House 
in Beaufort and launched the fourth year of the society. 
Officers elected for the coming year are Mr. F. C. Salisbury, 
President; Mrs. T. T. Potter, Secretary; and Mrs. Luther 
Hamilton, Sr., Treasurer. A paper prepared by Mrs. Earl 
Davis covering the history of Harkers Island was read by 
Mrs. Nat Smith. Cemetery records now being compiled were 
presented by Mrs. Essie Smith and Mr. F. C. Salisbury. The 
society during its first three years has emphasized the collec- 
tion of authentic materials to place on file with the idea of 
publishing a county history in the future. 



116 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Union County Historical Association was organized 
at a meeting held on October 3 in the courthouse in Monroe. 
Mr. S. Glenn Hawfield was elected temporary chairman, Miss 
Bessie Reid Houston temporary secretary, and Mr. Clyde 
Eubanks temporary treasurer. Mr. D. L. Corbitt spoke to the 
group which planned another meeting to perfect the organi- 
zation, elect officers, and adopt a constitution and bylaws. 
The association has 72 members. 

The Gaston County Historical Bulletin had the following 
items in its most recent issue: a story of Confederate Colonel 
William Graves Morris; a report of the June meeting and a 
copy of the constitution and bylaws of the county historical 
society; and two copies of wills of the Craig family. 

The Chronicle of The Bertie County Historical Association 
in the October, 1957, issue carried an article by Dr. William 
P. Cumming on the earliest known map of North Carolina, 
with a drawing of the map described by Dr. Cumming which 
he presented to the historical association. It also carried a 
notice relative to the fall meeting. 

A ten-car motorcade made a tour of the old gold mining 
area of McDowell County on October 27. Miss Ruth Greenlee 
delivered brief talks at various points visited, including Dy- 
sartsville School, Brindletown, Brackettown, Macedonia, and 
Vein Mountain. The various mining sites, streams where gold 
was panned, and mining shafts were visited by the group. 

The Martin County Historical Association held its organi- 
zational meeting in the Williamston Woman's Club on Octo- 
ber 11, with Mr. D. L. Corbitt of the State Department of 
Archives and History as principal speaker. Officers were 
elected as follows: Mr. F. M. Manning, Williamston, as 
President; Mrs. William Gray, Sr., Robersonville, as Vice- 
President; Mrs. N. C. Green, Williamston, as Secretary- 
Treasurer; and Mr. Wendell Peele, Williamston, as Historian. 
Directors named representing the ten townships are Mrs. 
James E. Smithwick, Jamesville; Mr. Charles L. Daniel, Wil- 



Historical News 117 

liams; Mrs. Evan Griffin, Griffins; Mr. A. B. Ayers, Jr., Bear 
Grass; Mr. Harry A. Biggs, Williams ton; Mrs. Beatrice W. 
James, Cross Roads; Mrs. J. C. Smith, Robersonville; Mrs. 
LeRoy Taylor, Poplar Point; Mrs. T. B. Slade, Sr., Hamilton; 
and Mr. R. A. Haislip, Jr., Goose Neck. Mrs. Irving Margolis 
and Mrs. Herbert Whitley were named co-chairmen of the 
membership committee, and Mrs. Wheeler Martin and Mr. 
Harry A. Biggs were named to draft a constitution and by- 
laws for the organization. 

Mr. Corbitt spoke on the history of the North Carolina 
Literary and Historical Association, of which he is chairman 
of the committee to organize local historical societies; the 
work of the Department of Archives and History; and the 
work of individual county groups throughout the State. 
Twenty-five persons joined the association. 

A special edition of the Carteret County News-Times was 
issued on August 13, 1957, for the centennial celebration and 
was dedicated to Mr. F. C. Salisbury, local historian, who has 
done a great deal to preserve the history of Morehead City 
and Beaufort as well as Carteret County. The special issue 
carried stories of the Morehead family with an article on the 
$25,000 Mr. John Motley Morehead III has given toward the 
building of a new high school; a section with the city's his- 
tory told in pictures; stories on the fire departments and the 
State Ports Authority; the address made by Governor Luther 
H. Hodges; the art and antique show in the Wallace House; 
the official seal of Morehead City which embodies the coat 
of arms of the Morehead family; old hotels, houses, and 
churches in Beaufort and Morehead Citv; railroad historv 
of the area; Morehead City in both World Wars; and the 
history of the post office which officially began on Feb- 
ruary 28, 1859. ~ 

The special edition, which was sold out, covered in detail 
many phases of the history of the town and county not men- 
tioned above. Another part of the celebration was the pre- 
sentation of a historical drama, "The Blue and the Gray in 
Carteret County," written by Mr. F. C. Salisbury. 



118 The North Carolina Historical Review 

A group of Western North Carolina members of the Sons 
of the American Revolution from five counties met in Ashe- 
ville on October 19 and organized a regional chapter to be 
known as the Blue Ridge Chapter. Two State officers and a 
Maryland visitor were also present. 

The following were elected officials at the first meeting: 
President, Mr. Clarence Griffin, Forest City; Vice-President, 
Mr. Norman Hulbert, North Wilkesboro; Secretary, Mr. 
Charles Z. Flack, Forest City; Treasurer, Mr. Dudley Hill, 
Asheville; Genealogist, Admiral L. B. Ard, Brevard; Chap- 
lain, Dr. Elmer T. Clark, Lake Junaluska; Historian, Colonel 
Paul A. Rockwell, Asheville. Mr. Donald Griffin of Hender- 
sonville was appointed chairman of the publicity committee. 

The Western North Carolina Historical Associations His- 
tory Bulletin had the following items in the October issue: 
an article on the Vance Birthplace, a report of the joint his- 
torical association's meeting at Cullowhee, plans for the fall 
meeting of the Western North Carolina Historical Associa- 
tion at Lake Junaluska, a report of the meeting of the Mc- 
Dowell County Historical Association, reports on the dramas, 
"Unto These Hills" and "Horn in the West," reports by Mr. 
George McCoy, President of the Association, and notice of 
the acceptance of a manuscript written by Dr. William S. 
Hoffman by the James Sprunt Publication Committee of The 
University of North Carolina Press. 

An excellent booklet, Albemarle, Stanly County Centen- 
nial: The Bridge from Yesterday - into Tomorrow, May 11- 
18, 1957, has been received by the Department. Prepared for 
the centennial celebration, the pamphlet covers in story and 
picture the highlights of the history of the county with an 
article by Stanly South, Historic Site Specialist at Town 
Creek Indian Mound, on the Indians of the Stanly County 
area; church histories; and an article about the Kron House 
located in Morrow Mountain State Park which is to be re- 
stored. Biographical sketches and reminiscences are included, 
as well as a brief history of the schools in the county. A fea- 



Historical News 119 

ture of the celebration was the presentation of a historical 
spectacle, "Milestones," which is mentioned in the booklet. 

A Scrap Book of Reflections by C. H. Hamlin of Atlantic 
Christian College, Wilson, has been privately printed and 
distributed. Dr. Hamlin has in his 70-page book covered his 
family history in Virginia; his career as a teacher; historic 
sites in the Virginia and North Carolina counties where his 
family settled; some educational history of the South; the 
Supreme Court Decision of May 17, 1954, and its implica- 
tions; and a brief resume of the World Wars and the situa- 
tions which caused them. 

Dr. Hamlin has added "A Parting Word to the Young 
Reader" and a bibliography. This book will be of interest to 
the members of the Hamlin Family, members of the Disciples 
of Christ Church, and others interested in seeing personal 
local histories written as a basis for county and state histories. 

Mrs. Taft (Cora) Bass of Clinton, Historian of Sampson 
County, recently issued The Sampson County Yearbook, 
1956-1957; Historical and Statistical Information About 
Sampson County and Its Toivns. This 138-page book is filled 
with statistical data to acquaint its readers with the county 
officers, departments, schools, hospitals, churches, colleges, 
and contains brief sketches of the towns (and post offices, 
both active and inactive), a statement about taxes, a history 
of Sampson County, and information on Indian mounds, 
Civil War episodes, and numerous other topics. It represents 
an endeavor to present material in a compact, usable form. 
Mrs. Bass states that she hopes to publish the Yearbook peri- 
odically, keeping it current. A bibliography, appendices, in- 
dex to advertisers, and general index, as well as a number of 
illustrations, are included. 

James Oscar Thomas has written and compiled a pamphlet, 
The Story of the Methodist Church, Leaksville, North Caro- 
lina, which was published in 1957. The booklet, which is 
illustrated, presents the history of the church, leaders— past 



120 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and present— a list of pastors, outstanding leaders in the vari- 
ous departments of the church, and a roll of members as of 
June, 1957. This booklet covers in concise yet interesting 
style the chronology of the church. 

Me an Ole Kate and Other Christmas Stories by Samuel 
Thomas Peace of Henderson is an illustrated collection of 
dialect stories written in the first person, filled with nostalgic 
reminiscences. The stories were originally written as Christ- 
mas stories over a twenty-five year period and are replete 
with characters— Negro and white— whom the author adroitly 
brings to life. Published by The Vantage Press, New York, 
the book is priced at $2.50. 

The Morning Star, written and illustrated by Lucille 
Wallower and published by the David McKay Company, 
Inc., New York, is the story of the origin of some of the Mo- 
ravian Christmas customs which began at the Pennsylvania 
settlement (Bethlehem) in 1741. Written to coincide with 
the 500th anniversary of the Moravian Church, the book, 
written primarily for children, will interest all readers but par- 
ticularly North Carolinians where these customs are still 
traditionally followed in the churches, especially at Old Sa- 
lem. The title is taken from that of a hymn which is still sung 
by a chosen child at the Christmas Eve service or Lovefeast. 

Mr. David O. True of Miami, Florida, is the author of 
"Cabot Explorations" which was published in Imago Mundi, 
A Review of Early Cartography, edited by Leo Bagrow of 
Stockholm, Sweden. The article advances the idea that John 
Cabot discovered land in what is now North Carolina in 1496 
—the first recorded discovery of land in this portion of the 
present-day United States by anyone after the Vikings. 

Colonial Williamsburg and the Institute of Early American 
History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia, sponsored a 
one-day conference on Early American architecture on No- 
vember 17, with an exhibition of titles from the Kocher Col- 
lection at the Williamsburg Inn where the conference was 



Historical News 121 

held. Dr. Walter M. Whitehill of the Boston Athenaeum, Dr. 
Lester J. Cappon of the Institute, Dr. Marcus Whiffen, Archi- 
tectural Historian of Williamsburg, and Mr. A. Edwin Ken- 
drew presided at the various sessions. On November 18 a 
tour of current Colonial Williamsburg projects with Mr. Ken- 
drew and staff directing was held. The purpose of the con- 
ference was to direct attention to the need for serious research 
in this period of architectural history and to provide an op- 
portunity for discussion by architectural historians of plans 
to assist and direct other persons interested in this field. 

The Mississippi Valley Historical Association has inaugu- 
rated an award of $1,000 to be made annually for a study 
dealing with some phase of United States history. The pur- 
pose of the award is to encourage history scholars to under- 
take further research and writing. The first five award studies 
will be published by the University of Kentucky Press. Man- 
uscripts for the first award must be submitted between June 
1 and August 31, 1958, to Dr. Chase C. Mooney, Department 
of History, Indiana University, Bloomington, who is chair- 
man of the historical series study committee and from whom 
additional instructions and information on style and other 
matters may be obtained. 

The Library Company of Philadelphia announces the 
granting of its Fellowships in American Studies for the aca- 
demic year 1957-1958 to Mr. H. Trevor Colbourn of Pennsyl- 
vania State University. The Company is again offering a fel- 
lowship for 1958-1959 to stimulate research in the field of 
American studies. The Fellowship carries a stipend of $5,000 
and the grantee will be expected to reside in or near Phila- 
delphia during study. No specific academic qualifications are 
required and applications must be in the hands of The Libra- 
ry Company of Philadelphia, Broad and Christian Streets, 
Philadelphia 47, Pennsylvania, no later than March 1, 1958. 
Information and full details may be obtained by writing to 
this address. The winner is to be announced by May 1, 1958. 



122 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Books received for review during the last quarter are: 
Freeman Tilden, Interpreting Our Heritage. Principles and 
Practices for Visitor Services in Parks, Museums, and Historic 
Places (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 
1957 ) ; Robert Douthat Meade, Patrick Henry: Patriot in the 
Making (Philadelphia and New York: J. B. Lippincott Com- 
pany, 1957); Bell Irvin Wiley, Kentucky Cavaliers in Dixie. 
Reminiscences of a Confederate Cavalryman. By George 
Dallas Mosgrove (Jackson, Tennessee: McCowat-Mercer 
Press, Inc., 1957); Emma Lou Thornbrough, The Negro in 
Indiana before 1900. A Study of a Minority (Indianapolis, 
Indiana: Bookwalter Printing Company for the Indiana His- 
torical Bureau. Volume XXXVII of the Indiana Historical 
Collections, 1957 ) ; Richard Alden, The South in the Revolu- 
tion, 1763-1789. Volume III of A History of the South. Edit- 
ed by Wendell Stephenson and E. Merton Coulter (Baton 
Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, The Littlefleld Fund 
for Southern History of the University of Texas, 1957); Fran- 
cis F. Beirne, Baltimore, ... A Picture History, 1857-1958 
(New York: Hastings House Publishers. Compiled under the 
Auspices of the Maryland Historical Society. A Centennial 
Project of Hutzler Brothers Company, 1957); James M. Mer- 
rill, The Rebel Shore. The Story of Union Sea Power in the 
Civil War (Boston and Toronto: Little, Brown and Company, 
1957); Elizabeth Taylor, The Woman Suffrage Movement in 
Tennessee (New York: Bookman Associates— Twayne Pub- 
lishers, 1957); Chase C. Mooney, Slavery in Tennessee 
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1957); Lucille Wal- 
lower, The Morning Star (New York: David McKay Com- 
pany, Inc., 1957); Frederick J. Dockstader, The American 
Indian in Graduate Studies: A Bibliography of Theses and 
Dissertations (New York: Museum of the American Indian, 
Heye Foundation, 1957); C. H. Hamlin, A Scrapbook of Re- 
flections (Wilson: Privately printed, 1957); Walter Brown- 
low Posey, The Baptist Church in the Lower Mississippi Val- 
ley, 1776-1845 (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 
1957); Festus P. Summers, The Cabinet Diary of William L. 
Wilson, 1896-1897 (Chapel Hill, The University of North 
Carolina Press, 1957); Wilcomb E. Washburn/ The Gov- 



Historical News 123 

ernor and the Rebel. A History of Bacons Rebellion in Vir- 
ginia (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. 
Published for the Institute of Early American History and 
Culture at Williamsburg [Virginia], 1957); Jesse Forbes 
Pugh, Three Hundred Years Along the Pasquotank. A Bio- 
graphical History of Camden County (Old Trap [Camden 
County] : Privately printed, 1957 ) ; John Wells Davidson, A 
Crossroads of Freedom. The 1912 Campaign Speeches of 
Woodrow Wilson (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University 
Press. Published for the Woodrow Wilson Foundation, 1956 ) ; 
Lucy Phillips Russell, A Rare Pattern (Chapel Hill: The Uni- 
versity of North Carolina Press, 1957); Grady McWhiney, 
Lee's Dispatches. Unpublished Letters of General Robert E. 
Lee, C.S.A., to Jefferson Davis and the War Department of 
The Confederate States of America, 1862-65 (New York: G. 
P. Putnam's Sons, 1957 [New Edition] ) ; Blackwell P. Robin- 
son, William R. Davie (Chapel Hill: The University of North 
Carolina Press, 1957 ) ; Rose Howell Holder, Mclver of North 
Carolina (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina 
Press, 1957 ) ; James F. Doster, Railroads in Alabama Politics, 
1875-1914 (University: University of Alabama Studies. No. 
12. [July], 1957); Margaret Walker Freel, Our Heritage. The 
People of Cherokee County, North Carolina, 1540-1955 
(Asheville: The Miller Printing Company, 1956); Samuel 
Thomas Peace, Me an Ole Kate and Other Christmas Sto- 
ries (New York: Vantage Press, Inc., 1957); Elbert B. Smith, 
Magnificent Missourian: The Life of Thomas Hart Benton 
(Philadelphia, Pa. and New York: J. B. Lippincott Company, 
1958); and Wilma Dykeman and James Stokely, Neither 
Black nor White (New York: Rinehart and Company, Inc., 
1957). 



DC < 

(o 0* 



North Carolina State Library 
Raleigh 



THE 

NORTH CAROLINA 
HISTORICAL REVIEW 







j :« 






Volume XXXV 



APRIL 1958 



Number 2 



Published .Quarterly By 
State Department of Archives and History 

Corner of Edenton and Salisbury Streets 
Raleigh, N. C. 



THE NORTH CAROLINA HISTORICAL REVIEW 



Published by the State Department of Archives and History 

Raleigh, N. C. 



Christopher Crittenden, Editor 
David Leroy Corbitt, Managing Editor 



ADVISORY EDITORIAL BOARD 

FRONTIS WITHERS JOHNSTON HUGH TALMAGE LEFLER 

George Myers Stephens 



STATE DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY 

EXECUTIVE BOARD 
McnANiEL Lewis, Chairman 

Josh L. Horne 
James W. Atkins 

o^^ttt, r abb away William Thomas Laprade 

Gertrude Sprague carraway 

™ n„„™ Herschell V. Rose 

Fletcher M. Green 

Christopher Crittenden, Director 



This review was established in January, 192 % as a medium of publica- 
tion and discussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other 
institutions by exchange, but to the general public by subscription only. The 
regular price is $3.00 per year. Members of the North Carolina Literary and 
Historical Association, Inc., for which the annual dues are $5.00, receive this 
publication without further payment. Back numbers may be procured at 
the regular price of $3.00 per volume, or $.75 per number. 



COVER : Peace Junior College is located at the north end ot Wil- 
mington Street, Raleigh, and was opened in 1872. It was organiz- 
ed in 1857 as a Presbyterian school for girls, but during the Civil 
War the partially completed building was used for a Confederate 
Hospital, and later housed an office of the Freedmen's Bureau. 
See pages 153-166. 



The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

^^^^^^^^^^_ Number! 

CONTENTS 

P °i78^m 5 ISTORY ° F NORTH CAROLINA ' 

225 
Arthur Hecht 

EDMUND BURKE HAYWOOD AND 

RALEIGH'S CONFEDERATE HOSPITALS 153 

H. H. Cunningham 

T ^^yS^ T E F IN N0RTH CAROLINA TO 
ESTABLISH A STATE SUPPORTED 

COLLEGE FOR NEGROES 167 

Frenise A. Logan 

PAPERS FROM THE FIFTY-SEVENTH 
ANNUAL SESSION OF THE NORTH 
CAROLINA LITERARY AND HISTORICAL 
AS «?S ATION ' INC " RAL EIGH, DECEMBER, 

INTRODUCTION 181 

HISTORY IS AN IMPORTANT PRODUCT 182 

Gertrude S. Carraway 

SOME ASPECTS OF NORTH 
CAROLINA'S PARTICIPATION IN 

THE GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN ...._.l 191 

Glenn Tucker 



[i] 






REVIEW OF NORTH CAROLINA 
FICTION, 1956-1957 213 

Phillips Russell 

REVIEW OF NORTH CAROLINA 
NON-FICTION, 1956-1957 216 

Winston broadfoot 

LITERATURE AND HISTORY 224 

Gilbert T. Stephenson 

NORTH CAROLINA BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1956-1957 ..--233 

William S. Powell 

243 
B( SSnS I William ETavje^-Bfvcn Higgmbotham ; 
Wilson's The University of North Carolina, 1900-1930. 
The Making of a Modern University— By Henry b. 
Stroupe; Dedmond's Lengthened Shadows: A History 
of Gardner-Webb College, 1907-1956- By W H. 
Plemmons; Freel's Our Heritage: The People of Chero- 
kee County, North Carolina, mO-1955-B^ Paul 
Murray • Pugh's Three Hundred Years along the Pas- 
quotank: A Biographical History of Camden County- 
Bv H G. Jones; Meade's Patrick Henry: Patriot m the 
Makkig-By Gilbert L. Lycan; Taylor's The Woman 
Suffrage Movement in Tennessee—By Dewey W. 
Grantham, Jr.; Cockrell's Gunner vnth JtoneivM. 
Reminiscences of William Thomas Poague— By Malcolm 
C McMillan; Mooney's Slavery m Tennessee—By 
Robert E. Corlew; Wiley's Kentucky Cavaliers in Dixie 
By Hambleton Tapp; Beirne's Baltimore . . . o 
Picture History, 1858-1958-By Richard Walser 
Thornbrough's The Negro in Indiana before 1900. A 
siZyofa S Minority-By John Hope Franklin ; Posey's 
The Baptist Church in the Lower Mississippi Valley 
1776-mS-By L. L. Carpenter ; and TiUen's Interpret- 
ing Our Heritage: Principles and Practices for Visitor 
Services in Parks, Museums, and Historic Places— By 
Frederick Tilberg. 

HISTORICAL NEWS 264 



l HI 



The North Carolina 
Historical Review 



Volume XXXV A^nTT^" 



Number 2 



POSTAL HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA, 1789-1795 

By Arthur Hecht * 

andDr* wS 1 '^ Ti t0 "*! *' Christo P«er Crittenden 
and Dr. Wesley E. Rich cover the history of the North Cam 

lma postal system. It was not, however, the intentio, of These" 
historians to furnish details of a governmental operation in a 

Ef c r "T / n his articIesl D " Qittenden ™S 

about trave transportation, and communications in North 
Carolina with references to postal services. Dr. Rich's pubn 
cation* encompasses Rritish North America and K 
United States to 1829 and presents a comprehensive hltory 
with general remarks about all aspects of postal opera ons 

Ss abt°tT T IiCab ! e t0 NOTth C -olina P The eaSie^t de- 
tails about the financial operations of North Carolina post 
offices appear about October, 1789, and continue unt/the 
end of December, 1795. For this period, the information that 
might have come to light by a revfew of correspondence? hits 
andjedgers of the General Post Office 3 was unavailable be-' 

ing^-D^an? Ifchaima^ofihfpf^ tH Nati< ? nal Archives > Wash- 
American Philatelic SL ff y ? ' * nformation Committee of the 
1948. rnuatellc Association. He has worked with postal records since 

C^tml^ n TTe mrth^toJ^ir^ . T ™sP-tatio„ in North 
(July, 1931), 239-257, hereinafter cited l^-T^i Re ^ w ' VIII > No - 3 
and Transportation in North Caroling fL^» tenden i 0v erland Travel 
North Carolina 1763-17sq » Thl v£5i ! 2 nd , Mea , ns of Communication in 
No. 4 (October, 1931) 373-383 Car ° hna HMo ™l Review, VIII, 

Y2H79 Cambridge 6 M^s%arvfrH ^ 3?*? PoH °*« * **• 
after cited as RiXXiMslate^ToH^ffieT^ 7 Pr6SS ' 1924) ' herein " 

^e^kr^n^^ 

became a member of the catoet in 1^20 h,f -f d ' The Piaster General 

that the Office became tSS^^J'&VK? O^^aXeV 872 ' 



126 The North Carolina Historical Review 

cause of the inaccessibility of these records to the public. In 
the 1940's the Post Office Department and the Library of 
Congress transferred to the National Archives the existing 
outgoing correspondence of the Postmaster General and his 
assistants and a few accounting ledgers of the General Post 
Office Establishment. From these records and from postal 
laws and regulations and instructions issued to deputy post- 
masters 4 it has been possible to determine the extent of the 
postal service in its operations during the last decade of the 
eighteenth century in North Carolina. 

There had been no change in postal legislation since the 
enactment of An Ordinance for Regulating the Post Offices 
of the United States of America on October 18, 1782. Supple- 
mentary measures thereto were passed on October 28 and 
December 24, 1782. The acts of September 22, 1789, August 
4, 1790, and March 3, 1791, provided for the temporary estab- 
lishment of the Post Office. These acts extended the colonial 
postal service. The acts of February 20, 1792, and of May 24, 
1794, further revamped the colonial post office into the Gen- 
eral Post Office of the United States. Both of these acts 
authorized the establishment of specific post roads, fixed rates 
of postage, decreed the activities of deputy postmasters, and 
provided punishment for tampering with the mails. The Post- 
master General was empowered to appoint deputies and 
make contracts for carrying mails over post roads designated 
by Congress. 

Post Offices 



By October of 1789 towns had been well established on the 
coastal plain area of Albemarle Sound at Edenton, Newbern, 
Wilmington, and Washington. In the central part of North 
Carolina there were Halifax, Tarborough, and Fayetteville 
(formerly Cross Creek). The network of roads extending 
to the piedmont area led to Salem, Salisbury, Charlotte, and 
Hillsborough. Although postal service was extended to each 
of these towns, only the deputies at Edenton, Newbern, 
Washington, and Wilmington maintained correspondence 

4 Term applied to each local postmaster. 



Postal History of North Carolina, 1789-1795 127 

with the Postmaster General and submitted their quarterly 
accounts as of October 1789. For the period 1790 and 1791 
people continued their emigrations to North Carolina and 
settled chiefly around county courthouses and churches, but 
the Postmaster General did not authorize the creation of any 
post office. Thirteen post offices were established in 1792, 9 
in 1793, 25 in 1794, and 1 in 1795. 5 The names of these offices 
were usually derived from names of English and French 
royalty, colonial proprietors, North Carolina governors, mili- 
tary men, founders of settlements, and European towns. 6 

B Contrary to the usual policy of this journal, the spelling of the various 
place names has been left in both the text and the footnotes as it appeared 
in the source material used by the author. 

1792: Fayetteville, Martinsville, Halifax, Hillsborough, Indiantown, 
Plymouth, Princeton, Salem, Salisbury, Sawyer's Ferry, Tarborough, War- 
rington, and Williamsborough (formerly Nutbush). 

1793: Elizabethtown, Hertford, Iredell Courthouse, Nixonton, Smithfield, 
Warrenton, Waynesborough, Wilkes (later Wilkesboro) , and Williamston. 

1794: Anson Courthouse, Avervsborough, Bethania, Caswell Old Court- 
house (later Leasburg), Chanel Hill, Charlotte Courthouse, Chatham 
Courthouse (later Pittsboro), Duplin Courthouse, Germanton, Greenville, 
Huntsville, Kinston, Lincolnton, Louisburg. Lumberton, Montgomery Court- 
house. Moore Courthouse, Morganton, Murfreesborough, Raleigh, Richmond 
Courthouse, Rockford. Rockingham Courthouse, Windsor, and Winton. 

1795: Person Courthouse (later Roxboro). 

Throughout the 1789-1795 corresnondence of the Postmaster General and 
in the accounts of the General Post Office there are references to communi- 
ties, dwellings, or structures at which nost riders stopped to deliver and 
pick up mail at the following stops: Bath (formerly Pamticough), Blount- 
ville (later Columbia^. Bridge on Bennett's Creek, Cabarras Courthouse, 
Caswell Courthouse, Daily's, Nash Courthouse, Oxford (or Oxford Church), 
Randolph Courthouse, Richard Mitchell's, Sampson Courthouse, and South 
Washington. 

The number of North Carolina post offices in comnarison with those es- 
tablished throughout the United States for 1790-1795, as cited in Rich, 
United States Post Office, 182, was: 

North Carolina United States 
Years Post Offices Post Offices 

1790 4 75 

1791 4 89 

1792 17 195 

1793 26 209 

1794 51 450 

1795 52 453 

8 A few examples of derivative names are as follows: Fayetteville for 
Marquis de Lafayette, Salisbury for Marquis of Salisbury, Wavnesville for 
General Anthony Wayne, Greenville for General Nathanael Green, Char- 
lotte for Queen Charlotte, Lincolrtton for Colonel Benjamin Lincoln. Mar- 
tinsville for Alexander Martin, Halifax for the second Earl of Halifax, 
Newbern for Bern (Switzerland), and Morristown for Robert Morris. 
Other towns received their names as follows: Kinston for Kind's Town in 
honor of George III, Louisburg for the French fortress at Louisburg; (Nova 
Scotia), Plymouth for Plymouth (Massachusetts), and Lumberton which 
was a trading cpnter for timber and naval stores. The derivation of these 
names is generally accepted although there is no lesral proof that the towns 
were named for the person or place or reason specified. 



128 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Deputy Postmasters 

A rather simple procedure was used by the Postmaster 
General in establishing a post office and appointing a deputy 
postmaster. Recommendations and/or a petition for authoriz- 
ing a post office and appointment of a deputy were often 
submitted simultaneously to the Postmaster General. Upon 
the creation of a post office and the approval of a person 7 to 
serve at that office, the Postmaster General offered the ap- 
pointment to the nominee by letter and enclosed a bond. The 
bond was executed with "sufficient sureties" ( two ) and oaths 8 
were subscribed to and taken. Shortly after these forms were 
returned to the General Post Office, the newly appointed 
deputy was sent his commission, 9 a table of United States 
Post Offices showing their distances to the seat of the Govern- 
ment, 10 a copy of the most recent postal laws and regula- 
tions, 11 a copy of a map of the United States, 12 a saddle bag 

7 The Postmaster General characterized a deputy postmaster as "accurate 
and punctual in the business and of perfect Integrity, who would give 
entire Satsif action to the people of [community]." Postmaster General 
Letterbook "C," 45, National Archives, Washington, D. C., hereinafter cited 
as Postmaster General Letterbook. 

8 "I ... do swear (or affirm as the case may be) that I will faithfully 
perform all the duties required of me, and abstain from anything forbidden 
by the law in relation to the establishment of post-offices and post-roads 
within the United States. 

"I do solemnly swear (or affirm as the case may be) that I will support 
the constitution of the United States." Regulations to Be Observed by the 
Deputy Postmaster in the United States, 1794.. 

AH postal officials and employees took these oaths for faithful perform- 
ance of their responsibilities. They were the continuance of the practice 
in the period prior to the American Revolution. 

9 The appointment of a deputy postmaster became effective upon the date 
his commission was signed by the Postmaster General. However, in the 
eighteenth century there were instances whereby the deputy postmaster 
was requested to conduct the business of a post office pending the receipt of 
his commission for the position or when the deputy postmaster executed 
his bond. The dates were sometimes delayed until the end of the month or 
until it was convenient for the preceding deputy to turn over his office to 
his successor. 

10 Existing lists are dated 1789, 1790, 1792, 1794, and 1795. 

11 Extracts of postal legislation of 1782, 1792, and 1794. 

12 Although the General Post Office had not printed any post route maps 
during the eighteenth century, it may have sent to deputy postmasters 
copies of the maps of the United States prepared either by Samuel Lewis 
or Abraham Bradley. Library of Congress, Division of Maps and Charts, 
Washington, D. C. 



Postal History of North Carolina, 1789-1795 129 

or portmanteau with a key, forms (or folios), 13 a table of 
rates of postage, 14 and ledgers. 

When the mail arrived at an office, the deputy postmaster 
or his assistant unlocked the portmanteau and removed all 
bundled letters and packets addressed to his office. This mail 
was accompanied by a post bill showing the number of letters 
enclosed and the postage of each. Another bill known as the 
"way bill" of the through mails was endorsed at each post 
office and showed the arrival time of the mail. These way 
bills enabled the General Post Office to locate all mail delays 
and penalize mail contractors for late mail deliveries. The 
deputy postmaster marked all letters, newspapers, periodi- 

13 The records do not show all the forms used by a deputy postmaster; 
however, the Postal Laws and Regulations of 179 U contain the following 
form descriptions: 

No. 1 Account of letters and newspapers received at a post office. 

No. 2 Post bill (number of letters and newspapers which were paid and 
unpaid and then bundled and sent to the next office on the 
mail route). Included on the post bill were references to way 
letters which the post rider or carrier accepted from persons 
who were more than two miles from a post office. 

No. 3 Account of letters and newspapers sent. 

No. 4 Account of ship letters received. 

No. 5 Statement of number of sea letters, the name of the vessel which 
would carry the letters, and the names of the seaports which 
would receive the letters. 

No. 6 List of sea letters and name of addresses. 

No. 7 Account of dead letters. 

No. — Account and receipts for contingent expenses. 

No. — Accounts current. 

14 Postal legislation of February 20, 1792, and of May 24, 1794, provided 
for the following rates: 

By land, a single letter: Newspapers 

Up to 30 miles, 6 cents Up to 100 miles, 1 cent 

30 to 60 miles, 8 cents Over 100 miles, \ x k cents 

?no t0 + 1 ^n mil M S ' ^o?!! , Periodicals and pamphlets: 

}?n 1° onn ™ eS ' W* T U P to 50 miles, 1 cent per sheet 

ono ^ oko mi -i eS ' Vt Cent ? 50 t0 10 ° ™ iles 1% cents P er 

200 to 250 miles, 17 cents sheet 

£2! I ?!£ ^J 68 ' oo Cen I S Over 100 miles, 2 cents per sheet 

350 to 450 miles, 22 cents 

Over 450 miles, 25 cents Franking privileges were extended 

to congressmen and heads of de- 
Double and triple letters were ac- partments [of the federal gov- 
cordingly rated. ernment]. 

By sea in vessels or ships provided by the United States or property thereof 
and sailing from seaport to seaport: 
Single letter, 8 cents 
Double letter, 16 cents 
Triple or Packet letter, 24 cents 

By sea in a private vessel or ship, an additional 4 cents to the rates men- 
tioned. 



130 The North Carolina Historical Review 

cals, and pamphlets; noted paid and dead letters; redirected 
missent letters; advertised letters on hand; 15 made up the land 
or sea mail; and kept quarterly accounts. The act of 1792 
contained a reference to hours of attending a post office. On 
this subject Postmaster General Timothy Pickering on June 
15, 1792, commented to a deputy postmaster: 

I have not before been desired to fix the hours of attendance 
of a postmaster in his office. The reason may be that the Post- 
masters generally, or those who assist them are commonly in the 
way to serve such as call upon them; and being disposed to 
accommodate their fellow citizens restrain them to no fixed 
hours. Yet where the business is considerable, constant at- 
tendance is not to be expected. But tho' authorised by law it will 
be extremely difficult, I apprehend, for the postmaster General 
to determine what ought to be hours during which post offices 
should open. . . . 16 

Letters which were brought to an office a half hour before the 
mail was made up were included in the next pick-up, and in 
exceptional cases the post rider or stage coach driver could 
not be delayed beyond an hour. 

Compensation paid to a deputy postmaster was based on 
a commission of monies collected. Prior to February 20, 1792, 
the Postmaster General fixed the amount of the commission. 17 
Thereafter, postal legislation specified the following commis- 
sions of postage paid to the deputies and other additional 
bases for earnings: 

30 per cent of $100 collected 
25 per cent of $100 to $300 collected 
20 per cent of $400 to $2000 collected 
8 per cent of $2400 and above collected 



* The names of addressees of these letters were either listed for three 
successive weeks in one of the local newspapers or posted in conspicuous 
places in the post town for three months before they were sent as "dead" 
letters to the General Post Office. 

16 Postmaster General Letterbook "B," 16. 

17 40 per cent of gross receipts until the deputy's commission became $50 
per annum. 

$40 for receipts between $125 and $167. 
30 per cent of gross receipts between $167 and $334. 
$100 for receipts between $334 and $500. 
20 per cent of gross receipts over $500. 

American State Papers, Post Office, (Washington, D. C.: Gales and 
Seaton, 1834), 13, hereinafter cited as American State Papers, Post Office. 



Postal History of North Carolina, 1789-1795 131 

Additional amount not exceeding $25 in a three-months' period 
to those deputies involved with foreign mail. 

Additional amount of 50 per cent on $100 collected in a three 
months' period where the mail regularly arrived between 9 pm 
and 5 am. 

50 per cent of postage collected on newspapers, magazines, or 
periodicals. 

2 cents for every free letter (the deputy's excepted) delivered 
to the person addressed, out of the deputy's office. 

1 cent for each letter delivered from the post office where it 
was lodged merely for such delivery and not carried by post. 

1 cent for each letter carried by private vessel or ship. 

Between 1789 and 1795 there were 60 deputy postmasters 
who served at 52 North Carolina post offices. The names of 
the post offices, names of the deputy postmasters and dates 
of their appointment, compensations paid to the deputies, 
and receipts reported to the General Post Office are shown 
in the following table: 



132 



The North Carolina Historical Review 



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Postal History of North Carolina, 1789-1795 139 

Mail Routes 

As mentioned previously, the 1792 and 1794 postal legisla- 
tion authorized the establishment of post routes throughout 
the United States. The Postmaster General was instructed to 
enter into mail contracts for periods not exceeding eight 
years. However, for the period 1789-1795 mail contracts were 
let for about one year, and they generally became effective 
on January 1. Nearly all payments for mail transportation 
were controlled by Congress, and the Postmaster General 
did not always have an opportunity to display his bargaining 
ability. It was the practice of the General Post Office to make 
contracts "on condition that the expense thereof shall not 
exceed the revenue thence arising. . . ," 18 Mail contractors 
were paid for their services by drafts on deputy postmasters 
on the routes they served. This payment was made promptly 
irrespective of whether the legal requirements were met. 

To encourage the extension of postal service to frontier 
settlements, the Postmaster General was allowed "to autho- 
rize the person or persons contracting to receiving, during 
the continuance of such contract according to the rate by this 
act established, all the postage which shall arise on letters, 
newspapers and packages conveyed bv any such post." 19 Pri- 
vate post roads were at first financial burdens, and the aver- 
age cost of carrying weekly mails on such roads was a little 
less than $5 per mile. Although postal legislation did not 
allow the Postmaster General to discontinue unproductive 
mail service, mail post routes were broken off when they 
failed to produce at least one-half of the cost of transporimcr 
mail on them after two years. By November 1795, though' 
Postmaster General Habersham remarked, "It is evident, how- 
ever, pleasing circumstances that some of the most remote 
post roads already pay their full proportion towards defray- 
ing the expenses of transporting the mails throughout thp 
United States." 20 & 

w Postal Laws and Regulations, Post Roads, 179 J,. Thirty davs after a 
riT'T^ ext ^ng beyond four years was concluded, Tor a copy 
thereof and the proposals (other bids) received were deposited in the Office 
1794 Comptroller of the Treasury of the United States. Act of May 8, 

19 Act of May 8, 1794. 

m Postmaster General Letterbook "E," 13. 



140 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Postmaster General decided who was to carry the mail, 
the mode of transportation on each route ( stage coach or post 
rider), and the mail schedule. Mail contracts were not let to 
strangers. "It will be indispensably necessary that he [mail 
contractor] furnish me [Postmaster General] with undoubted 
evidence (by letters, or certificates, of gentlemen of known 
respectability) of his good character and ability to perform 
the contract." 21 Mail contracts to be let were advertised for 
at least six weeks in one or more newspapers both at the seat 
of the Federal Government and in the State or States where 
the contract was to be performed. 

The act of 1794 designated for the first time the provision 
of "the carriage of mail on any road on which a stage wagon 
or other stage carriage shall be established." 22 Such modes of 
mail transportation were not used south of Petersburg, Vir- 
ginia, 23 during the eighteenth century for the sparse popula- 
tions of the southern areas offered little profit to mail contrac- 
tors. Post riders carrying saddlebags were employed and 
occasionally slaves carried the mail. Travelers often carried 
letters, and people were inclined to be faithful about forward- 
ing public letters, thus extending the postal service. Mail 
robberies were frequent in the south in spite of the death 
penalty. 

In 1789 Colonel John Hoomes 24 of Bowling Green, Virginia, 
served as mail contractor over the main post road in North 
Carolina extending from Alexandria by way of Petersburg 
and Suffolk to Edenton over which the mail was carried three 
times a week. From Edenton the mail was transported twice 
a week in the summer and once a week in winter through 

31 Postmaster General Letterbook "B," 200. 

22 Stage coaches, wagons, carts, and "pleasure vehicles" were occasionally 
used in North Carolina. Their use was very limited for the "Roads were 
of the worst. In the east they were full of deep ruts through sand and mud, 
since too little attention was paid to surfacing and drainage. In the pied- 
mont, roads were made difficult by great boulders and steep hills, as well 
as by the notorious red clay which in rainy weather becomes at the same 
time both sticky and slippery." Crittenden, "Overland Travel and Trans- 
portation in North Carolina, 1763-1789," 239. 

23 Not until 1803 was mail carried by stage coach from Petersburg 
through North Carolina on the main post road. 

24 Hoomes had a monopoly of the mail service extending to Edenton over 
the period 1787 to 1799. He had been a member of the Virginia House of 
Delegates, 1791-1795, and in the Senate, 1796-1803. He also served as 
deputy postmaster at Bowling Green, 1790-1803. 



Postal History of North Carolina, 1789-1795 141 

Washington, Newbern, Wilmington, and Georgetown to 
Savannah. Roads which were not graded, surfaced, or prop- 
erly marked; inconvenient, inadequate, and expensive ferry 
service; and the absence of bridges or ferries over some rivers 
and creeks compelled Hoomes to employ only post riders 
throughout North Carolina. The riders were expected to ride 
about sixty miles a day, six days a week. It was seldom that 
the carriers were able to adhere to such mail schedules. Some 
of Hoomes' riders were boys 25 whose frequent sicknesses and 
carelessness about losing horses caused such great irregulari- 
ties of mail deliveries that southern merchants and plantation 
owners complained repeatedly to the Postmaster General. 

During 1790 the following mail contractors served in North 
Carolina on the main post road: John Hoomes, from Alex- 
andria to Edenton, 286 miles, three times a week, at $3,456 
per annum; Bryan McCabe, from Edenton to Washington, 
56 miles, twice a week in summer and once a week in winter, 
at $760 per annum; John G. Blount, from Washington to 
Newbern, 93 miles, twice a week in summer and once a week 
in winter, at $800 per annum; and Alexander McKinzie, from 
Newbern to Wilmington, 93 miles, twice a week in summer 
and once a week in winter, at $800 per annum. 26 There was 
also an authorized mail post route from Wilmington to 
Georgetown which was let for $980 per annum. 27 

Throughout 1791 Hoomes "agreed to carry the mail from 
Suffolk through North Carolina to Savannah at the rate of 
50 miles per day in winter and 75 in summer on an aver- 
age." 28 The post riders were unable to maintain these mail 
schedules, and consequently Hoomes lost a bonus of over 
$500. 29 In the spring of 1792 the main post road was altered 
to the "Upper Road" and passed from Petersburg by way of 
Fayette ville, Camden, and Columbia to Charleston. The 
former route on the "Lower Road," however, was not aban- 

25 In 1791 a Negro boy was used as a post rider for the mail route between 
Newbern and Washington. The Postmaster General remarked that Colonel 
Hoomes "is at liberty to employ what Riders he pleases, but he incurs a 
heavy penalty if they neglect their duty. I do not much like his employing 
Black Boys. ..." Postmaster General Letterbook "A," 218 and 219. 

26 American State Papers. Post Office, 10. 

27 Postmaster General Letterbook "A," 172. 
^Postmaster General Letterbook "A," 252. 
20 Postmaster General Letterbook "A," 269. 



142 The North Carolina Historical Review 

doned. President George Washington had suggested to the 
Postmaster General that the mail on the "Upper Road' be 
carried at a rate of 100 miles a day with a post rider starting 
at 3:00 a.m. and travelling until 11:00 p.m. 30 The President 
felt such fast mail service would be possible if pouches were 
carried in daylight by post riders and at night by coaches. 

With the establishment of more post offices in 1793 in both 
of the Carolinas and Georgia, Hoomes complained about the 
increased number of newspapers and periodicals 31 sent south- 
ward. He wanted the General Post Office to use the "Lower 
Road" for conveying the increased mail to Washington, New- 
bern, and Wilmington. In July, 1793, Hoomes was ordered 
to employ more post riders so as to assure the delivery of all 
mail instead of withholding the heavier mail until the letter 
load was lighter. By April, 1794, post riders were required to 
use a lead horse to convey the mail south to Petersburg, and 
the mail contractor was paid $2 more per mile for such addi- 
tional expense. Also in 1794 (October 1 through December 
31, 1795), Colonel Hoomes was awarded the mail contract 
from Petersburg by way of Goldsons, Warrenton, Lewisburg 
(or Louisburg), Raleigh, Averysborough, and Fayetteville 
to Lumberton, a distance of 236 miles, for $15 per mile. From 
Lumberton through Cheraw Courthouse to Augusta, a dis- 
tance of 224 miles, the mail contract had been let to Thomas 
Sumpter, Jr., 1794-1795, at a rate of $15 per mile. 

The Postmaster General considered the mail service from 
Petersburg to Augusta 32 of vital importance, and he became 
annoyed by the "communications of extraordinary failures ." 
John Noyes, the deputy postmaster at Lumberton, was in- 
structed to keep accounts of the arrival and departure of mail 

30 Postmaster General Letterbook "A," 429. 

-By 1792 ten magazines were published in the United States John Back 
McMaster, A History of the People of the United States, II, 1790-181M 
(New York: D. Appleton-Century Company, 1936), 66. 

** The mail schedule for this post route was as follows: Leave Petersburg 
on FridaTnoon arrive at Lumberton on Monday at 9:00 pm leave Lum- 
berton on Tuesday at 4:00 AM, and arrive at Augusta on Friday noon. 

Samuel Wilds served as one of the post riders from Lumberton to Cheraw 
Courthouse "until November 14, 1795. John Punch, Jr., another Post rider, 
carried the mail from Cheraw Courthouse to Georgetown for $420 _per 
annum Postmaster General Letterbook "D,» 383, and Assistant Post- 
master General Letterbook "A," 88. 



Postal History of North Carolina, 1789-1795 143 

on the main post route and to submit them each month to the 
General Post Office. Noyes was also requested to offer any 
plans for improving the regularity of the mail service. 38 
So insistent was the Postmaster General that mail had to be 
"carried with greatest punctuality and dispatch" that he noti- 
fied Dr. John Sibley, deputy postmaster at Fayetteville, 
whatever the expense the mail on the road must not be 
delayed." 34 

The existence of private post riders who were paid directly 
by the patrons they served became an important develop- 
ment of the United States postal service. Such mail service 
over Indian and traders' trails in central and western North 
Carolina, as well as in other parts of the United States, led 
to the authorizations by Congress in 1792 and 1794 for cross 
post routes. 35 They served as feeders to the main routes, and 
it was hoped that any surplus income from the latter would 
be diverted to meet the expenses of operating the cross post 
routes. The expenditure for conveying mail by horse on cross 
post routes was in almost every instance greater than its in- 
come. On this subject the Postmaster General stated, "Yet 
as it opens a communication for several counties with their 
seat of government, & has a port of entry and divers ports of 
delivery on its route, it will doubtless be proper to con- 

i • • a y> Oft 1 IT 

tmue it. 36 

About thirty cross post routes were authorized to be estab- 
lished in North Carolina from 1789 to 1795. Of these onlv 
the following references have been found: 

88 Postmaster General Letterbook "D," 383. 
"Postmaster General Letterbook "D," 78. 

88 In the east-west direction these cross roads were delayed mainly "be- 
S' ^l n °^ h ; WeS * ^^^ °. f th * ^ers and the natural trade con- 

ThJ ?r?L % Pl , e . dmon D t with Virginia, Pennsylvania, and South Carolina. 
1„La * / a i ng Path - rou £ h ' lon g> and circuitous-ran from the 
bound region to the mountains, and there were a few other roads that ran 

^°?LT S » u T S £ ,° T Sh °? te I distances > bu * ^ese were not major factors 
n/t! Ug Talmage Lefler and Albert Ray Newsome, North Carolina, 

ItlTvLlL i 9 f 4 t \T state (Chapel Hil1 ' The University of North 

89 Postmaster General Letterbook "C," 101. 



144 



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150 The North Carolina Historical Review 

» 

Accounts 

The system of accounting by deputy postmasters in local 
post offices was handled in a routine manner. At the end of 
every three months the deputy submitted to the General 
Post Office transcripts of accounts of letters and newspapers 
received and sent, ship letters received and receipts for the 
monies paid for these, letters sent by sea from the post office, 
printer's accounts receipts for advertising unclaimed letters, 
the newspaper itself containing the advertisement, a bill for 
dead letters, post bills, receipts for contingent expenses, 37 
and quarterly accounts. The quarterly accounts from local 
post offices were consolidated in the General Post Office and 
then submitted to the Treasury Department every three 
months. 

According to postal regulations and instructions issued to 
deputy postmasters, they were to render and adjust their ac- 
counts at the end of every quarterly period; otherwise suit 
would be brought against them. Such delinquent acounts in 
North Carolina occurred at Anson Courthouse, Caswell Old 
Courthouse, Chatham Courthouse, Duplin Courthouse, Eliza- 
bethtown, Germanton, Lumberton, Moore Courthouse, Mur- 
phreesborough, Richmond Courthouse, Sawyer's Ferry, and 
Warrenton. The Postmaster General did not always institute 
suit for delinquent accounts for several reasons— neglect of 
such action by the Postmaster General, pressure of other work 
keeping the small clerical force from preparing the necessary 
papers, occasionally through deliberate design, and the hard- 
ships introduced during the eighteenth century by compli- 
cated currency and banking operations in various parts of the 
country. Over extension of credit to deputies was evidently 
responsible for a number of defalcations. 

In North Carolina and in other parts of the country mail 
service was maintained over private post roads, and mail 
contractors were permitted to collect postage from mail car- 

87 These may have included expenditures for office rent, messenger wages, 
leather or wood cases (for safe keeping of letters), writing desk and stool, 
cords of wood, sawing wood, chimney sweeping, scales, brass candlesticks 
and snuffers, candlesticks, brass weights, scale beams, stationery, wrap- 
ping paper, mail bags, twine, or a yard of zinc under the wood stove. 



Postal History of North Carolina, 1789-1795 151 

ried over such routes. This was particularly true about mail 
service on cross roads over which merchants demanded regu- 
lar postal communications. The authorizations of post routes 
in North Carolina in 1792 and 1794 did not entail their im- 
mediate operations for many months and sometimes a year 
thereafter. Throughout North Carolina mail transportation 
was slow and irregular because of inadequate roads, faulty 
causeways and bridges, and insufficient ferry service. The 
costs of carrying mail were high. Few North Carolinians bid 
on mail contracts, and those who were accepted by the Gen- 
eral Post Office did not perform satisfactory mail service. 
Their post riders were irresponsible and negligent about ad- 
hering to mail schedules. Complaints about the irregularities 
of North Carolina mail service were frequent. 

The self-supporting policy of Congress for the Postmaster 
General for "carrying the mails and he shall defray the ex- 
pense thereof, together with all other expenses arising on the 
collection and management of the revenues of their opera- 
tions" was not readily adhered to in the United States. The 
settlers moving into North Carolina requested postal com- 
munications with their family and friends, irrespective of the 
cost to the General Post Office. In general, the mail service 
which did exist in sparsely settled southern communities was 
operated at a loss, and the Postmaster General was reluctant 
to discontinue unproductive routes, to wit: 

Our fellow citizens in the remote parts of the Union seem 
entitled to some indulgence. Their great distances from the seat 
of government and from principal commercial towns subject 
them to peculiar difficulties in their correspondence. They have 
also few or no printing presses among them, hence without the 
aid of the public post roads they will not only be embarrassed in 
their correspondence but remain destitute of every necessary 
information. 38 

In the last decade of the eighteenth century the trouble- 
some postage rates for letters were changed. There were nine 
rates established covering eight zones up to 450 miles, and 
one rate beyond that distance. A flat rate of 25 cents for mail 
sent more than 450 miles meant a saving to southern mer- 

38 Postmaster General Letterbook "C," 57 and 58. 



152 The North Carolina Historical Review 

chants. These rates changes evidently produced the expected 
results for the post revenue from North Carolina towns in- 
creased in spite of the haphazard development of mail service 
on post roads. 



EDMUND BURKE HAYWOOD AND RALEIGH'S 
CONFEDERATE HOSPITALS 

By H. H. Cunningham* 

Numerous hospital centers developed rather early in vari- 
ous parts of the southern Confederacy, and one of the most 
typical of such centers was that of Raleigh, North Carolina. 
Centrally located and easily accessible by rail, some distance 
removed from the main theaters of active military operations 
throughout most of the conflict, and containing a fairly size- 
able population that could do much to relieve the suffering 
of the sick and wounded, Raleigh was selected early in the 
war as headquarters for the first Surgeon General of the 
State, Dr. Charles E. Johnson, a Raleigh resident. Immediate- 
ly after his appointment by Governor John W. Ellis on May 
16, 1861, Dr. Johnson opened and equipped in Raleigh the 
State of North Carolina's first military hospital, an institution 
known as the Fair Grounds Hospital. Other State hospitals 
were established by Dr. Johnson later in 1861 and early the 
next year in Petersburg and Richmond, Virginia, nearer the 
scene of fighting. Generally speaking, all of these institutions, 
along with wayside hospitals set up in Weldon, Goldsboro, 
Tarboro, Raleigh, Salisbury, and Charlotte in the summer of 
1862, were changed to Confederate military hospitals before 
the end of that year. 1 Raleigh came to be the home of three 
general hospitals and might therefore be regarded as an im- 
portant medical center or the Confederacy. Some better un- 
derstanding as to the development of, conditions in, and 
problems facing the personnel of the average Confederate 
hospital may perhaps be gained from a rather close look at 
the situation in the City of Raleigh. 

The surgeon appointed by Dr. Johnson to take charge of 
North Carolina's first military hospital was Dr. Edmund Burke 

* Dr. H. H. Cunningham is Professor of History and Chairman of the 
Department of Social Sciences and Dean of the College at Elon College. 

1 Peter E. Hines, "The Medical Corps," in Walter Clark (ed.), Histories 
of the Several Regiments and Battalions from North Carolina, in the 
Great War 1861-65 (Raleigh: Published by the State, 5 volumes, 1901), 
IV, 623-624, hereinafter cited as Clark, North Carolina Regiments. 

[153] 



154 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Haywood, member of a prominent family and one of ante- 
bellum North Carolina's finest physicans. Educated at the 
Raleigh Academy, the University of North Carolina— where 
he "took first distinction in his class'— and the University of 
Pennsylvania, he had attained pre-eminence in his profession 
before the wars outbreak. Shortly after the secession of North 
Carolina, Dr. Haywood, a firm believer in the righteousness 
of the southern cause, enlisted as a private in the Raleigh 
Light Infantry. Later Governor Ellis sent him to Fort Sumter 
and Morris Island to inspect the hospitals established at those 
points, and it was after his return that he was directed to take 
charge of the Fair Grounds Hospital and the camp of instruc- 
tion near Raleigh. 2 His subsequent contribution to the medi- 
cal service of his State and that of the Confederacy can hardly 
be exaggerated. 

Dr. Haywood appears to have been highly thought of by 
those with whom he worked. Dr. Johnson wrote in praise of 
Haywood's professional abilities, commented on his gentle- 
manly demeanor, and wanted him as his chief assistant. Dr. 
Peter E. Hines, Confederate Medical Director of the North 
Carolina General Hospitals, formerly surgeon of the Bethel 
Regiment, and Dr. Samuel P. Moore, Surgeon General of the 
Confederacy, both went on record in describing Haywood 
as an intelligent and accomplished surgeon. 3 And a fellow 
physician wrote that he would rather be an assistant to Dr. 
Haywood than surgeon of a regiment. 4 

Influential as well as skillful in his profession, he was not 
infrequently requested by friends to intercede in their in- 
terests. One, for example, desirous of being appointed quarter- 
master of the Twelfth Regiment, North Carolina Volunteers, 
solicited his aid and expressed the conviction that such assis- 
tance would give him the place. 5 

2 Samuel A. Ashe (ed.), Biographical History of North Carolina from 
Colonial Times to the Present (Greensboro: Charles L. Van Noppen, 8 
volumes, 1905-1917), VI, 290, hereinafter cited as Ashe, Biographical His- 
tory of North Carolina. 

3 Moore to Hines, December 16, 1864; Hines to Moore, December 27, 1864. 
Ernest Haywood Collection, Southern Historical Collection, University of 
North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill, hereinafter cited as Ernest Haywood 
Collection. 

4 Dr. B. S. Cheek to Haywood, May 29, 1863, Ernest Haywood Collection. 
J. I. Iredell to Haywood, July 13, 1861, Ernest Haywood Collection. 



E. Burke Haywood and Confederate Hospitals 155 

Like most outstanding men, Dr. Haywood had considerable 
confidence in his abilities, and he strove to advance himself 
whenever possible. One such effort occurred when, in 1863, 
he learned that Dr. Hines's predecessor as Medical Director 
of the North Carolina General Hospitals desired to be re- 
lieved. Haywood made immediate application to the Con- 
federate Surgeon General for the post. In his letter he 
summarized his record in service, pointed out that he had 
never been absent from duty, expressed the belief that his 
professional performance had always been of a high quality, 
and advised that he could forward recommendations in his 
behalf from "our highest authorities." 6 Dr. Haywood may 
also have been responsible for the letter urging his appoint- 
ment sent by some "citizens of North Carolina" to the Secre- 
tary of War. 7 He almost certainly was behind another such 
communication for which Dr. S. S. Satchwell, medical officer 
in charge of Wilson's General Hospital No. 2, was collecting 
signatures. 8 Despite such efforts, however, the position went 
to Dr. Hines. 

Notwithstanding the fact that on one occasion before the 
war Dr. Haywood was compelled by poor health to abandon 
his practice, he appears to have worked tirelessly from the 
time he was appointed to assume control of the Fair Grounds 
Hospital in May, 1861, until the end of the war. The manage- 
ment of such an institution was an undertaking of consider- 
able magnitude, and he expressed the opinion in March, 1864, 
that there had been received in that hospital "more very sick 
men than in any other in this State, on account of its having 
been the receiving Hospital for a large Camp of Instruction, 
which at one time contained between five and six thousand 
soldiers/' 9 

That Dr. Haywood was able to carry his heavy load with- 
out faltering is indicated by his application early in 1862 to 

"Haywood to Moore, September 12, 1863 (copy), Ernest Haywood Col- 
lection. 

7 D. W. Barringer to James A. Seddon, September 18, 1863 (copy), Ernest 
Haywood Collection. 

8 Dr. S. S. Satchwell to Haywood, September 21, 1863, Ernest Haywood 
Collection. 

9 Letter transmitting General Summary of the Sick and Wounded Report, 
March, 1864. Order and Letter Book, Fair Grounds Hospital, Ernest Hay- 
wood Collection. 



156 The North Carolina Historical Review 

go to Petersburg for the purpose of examining the hospitals at 
that point and, in the event of a battle on the Peninsula, to 
proceed there. Shortly thereafter, as a result of the heavy fight- 
ing around Richmond, Governor Henry T. Clark ordered Dr. 
Haywood "to repair there immediately, and render any medi- 
cal aid in your power, to the sick and wounded in any of the 
North Carolina Regiment." 10 In view of Dr. Haywood's will- 
ingness to serve in Virginia, it is interesting to note the asser- 
tion in the Weekly Standard early in 1863 that although there 
were six hospitals in Richmond devoted especially to Tar 
Heel troops, only one of the six was administered by a North 
Carolina physician. According to the Standard: "The services 
of many of our eminent physicians could be obtained, but as 
in everything else, North Carolina is ignored, even in the 
selection of physicians to attend our own men." n 

On June 18, 1864, Dr. Haywood was relieved from further 
duty in the Fair Grounds Hospital and placed in charge of the 
newly-constructed Pettigrew Hospital (General Hospital No. 
13). While not a large institution (the return of hospital 
property for August 15, 1864, showed a total of only 394 
bedsteads and six cots ) the Pettigrew Hospital was a smaller 
counterpart of Richmond's famous Chimborazo Hospital— the 
largest military hospital in the history of this continent, its 
150 buildings having a capacity of over 8,000 patients— and 
it was constructed in accordance with the Confederate Sur- 
geon General's preference for the one story pavilion hospital. 12 
Unfortunately, however, according to Dr. Haywood's first 
progress report, the following facilities were not completed 
when the Pettigrew establishment was opened: ". . . the offices 
and chambers, the dispensary and adjoining store roms, the 
stewards, quartermaster and commissary rooms, the laundry, 
the kitchen and mess rooms, the attendants and servants 
rooms, the stable, the bath house, the guard house, the wells, 
the furnaces and the bed racks." To add to the generally 

10 Clark to Haywood, June 2, 1862, Ernest Haywood Collection. 

u Weekly Standard (Raleigh), January 7, 1863, hereinafter cited as 
Weekly Standard. 

M Hines, "The Medical Corps," in Clark, North Carolina Regiments, 
IV, 627. 



E. Burke Haywood and Confederate Hospitals 157 

unfinished appearance of the hospital, nearly all of the build- 
ings needed white-washing despite the fact that "For three 
months past the weather has been remarkably good for build- 
ing and whitewashing/' 13 A subsequent report contained 
numerous excuses advanced by the contractor for the slow- 
ness of construction and little else save a request by Dr. 
Haywood that he be excused from making further reports. 11 
The lack of sufficient enterprise to complete such a project is 
indicative of the failing fortunes of the southern Confederacy 
at that stage of the conflict. 15 

An examination of sick and wounded reports for the hos- 
pitals under Dr. Haywood's control suggests that he was quite 
successful in returning men to active duty. Records show that 
from May 20, 1861, to August 1, 1862, at which time the 
Fair Grounds Hospital was transferred to the Confederacy, 
4,731 patients were admitted for treatment. Of this number 
4,228 were returned to duty, 241 were furloughed, 44 were 
sent to other general hospitals, 16 were discharged, 32 desert- 
ed, and there were 170 deaths. A general summary of the 
entire period from May 20, 1861, to January 1, 1864, reveals 
that of 6,916 patients admitted to the Fair Grounds Hospital, 
5,894 were returned to duty, 614 were furloughed, 69 were 
transferred to other general hospitals, 28 were discharged, 82 
deserted, and 229 died. 16 Sick and wounded returns for the 
Pettigrew Hospital are less complete, but the mortality rate 
in that establishment apparently reached its height early in 

1865 since 19 deaths were reported by Dr. Haywood for the 



13 Haywood to Hines, July 18, 1864. Order and Letter Book, Pettigrew 
Hospital, Ernest Haywood Collection. 

14 Haywood to Hines, August 16, 1864, Ernest Haywood Collection. 

15 Raleigh's third general hospital, known officially as General Hospital 
No. 8, was located in facilities belonging to Peace Institute and opened in 
the summer of 1862 by Dr. Thomas Hill. See Hill's "Sketch of General 
Hospital No. 8, Peace Institute, Raleigh," in Confederate States of Amer- 
ica, Archives, 1861-1865, Duke University Library, Durham. Other general 
hospitals in North Carolina by number were located as follows: 1 — Kit- 
trell Springs; 2 — Wilson; 3 — Goldsboro; 4 — Wilmington; 5 — Wilmington; 
6 — Fayetteville; 9 — Salisbury; 10 — Salisbury; 11 — Charlotte; and 12 — 
Greensboro. 

16 General Summary of the Sick and Wounded of this Hospital [Fair 
Grounds] from May 20, 1861, to January 1, 1864. Order and Letter Book, 
Ernest Haywood Collection. 



158 The North Carolina Historical Review 

period from February 1 through March 2 of that year— 15 of 
which were ascribed to pneumonia. 17 

Medical officers in charge of hospitals were so encumbered 
by executive duties— maintaining records, preparing reports, 
enforcing hospital regulations, serving on medical examining 
boards, and the like— that some found it almost impossible to 
administer to the sick and wounded in their charge or engage 
in other professional activities. The widespread acclaim ac- 
corded several of Dr. Haywood's surgical operations, how- 
ever, would appear to indicate that he found time to exploit 
his skill in the realm of operative surgery. In the case of one 
patient suffering from a buck-shot wound in the left thigh, 
Dr. Haywood decided "after traumatic aneurism of the 
femoral artery supervened followed by considerable growth, 
to ligate the femoral artery." The aneurism did not return. 18 
Dr. Haywood also performed one of the 296 intermediary 
amputations in the upper third of the leg for shot injury re- 
corded during the war; his patient recovered from the opera- 
tion, but 102 such cases terminated fatally. 19 And 173 Union 
and Confederate soldiers submitted to secondary amputations 
in the upper third of the arm. One of the successful opera- 
tions— 26.6 per cent had fatal terminations— was performed 
by Dr. Haywood on a Union soldier. 20 

Records of several other less publicized operations attest 
Dr. Haywood's skill with the knife, and a patient in the 
Pettigrew Hospital informed the Raleigh press of the "close 
attention and medical skill" accorded a fellow inmate whose 
right leg had been amputated by Dr. Haywood. 21 Haywood's 
ideas concerning the treatment of hospital gangrene, a repul- 
sive post-operative infection, also attracted attention. Where- 
as most Confederate surgeons advised the use of disinfectants 

17 Letters from Haywood to 2nd auditor, C. S. A., February 1 through 
March 2, 1865. Order and Letter Book, Pettigrew Hospital, Ernest Hay- 
wood Collection. 

18 Confederate States Medical and Surgical Journal (Richmond, 1864- 
1865), I (March, 1864), 36. 

19 Surgeon General of the United States Army, Medical and Surgical 
History of the War of the Rebellion (Washington, D. C. : Government 
Printing Office, 6 volumes, 1870-1888), II, Pt. 3, 513, hereinafter cited as 
Surgeon General, Medical and Surgical History. 

30 Surgeon General, Medical and Surgical History, II, Pt. 2, 775. 
21 The surgical subject was David Bethune. R. E. Moffitt to "editors of a 
Raleigh newspaper," September 20, 1864, Ernest Haywood Collection. 



E. Burke Haywood and Confederate Hospitals 159 

and deodorizers to combat the infection, Haywood protested 
that the removal of the foul ordor was "like removing the 
beacon that warns the watchful mariner of the certain death 
that lurks beneath the surface." 22 Apparently Dr. Haywood 
also found time away from his executive duties to investigate 
other hospitals inasmuch as in the fall of 1863 he received 
orders from the medical director of North Carolina's general 
hospitals to "proceed to Richmond, Va. and examine into all 
of the arrangements for heating, ventilating, bathing, cook- 
ing and washing in use at Camp Jackson Hospital and such 
other hospitals as he may deem necessary." 23 

Practically all available evidence supports the conclusion 
that Dr. Haywood was a competent and conscientious execu- 
tive officer. A charge made early in the war that his ad- 
ministration of the Fair Grounds Hospital was not all it 
should be, was met by a lengthy statement in the medical 
officer's defense by Chaplain W. N. Bragg of the hospital. 
Wrote Bragg: 

It appears that there is much unjust prejudice against the 
general military hospital in Raleigh, based upon unfounded 
rumors; and as I am connected with that institution, I feel it 
to be my duty to state, that the hospital is well-conducted. It 
has been charged that proper attention is not given to sick 
soldiers, and that the dead are not properly and decently buried. 
Now, sir, I speak from observation when I say, that the Super- 
intendent, Dr. E. Burke Haywood, is constant, kind, and inde- 
fatigable in the discharge of his duties; and that no neglect is 
allowed which he can prevent. These injurious rumors against 
the hospital have operated to prevent sick soldiers from agreeing 
to be taken to the hospital, and thereby suffering has been oc- 
casioned to these soldiers, and some of them have died. I trust, 
Sir, that those who talk against the good management of the 
hospital will visit it and judge for themselves. Let justice be 



"Reports of Surgical Cases, General Hospitals No. 7 and 13, Raleigh, 
North Carolina, 1863-1865. War Department Collection of Confederate 
Records, National Archives, Washington, D. C, Chap. VI, Vol. 526, here- 
inafter cited as War Department Collection of Confederate Records. 

88 Special Orders No. 3, Office Medical Director, General Hospitals, North 
Carolina, October 19, 1863. John and Edmund Burke Haywood Papers, 
Duke University Library. 



160 The North Carolina Historical Review 

done, and let sick soldiers no longer be deterred from going to 
the hospital for treatment. 24 

Dr. Haywood and his staff also received praise from inspect- 
ing officers of the medical department. After completing an 
inspection of Pettigrew Hospital in December, 1864, the sur- 
geons who conducted the inspection informed Haywood that 
"The order, discipline and excellent sanitary condition of 
your hospital are such as to reflect great credit upon yourself 
and associate medical officers." 25 And following an official 
inspection of all the North Carolina hospitals in the spring of 
1865, it was reported that "they were the best Hospitals and 
better conducted than in any other Hospital District in the 
Confederate States. . . " 26 

The highly favorable reports by inspecting officers were all 
the more remarkable in view of the fact that normal problems 
of administration confronting medical officers in charge of 
general hospitals had become much more serious late in the 
war. Of these problems, that of attendants, the shortage of 
certain drugs, and the matter of the hospital ration and diet 
proved to be particularly thorny ones in the Raleigh hospitals. 

Each general hospital was allowed, in addition to the sur- 
geon in charge, one medical officer or contract physician to 
every seventy or eighty patients. There was constant difficul- 
ty, however, in maintaining such a ratio. Early in August, 
1864, Dr. Haywood began petitioning for additional medical 
officers— pointing out that he had only one assistant surgeon, 
two contract physicians having "annulled their contracts. " 27 
As late as February 23, 1865, Dr. Haywood was calling for 
two more assistant surgeons and stating that the situation 

24 Weekly Standard, May 28, 1862. Many soldiers had little confidence in 
their medical officers. One of these asserted that a surgeon had attempted 
to give one of his patients 300 grains of a quinine as a single dose, and he 
professed to believe that "more of our soldiers have died from unskilled 
but well-paid physicians, than from battles with the enemy." "CHAT- 
HAM" to the editor, Weekly Standard, September 17, 1862. 

26 R. T. Coleman and others to Haywood, December 3, 1864, Ernest Hay- 
wood Collection. 

20 Hines, "The Medical Corps," in Clark, North Carolina Regiments, IV, 
626-627. Further evidence of Dr. Haywood's executive ability may be seen 
in the fact that he served as Acting Medical Director of the North Carolina 
General Hospitals when Dr. Hines was away. See, for example, Haywood 
to S. P. Moore, January 9, 1865 (copy), Ernest Haywood Collection. 

37 Haywood to Moore, August 10, 1864. Ernest Haywood Collection. 




Hall of History 

E. Burke Haywood, M.D., Surgeon in charge of Pettigrew Hospital 



E. Burke Haywood and Confederate Hospitals 161 

"absolutely requires additional Medical officers." 28 And on 
the next day, February 24, he advised the medical director 
that there were in the hospital thirty-two more patients than 
could be accommodated and requested permission to trans- 
fer them elsewhere. 29 Such transfers relieved crowded condi- 
tions temporarily, but the problem became increasingly acute. 
A serious problem also existed with respect to the shortage 
of ward masters, matrons, nurses, cooks, and laundresses— all 
of which were authorized by "An act to better provide for the 
sick and wounded of the army in hospitals" passed by the 
Confederate Congress in September, 1862. Dr. Haywood's 
greatest difficulty concerned ward masters— the accountable 
property officers for hospitals— and nurses. Provision was 
made in the act of September, 1862, for the permanent detail 
of soldiers as ward masters and nurses in case sufficient num- 
bers of such attendants could not be procured outside the 
military service. Since it proved difficult to obtain ward mas- 
ters and nurses, large numbers of soldiers were serving more 
or less continuously in the capacity of hospital attendants. It 
was widely believed, however, that such men should be in 
the field if they were able to bear arms, and a general order 
issued by the Adjutant and Inspector General's Office, dated 
July 8, 1863, recommended that "as far as practicable," able- 
bodied soldiers fit for field service be relieved by men unfit for 
such duty. 30 This order was implemented by directives from 
the Surgeon General's Office, one of which required monthly 
examinations of all enlisted men detailed for hospital service 
and the return to their commands of all "not positively dis- 
qualified" for duty in the field. 31 Another stipulated that, 
except for hospital stewards, "no able-bodied white man be- 

28 Haywood to Hines, February 23, 1865. Order and Letter Book, Petti- 
grew Hospital, Ernest Haywood Collection. 

29 Haywood to Hines, February 24, 1865. Shortly thereafter Dr. F. J. 
Haywood, brother of Dr. Edmund Burke Haywood, tendered his home on 
Fayetteville Street "as a hospital for very sick or badly wounded soldiers." 
Order and Letter Book, Pettigrew Hospital. March 17, 1865, Ernest Hay- 
wood Collection. 

80 The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the 
Union and Confederate Armies (Washington, D. C. : Government Printing 
Office, 70 volumes [127 books and index], 1880-1901), Ser. IV, II, 619. 

81 Moore to Surgeon W. A. Carrington, August 11, 1863. Order Book, 
General Hospital No. 2, Lynchburg, Virginia, Confederate Museum, Rich- 
mond. 



162 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tween the ages of 17 and 45 or detailed soldiers fit for field 
duty, will be retained in any capacity in or about hospitals, 
but will be returned to their commands if soldiers, or turned 
over to Conscript Officers if liable to conscription." 32 

Examining boards found quite a few potential ward mas- 
ters and nurses among the disabled applicants for furloughs 
and discharges, but hospital surgeons were understandably 
loathe to give up men who had become adept in the art of 
nursing. Dr. Haywood stated the case in a succinct protest to 
Surgeon General Moore as follows: 

... It will be impossible to keep a hospital in fine order and 
the patients well cared for with broken down disabled men. 
Nurses who are detailed on account of permanent disability 
know that they are not likely to be returned to the field, and 
therefore do not exert themselves to please. They are generally 
. . . discontented at being detailed . . . instead of being f urloughed 
or discharged. ... A nurse who is liable to be removed to duty 
in the field, for disobedience or neglect of duty, is much more 
easily managed and ten times as efficient. A disabled man can- 
not lift the sick, carry out the beds, scour the floor or sit up 
at night, or do many other things which are necessary in a well 
conducted hospital. I think it hard that the Medical Department 
should have to give up their skilled and faithful ward-masters 
and nurses. No other Department has given its employees. . . . 33 

Numerous other surgeons from all over the Confederacy re- 
ferred to the seriousness of this problem. 

Medical officers in charge of hospitals gave up their per- 
sonnel so reluctantly that the Secretary of War, pursuant to 
a request from General Lee, sent an examining commission 
of surgeons to the Virginia and North Carolina hospitals "with 
authority to return to the field all detailed men and patients 
fit for duty." 34 An inspection of the Pettigrew Hospital late 
in 1864 revealed that Dr. Haywood had retained as attendants 

82 SGO Circular No. 11, July 8, 1864, quoted in Medical Director's Office 
Circular No. 21, July 14, 1864, Raleigh, North Carolina. Circulars, North 
Carolina Medical Director's Office, 1864.-1865. 

83 Haywood to Moore, October 8, 1863. Order and Letter Book, Fair 
Grounds Hospital, Ernest Haywood Collection. 

84 Special Orders No. 218, Adjutant and Inspector General's Office, Sep- 
tember 14, 1864. War Department Collection of Confederate Records, Chap. 
VI, Vol. 642. 



E. Burke Haywood and Confederate Hospitals 163 

soldiers who should have been returned to field duty; 35 and 
as late as January 31, 1865, he was still protesting that hospi- 
tals could not be conducted properly without competent 
attendants. 86 It was hardly to be expected, however, that 
those who might be useful at the front would be allowed to 
remain in the hospitals. 

The extent to which the Raleigh hospitals were handi- 
capped by the scarcity of medical and hospital supplies is 
not altogether clear. Dr. Haywood reported on March 3, 
1865, that "we are in great need of some of the most important 
medicines," but this situation appears to have developed more 
from a change in purveyors responsible for supplying medi- 
cines than from any other cause. 37 In view of the numerous 
experiments conducted at Pettigrew Hospital to find a satis- 
factory quinine substitute, however, it is perhaps reasonable 
to conclude that some difficulty existed in the procurement 
of this important drug, a favorite remedy of southern phy- 
sicians in the treatment of malaria since its isolation from 
cinchona by French chemists in the 1820's. One experiment, 
which may have been based on earlier practice by Dr. Josiah 
Clark Nott of Alabama, called for the external application 
of turpentine a certain number of minutes before an expected 
paroxysm. A bandage wet with turpentine was applied to the 
body of the patient at the lower part of the chest; then, if 
convenient, the patient was wrapped in blankets. 38 The use 
of turpentine as an adjuvant to quinine was also found to 
have some efficacy and the amount of quinine to be adminis- 
tered was reduced thereby. 39 Still another substitute emplov- 
ed in the Pettigrew Hospital was a "mixture of tincture of 
opium and solution of ammonia" given in doses of thirtv drops 
of each a short time before the expected attack. 40 

80 Haywood to Moore, January 9. 1865. Order and Letter Book, Pettigrew 
Hosuital, Ernest Haywood Collection. 

"Haywood to Hines, January 31, 1865, Order and Letter Book, Ernest 
Havwood Collection. 

37 See Haywood to Hines, March 3. 1865. and endorsement from Hines to 
Havwood. same date. Ernest Haywood Collection. 

88 Confederate States Medical and Surgical Journal, I (January, 1864), 
7-8. 

89 Surgeon General, Medical and Surpieal History, I, Pt. 3, 189. 

40 Surgeon General. Medical and Surpieal History, I. Pt. 3, 186. A prophy- 
lactic reoortedly used with success in swampy areas of the Confederacy 
was whiskey saturated with doe-wood and other indigenous barks. The 
troops manifested their approval of this preventive. Surgeon General, 
Medical and Surgical History, T, Pt. 3, 176. 



164 The North Carolina Historical Review 

One of the most essential functions of hospital administra- 
tors was that of providing the sick and wounded troops with 
a sufficient amount of nourishing and palatable food. Yet, 
despite a steady increase in the commutation allowance of 
rations, large hospital gardens tended by the convalescents, a 
reasonable degree of diligence on the part of hospital pur- 
chasing agents, and the contributions of various patriotic 
individuals and relief associations, medical officers in charge 
of hospitals were not infrequently hard-pressed in attempting 
to meet the needs of their patients in this respect. No serious 
problem was unrelated to currency depreciation, and Dr. 
Haywood found that spiraling prices more than kept pace 
with allowance increases. In February, 1862, he bought 
chickens for 20c, eggs for 15c a dozen, and beef for 12^c a 
pound, but three years later the same items sometimes cost 
as much as $4.50, $4.05, and $3.33 respectively. 41 Occasionally 
he was unable to make purchases at all because the commis- 
sary was without money. 42 On February 10, 1865, Dr. Hay- 
wood complained that at no time since he had been in charge 
of a hospital had the patients suffered so much from the lack 
of subsistence stores— bacon, mutton, pork, wheat, beans, rice 
and the like— as they had "during the last and present 
months." 43 Hospital purchasing agents were forbidden to buy 
such stores, but on February 13 Dr. Haywood advised the 
medical director that none of these items had been issued to 
the hospital during the months of January and February and 
requested permission to purchase them through his own 
agents. 44 Closely related to the food supply was the matter of 
proper diet, and it seems conclusive that one of the chief 
failures of the hospital staff generally was its inability to meet 
the dietary requirements of the sick and wounded. 

At the same time that Dr. Haywood was wrestling with the 
personnel, drug, and food shortages he learned that the quar- 

41 Account Book, Fair Grounds Hospital, and Vouchers of Pettigrew Hos- 
pital. Ernest Haywood Collection. 

42 Statement on face of requisition on commissary, January 30, 1865, 
Vouchers of Pettigrew Hospital, Ernest Haywood Collection. 

43 Haywood to Hines, February 10, 1865, Order and Letter Book, Petti- 
grew Hospital, Ernest Haywood Collection. 

44 Haywood to Hines, February 13, 1865, Order and Letter Book, Petti - 
grew Hospital, Ernest Haywood Collection. 



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E. Burke Haywood and Confederate Hospitals 165 

termaster could not meet his requisitions for wood and was 
also advised by that officer that clothing was very scarce. 4 " 
Such was the situation at Pettigrew Hospital during the war's 
last winter. 

The closing military operations of the war led to consider- 
able confusion in the hospital service throughout the Con- 
federacy. Transportation break-downs and the over-all turmoil 
naturally associated with an army's retreat were mainly re- 
sponsible for the seriousness of the medical problem in the 
West, and Sherman's drive across the Carolinas had a similar 
effect in that area. In Raleigh, hospital surgeons were ordered 
to examine all patients daily and transfer to the west those 
who could stand the trip; 46 despite such movement, however, 
Medical Director Hines found it impossible to care properly 
for the disabled of General Joseph E. Johnston's army. Facili- 
ties became so crowded in Raleigh that it was necessary to 
use the churches as receiving and distributing hospitals, and 
rations drawn for incoming patients were prepared by Raleigh 
women. 47 

Meantime, on March 24, Dr. Haywood was ordered by the 
medical director to get as many supplies as possible in a por- 
table condition and to advise how many cars would be requir- 
ed to move them and how many patients would have to be 
left behind. He was further instructed to "leave a full supply 
of medicines, hospital stores, bedding and subsistence for 
two weeks" in charge of appropriate personnel. 48 That same 
day Haywood informed Hines that he had "one car load and 
one flat load of hospital furniture and supplies" ready to move, 

46 Entry on Voucher No. 452, Pettigrew Hospital, February 9, 1865; 
Major H. R. Hooper to Haywood, February 11, 1865, Ernest Havwood Col- 
lection. Similar circumstances prevailed elsewhere. Late in 1864, for ex- 
ample, it was asserted that the supply of wood furnished Richmond's large 
Jackson Hospital did not even "warm the stoves." Report of the Officer of 
the Day, Jackson Hospital, November 30, 1864, War Department Collection 
of Confederate Records, Chap. VI, Vol. 373. 

46 Special Orders No. 48, Office Medical Director, General Hospitals, 
North Carolina, March 20, 1865. Ernest Havwood Collection. 

47 S. Singleton to Hines, March 22, 1865. Confederate States of America, 
Archives, 1861-1865. See also Hines to W. A. Holt, March 5, 1865, in 
W. A. Holt Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University of North 
Carolina Library. 

48 Hines to Haywood, March 24, 1865. Ernest Haywood Collection. 



166 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and he stated that about twenty-five patients would have 
to be left. 49 

Some shipments prepartory to complete evacuation were 
no doubt made. On March 26, Medical Director Hines re- 
quested that Dr. Haywood advise him how many supplies 
could be shipped on that day, at what hour they would be 
ready, the number of wagons it would take to move them to 
the depot, and how many cars they would fill. 50 Just what 
happened between March 26 and April 8 is not clear, but on 
the latter date Dr. Haywood sought advice from the medical 
director as to what disposition he should make of the hospital 
records. 51 On April 10, Hines recommended that the records 
be carefully marked and boxed and shipped to the surgeon 
in charge of either the High Point or Charlotte hospitals. 52 

Dr. Haywood's final orders as a Confederate medical officer 
were apparently received on April 12. On that day he was 
directed to remain in charge of Pettigrew Hospital and to 
retain such attendants and hospital property as he might 
require; when relieved he was to report to either Medical 
Director Hines or the Confederate Surgeon General. 53 At the 
time these orders were issued most of the patients must have 
been removed, and the hospital was undoubtedly only a shell 
of its former self. A report dated April 20 referred to the in- 
stitution as "Haywood Hospital" and listed only sixteen pati- 
ents and four attendants remaining. 54 It was not until July 4, 
however, that the last of the sick and wounded were able to 
leave the Pettierew establishment. 55 And Dr. Edmund Burke 
Haywood, with this chapter of his career thus completed, 
returned to private practice. 

49 Haywood to Hines, March 24, 1865. Order and Letter Book, Pettigrew 
Hospital, Ernest Haywood Collection. 

00 Hines to Havwood, March 26. 1865. Ernest Haywood Collection. 

M Haywood to Hines. April 8. 1865. Ernest Havwood Collection. 

m Hines to Haywood, April 10, 1865, Ernest Haywood Collection. 

68 Special Orders No. 69, Office Medical Director, General Hospitals, North 
Carolina, April 12, 1865. Ernest Havwood Collection. 

"List of Patients and Attendants in Havwood Hospital, Raleigh, April 
20, 1865 (a loose sheet in Dr. Leach's Register) . Ernest Haywood Collection. 
The possibility exists, however, that "Haywood Hospital" was not Pettigrew 
Hospital. 

"Ashe, Biographical History of North Carolina, VI, 291. 



THE MOVEMENT IN NORTH CAROLINA TO 

ESTABLISH A STATE SUPPORTED 

COLLEGE FOR NEGROES 

By Frenise A. Logan* 

"To the colored youth [of North Carolina]" thundered 
James E. O'Hara in 1879, "must be accorded an institution 
of learning, fostered and controlled by the State, of equal 
dignity of the State University at Chapel Hill." 1 O'Hara, in 
the years immediately following Reconstruction, was not the 
only Negro to demand that North Carolina establish a state 
supported college for the Negroes of the State. In the same 
year, John A. White, a Negro member of the North Carolina 
Legislature from Halifax County, attempted to push through 
the lower house a bill leading to the establishment of a uni- 
versity for colored youth in the Second Congressional District. 
It was rejected. 2 Perhaps the strongest plea on the part of 
Negroes between 1879 and 1891 for a public supported in- 
stitution for their group was made in 1885 by a Raleigh Negro 
public school teacher and principal. 

Debarred the advantages of attending the Chapel Hill Uni- 
versity, the State is bound by the Constitution to establish and 
equip a school which will be to the colored people what Chapel 
Hill is to the whites. The necessity for such a school need not be 
argued. Over five hundred students leave North Carolina every 
year to seek in other States facilities of higher education which 
they cannot find at home. Howard, Lincoln, Oberlin, Wilberforce, 
Atlanta and Amherst Universities carry upon their rolls the 

* Dr. Frenise A. Logan is a Professor of History at the Agricultural and 
Technical College of North Carolina, Greensboro. 

Quoted in the Journal of Industry, November 19, 1879. Charles N. 
Hunter Scrapbook, 1879-1888. Charles N. Hunter Papers, Duke Univer- 
sity Library, Durham, hereinafter cited as Hunter Scrapbook and Hunter 
Papers. O'Hara, a few years later, was elected by the voters of the Second 
Congressional District of North Carolina to two terms in the United States 
House of Representatives. 

9 Journal of the House of the General Assembly of the State of North 
Carolina, 1879, 379, hereinafter cited as House Journal. The Second Con- 
gressional District in 1879 was comprised of Craven, Edgecombe, Greene, 
Halifax, Jones, Lenoir, Northampton, Wayne, and Wilson counties. Public 
Laws of the State of North Carolina, 1876-1877, Ch. 275, Sec. 12. Act of 
March 12, 1877. 

[167 ] 



168 The North Carolina Historical Review 

names of these students. It is generous enough in other States 
to open their doors and invite to their halls of learning the boys 
and girls from our State, but it is a sad commentary upon North 
Carolina. 3 

The continued failure of North Carolina to establish an 
institution of higher learning for the Negroes of the state led 
a Negro state teachers' association in 1886 to demand that 
members of their race be admitted to the University at Chapel 
Hill. In an effort to counter the anticipated well of anti-Negro 
feeling resulting from such a demand, Henry Eppes, a Negro 
state senator representing the Fourth District in the 1887 
North Carolina Legislature, attempted to "explain away" the 
statement of the teachers' association. In a speech before the 
Senate of North Carolina on February 21, 1887, Eppes said 
the Negroes of the state asked only that the legislature create 
a "just educational system." He confidently declared to a 
listening Senate that "the Negro of intelligence and character 
spurns knocking at the door of any college or university where 
he is not wanted." 4 

In line with this thinking, Eppes urged the Senate to sup- 
port his bill to establish an industrial college for the Negroes 
of North Carolina. To this end, he sought an appropriation of 
$10,000 the first year, and $1,000 every year afterward. 5 His 
measure was soundly rejected thirty-seven to one, the vote 
of Eppes being the only affirmative one. 6 Not only was there 
solid opposition to Eppes's bill in the Senate, but the editor 
of the Chatham Record described it as "one of the cheekiest 
propositions yet introduced on the Senate floor." 7 Apparently 
a majority of the whites of North Carolina were not ready to 
grant the admission of Negroes to white instiutions or to make 
such "expensive appropriations" on behalf of Negro higher 

3 C. N. Hunter to Afro-American Presbyterian, July 1, 1885, Hunter 
Scrapbook, 1887-1928, Hunter Papers. 

4 Quoted in the Outlook (Raleigh), February 25, 1887, Hunter Scrap- 
book, 1889-1925, Hunter Papers. 

5 Journal of the Senate of the General Assembly of the State of North 
Carolina, 1887, 38, hereinafter cited as Senate Journal. 

6 Senate Journal, 1887, 364-365. Eppes, in the session of 1887, also pre- 
sented a petition from the Negro voters of Halifax County requesting the 
establishment of an agricultural and mechanical college for their race, 
Senate Journal, 1887, 319. 

T Chatham Record (Pittsboro), February 24, 1887. 



State Supported College for Negroes 169 

education. Undaunted by the failure of Eppes, two Negro 
representatives in the 1889 session of the North Carolina 
Legislature proposed the establishment of an agricultural 
and mechanical college. Both were unsuccessful. 8 

However, the apathy, if not outright hostility, with which 
the whites of North Carolina viewed attempts by Negroes 
to gain state aid for the establishment of a college for their 
race was suddenly to change to one of support. In order to 
understand fully this transformation, it is necessary to refer 
briefly to two federal laws, the Morrill acts of 1862 and 1890. 
On July 2 of the former year, the United States Congress 
approved an act appropriating a portion of the public lands 
for the support of colleges established by the states for the 
benefit of agriculture and mechanic arts. During the fifty-first 
Congress, on August 30, 1890, an amendment to the 1862 act 
was passed by the national legislature. Its object was similar 
to the 1862 law: to give encouragement and instruction in the 
science of practical agriculture and mechanics. For this pur- 
pose an appropriation of $15,000 for each state was made. 
The initial appropriation was to be increased yearly by $1,000 
until at the expiration of ten years the appropriation reached 
the limit of $25,000, at which point it was to remain. The 
act of August 30, 1890, further stipulated that these annual 
appropriations were to be equitably divided between the two 
races in states where separate schools were maintained. 9 

In carrying out the provisions of the act of 1890, John W. 
Noble, Secretary of the Interior, on September 22, 1890, sent 
the Governor of North Carolina, Daniel G. Fowle, a circular 
letter requesting answers to three questions. First, was there 
an agricultural college established and maintained by North 
Carolina? Second, was there any distinction of race or color 
in admission? Third, if so, was there a college for whites and 
one for Negroes aided by the state from its own revenues? 10 

In answer to Noble's letter, Fowle stated that North Caro- 
lina operated a college of agriculture and received benefits 

8 House Journal, 1889, 113, 245. 

9 Public Documents of the State of North Carolina, 1891. Document No. 
1, "Biennial Message of Daniel G. Fowle, Governor of North Carolina, to 
the Legislature of North Carolina, January 9, 1891," 14, hereinafter cited 
as Public Documents. 

10 Public Documents, 15. See also Senate Journal, 1891, 32. 



170 The North Carolina Historical Review 

from the Act of 1862. Further, that the only students attend- 
ing the North Carolina College of Agriculture and Mechanic 
Arts were whites, and, Fowle added, were a colored student 
to seek admission, he would be refused. While admitting that 
there was no agricultural and mechanical college established 
by the State or aided by its revenue for Negroes, the Governor 
promised Noble that he would recommend in his message 
to the North Carolina legislature on January 8, 1891, "that an 
agricultural college for the colored race be established at 
once." Fowle, in his concluding sentence, requested the 
$15,000 he said was due the State under the Act of 1890. 11 

Noble, in a reply to Fowle, tersely notified the North Caro- 
lina executive that since the State had but one college devoted 
to instruction in agriculture and mechanic arts, with only 
whites in attendance, and since Negroes would be refused 
admittance if they presented themselves for admission, North 
Carolina could not share in the appropriations of the Act of 
1890. Noble concluded that federal funds would continue to 
be withheld until the state legislature provided "a similar 
institution for the education of colored students to equitably 
participate with the existing white institution in the benefits 
of the provision." 12 The effort of North Carolina to qualify 
for the funds by establishing a department of agriculture and 
mechanic arts for Negroes at Shaw University in Raleigh, 
was such an obvious attempt at circumvention that Noble 
disdained a reply. 

Having no alternative, then, Governor Fowle, in his mes- 
sage to the North Carolina Legislature on January 9, 1891, 
recommended the establishment of an agricultural and me- 
chanical college for Negroes. "For only this," he informed 
the members of the legislature, "will entitle our State to her 
portion of the appropriation." 13 Thus the Governor's recom- 
mendation that North Carolina create and maintain an agri- 
cultural and mechanical college for Negroes was conspicuous 
for its lack of altruism. Without the proviso to the Morrill 

11 Fowle to Noble, September 27, 1890. Daniel G. Fowle Letter Book, 
1889-1891, State Department of Archives and History, Raleigh, herein- 
after cited as Fowle Letter Book. 

12 Noble to Fowle, October 25, 1890. Fowle Letter Book. 

13 Public Documents, 1891. No. 1, 15-16. 



State Supported College for Negroes 171 

Act of 1890 which declared that those states where education 
tor the two races were separate ( in order to quality tor iederal 
appropriations a separate college must be established tor 
Negroes) it is dilricult to prophesy just how long North Caro- 
lina would have denied to its Negro citizens the right to a 
state supported college education. 

On January 19, 1891, ten days after Governor Fowle's 
recommendation, Isaac Alston, a Negro representing the 
Nineteenth Senatorial District of Warren County, introduced 
the first Senate bill of the 1891 session providing tor the 
establishment of an industrial college for Negroes ot North 
Carolina. It was rejected. 14 It was seven weeks later before 
another attempt was made in the Senate to achieve this end. 
On the morning of March 5, 1891, a bill of J. D. Bellamy of 
Wilmington to establish an agricultural and mechanical col- 
lege for Negroes passed its first reading. When the Senate 
met again that evening, Bellamy's bill passed its second and 
third readings and was ordered to be sent to the House of 
Representatives without engrossment. 15 The next morning, 
March 6, it passed its first reading in the House, and on March 
7, passed its second and third readings, and ordered to be 
engrossed. 16 

The final act, entitled "An act to establish an agricultural 
and mechanical college for the colored race," was ratified by 
the General Assembly of North Carolina on March 9, 1891. 1T 
Sections 3, 10, and 11 are among the more important ones 
contained in the act. Section 3 states as the "leading object" 
of the institution to be known as the Agricultural and Me- 
chanical College for the Colored Race, was to teach practical 
agriculture and mechanic arts "and such branches of learning 
as relate thereto, not excluding academical and classical in- 
struction." Section 10 provides that a sum of $2,500 be an- 
nually appropriated to sustain the college. Section 11 stipu- 

14 Senate Journal, 1891, 126. 

15 Senate Journal, 1891, 800, 856-857. 

M House Journal, 1891, 971, 1001. Several bills to establish the Negro 
institution were introduced in the lower house of the General Assembly, 
but were all rejected. House Journal, 1891, 68, 176, 230. 

17 Laws and Resolutions of the State of North Carolina passed by the 
General Assembly at its Session of 1891. Ch. 594. Act of March 9, 1891, 
hereinafter cited as Laws and Resolutions of North Carolina. 



172 The North Carolina Historical Review 

lates that until the site and buildings were furnished for the 
location of the college, the trustee board of nine members 
were empowered to make temporary provisions for the school 
"at some established [Negro] institution within the State." 18 

Since the location of the college was left undetermined by 
the General Assembly, it is not surprising that effort on the 
part of certain interested Negro groups in the cities and towns 
of the State would be made to secure its establishment in their 
communities. As a matter of fact on February 6, 1891, ap- 
proximately a month before the act creating the A. & M. 
College was passed by the General Assembly, the Daily State 
Chronicle ( Raleigh ) observed that three North Carolina cities 
had already offered inducements to the legislature to establish 
the proposed school in their midst. Wilmington offered cash 
and land to the amount of $8,000; Raleigh offered dormitories 
and recitation rooms at Shaw University, a private Negro in- 
stitution in that city; and Winston-Salem offered $15,000. 19 

As early as October, 1890, James A. Whitted, principal of a 
Negro public school in Durham, wrote another Negro, 
Charles N. Hunter, that he would be gratified "if there could 
be some steps taken to secure to Durham the Agricultural 
School." However, since he was not "well posted as to the 
proper manner to proceed to get public sentiment aroused to 
the importance of such a thing," Whitted was not overly 
enthusiastic at the prospects. As a matter of fact, he expressed 
the very questionable opinion that no other Negro in Durham 
cared "two straws" about securing the college for that city. 20 

Two months later, Whitted was still pessimistic of the 
progress Durham was making to gain the school. Although 
the Negroes of that city had by December, 1890, "suscribed 
over $200, and that it would "be easy to get a promise of 
$1,000 from them," Whitted was "afraid that petty jealousies 
among our big men will cause them to fall out by the way." 21 
Despite these misgivings, Whitted and other like-minded 
Negroes continued their efforts. And so by February 21, 1891, 

18 Laws and Resolutions of North Carolina, Ch. 594. 

"Quoted in the Daily Record (Greensboro), February 6, 1891, herein- 
after cited as Daily Record. 

30 James A. Whitted to Charles N. Hunter, October 30, 1890, Hunter 
Papers. 

21 Whitted to Hunter, December 26, 1890, Hunter Papers. 



State Supported College for Negroes 173 

they could claim that the aggregate of cash subscriptions 
amounted to some $8,000, and the proposed land for the col- 
lege site was valued at $5,000. However, when a delegation 
of white and colored citizens of Durham returned from Ra- 
leigh where they presented their inducements to the Educa- 
tion Committees of the General Assembly, Whitted noted 
that they "seemed to be dismayed/' It appeared that Greens- 
boro had offered a proposition "which could hardly be ignor- 
ed." 22 Apparently this ended any serious effort on the part 
of the Negroes of Durham to secure the A. & M. College, for 
Whitted was convinced that the whites would do no more. 
Without increased subscriptions from them, further effort was 
futile. 23 Wilmington, though not fully organized until the fall 
of 1891, was actively working towards bringing the college 
there. In mid-August, 1891, the Afro-Presbyterian observed 
that subscriptions were being made rapidly, and it was ex- 
pected that the port city would "show up all right." 2i 

Perhaps the two most active cities seeking the college 
between February and August of 1891 were Raleigh and 
Greensboro. Although there had been discussions and plans 
formulated by the Negroes of Raleigh, it was not until June 
30, 1891, that the first public meeting of white and Negro 
citizens was held. Meeting at the mayor's office, the group 
organized two committees; the committee to solicit subscrip- 
tions and the committee to present the claims of Raleigh 
before the Board of Trustees of the new school. 25 Significant- 
ly, all members of the subscription committee were Negroes; 
while on the latter one, Negroes were in the minority. 26 

Editors of the white newspapers in the capital city strongly 
supported the movement. For example, the Daily Evening 
Visitor, while admitting that the city was "well supplied with 
colleges serving its colored population," declared that "the 
one missing link was a school of practical, technical training." 
Besides, the editor declared, 



22 Whitted to Hunter, February 21, 1891, Hunter Papers. 

23 Whitted to Hunter, February 21, 1891, Hunter Papers. 

24 Quoted in the Daily Record, August 20, 1891. 

25 Daily Evening Visitor (Raleigh), July 1, 1891, hereinafter cited as 
the Daily Evening Visitor. 

* Daily Evening Visitor, July 1, 1891. 



174 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Raleigh owes it to its colored citizens and to itself to secure 
this college if possible. It means more for our city than it could 
for any other in the State. We believe it is of the highest 
importance to the colored people of the State that it be located 
here. But the Trustees will consider our advantages provided 
we make a liberal offer to secure it, and not otherwise. 27 

In line with the declarations of the editor of the Daily Evening 
Visitor, the committee appointed to solicit contributions for 
the establishment of the college in Raleigh conducted a vigor- 
ous canvass. One Raleigh newspaper, The News and Observer, 
noted that the subscriptions were succeeding "to a gratifying 
degree." 28 

If judged by the February 6, 1891, reaction of a Greensboro 
paper to the various inducements offered by other North 
Carolina cities to gain the institution, it appeared that that 
piedmont city was not interested in acquiring the college. 
"Greensboro don't need it," the editor asserted, "as she has 
one of the best colored schools in the State [Bennett Col- 
lege] . 29 This view was not shared by the Negroes of Greens- 
boro. On February 27, 1891, a group of them met to perfect an 
organization whose object was "to advise and to consider 
the moral, material and intellectual interests of the colored 
people of Greensboro." 30 Although the organization did not 
specifically state it, it is reasonable to assume that one of its 
chief objects was to secure to Greensboro the A. & M. College. 

By far the most active Negro in the movement to bring the 
college to Greensboro was Charles H. Moore. 31 Determined 
to succeed in this effort, Moore sought and successfully gained 
the support of the Greensboro Chamber of Commerce and 
such prominent and influential white citizens as D. W. C. 
Benbow. Impressed with his plans, the Chamber appointed 

27 Daily Evening Visitor, July 13, 1891. 

28 Quoted in the Daily Record, August 30, 1891. 
20 Daily Record, February 6, 1891. 

30 Daily Record, March 2, 1891. 

31 With degrees from Howard University and Amherst College, in addition 
to some ten years of teaching and school administrative experience, Moore 
in June, 1891, considered himself sufficiently qualified to seek the presidency 
of the proposed A. & M. College. Moore to Governor Thomas Holt, June 20, 
1891. Governors' Papers, Thomas M. Holt, 1891, State Department of 
Archives and History, hereinafter cited as Governors' Papers. 



State Supported College for Negroes 175 

Moore chairman of the committee seeking to locate the A. & 
M. College in the city. 32 Through the pages of the Greensboro 
Daily Record, Moore and his supporters during the month of 
August, 1891, attempted to convince the people of Greensboro 
of the financial benefits that would come to city in the wake 
of the college's establishment. He estimated that "not less" 
than $8,000 or $10,000 would come into Greensboro the first 
few years of the college's growth. This amount, Moore was 
confident, would increase as the school grew in popularity 
and student population. 33 On another occasion Moore made 
an undisguised attempt to show the white businessmen of 
Greensboro that if for no other reason than self interest, they 
should support his move to secure the college. Significantly, 
he admitted at the same time that without such aid, Greens- 
boro's chances to land the A. & M. College were not good. 34 

The exertions on the part of Moore and other Negroes of 
Greensboro to secure the college came none too late. Long 
before Greensboro evinced an interest, as has been noted 
above, Wilmington, Durham, and Raleigh, along with Win- 
ston-Salem had held public meetings and appointed com- 
mittes to solicit funds for land for the college. Moore, on 
August 20, 1891, noting the efforts of Negroes in these cities, 
ruefully observed that "Greensboro as yet has not evinced 
much enthusiasm over the subject." He, nonetheless, held out 
the hope that the city would "eventually show herself a stub- 
born competitor with other cities for the school." 35 

The hope of Moore was partially answered on the evening: 
following the above plea. At the initial meeting of white and 
Negro citizens, resolutions were passed and committees ap- 
pointed to solicit guarantees to compete with other North 
Carolina cities for the college. 36 Commenting on the meeting, 
the Daily Record said that "liberal subscriptions were at once 
made by some of our leading men, and the outlook is good." 3T 

"Ethel S. Arnett, Greensboro, North Carolina, County Seat of Guilford 
(Chapel Hill, 1955), 111-112, hereinafter cited Arnett, Greensboro, North 
Carolina. 

89 Moore in the Daily Record. August 6, 1891. 

M Moore in the Daily Record, August 20, 1891. 

"Moore in the Daily Record, August 20, 1891. 

38 Daily Record, August 21, 1891. 

"Daily Record, August 21, 1891. 






176 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Another meeting of white and Negro citizens of Greensboro 
was held four days later, on August 24, 1891, to take final 
steps towards getting the institution located in the city. Writ- 
ing in the Daily Record on the day of the night the meeting 
was scheduled, a person who identified himself as "justice" 
(obviously Charles H. Moore) argued that there was no 
valid reason why Greensboro should not bear the responsi- 
bility and burden of securing the A. & M. College. Reminding 
the white people of Greensboro that the city's Negro voters 
in July, 1891, "without scarcely a murmur of dissent, rallied 
to the polls" to approve a subscription of $30,000 to secure 
the Normal and Industrial School for White Girls (now 
Womans' College), "Justice" asked would the whites be less 
generous and more selfish than their "brothers in black." 38 
The editor of the Daily Record, possibly impressed with the 
above appeal, was moved to declare that "all who feel an 
interest in securing the location of the Colored Agricultural 
and Mechanical College in Greensboro must give our colored 
friends that aid which justice demands at our hands." 39 

In the preceding pages an attempt has been made to trace 
the exertions of Negroes, chiefly in Durham, Raleigh, and 
Greensboro, to induce the Board of Trustees of the A. & M. 
College to locate the college in their midst. Some attention, 
therefore, must now be given to the activities of the Board. 
Apnointed by the North Carolina Legislature of 1891, the 
following men, one from each state senatorial district, com- 
posed the first Board of Trustees of the Agricultural and 
Mechanical College for the Colored Race. They were Hugfh 
Cale, J. M. Early, John S. Leary, W. H. Pace, Charles H. 
Moore, W. R. McKoy, W. A. Graham, S. McD. Tate, and 
W. H. McClure. 40 Cale, Leary, and Moore were Negroes. 41 

Oddly enough, J. M. Early, who had been named as tem- 
porary chairman by the legislature on March 9, 1891, 42 was 
not informed officially of his appointment until a month 

88 "Justice" in the Daily Record, August 24, 1891. 

39 Daily Record, August 24, 1891. 

40 Senate Journal, 1891, 919-920; House Journal, 1891, 1013-1016. See 
also the Daily State Chronicle (Raleigh), March 13, 1891, hereinafter cited 
as Daily State Chronicle. 

41 Daily State Chronicle, March 13, 1891. 

42 Laws of North Carolina. Ch, 579, Act of March 9, 1891, 



State Supported College for Negroes 177 

later. 43 Then, "owing to previous arrangements" claiming his 
attention, Early set June 23, 1891 as "the earliest possible 
date" of the Board's first meeting. 44 Convening at Raleigh in 
the office of W. H. Pace, one of the trustee members, the 
group organized into a permanent body, electing Pace as 
president and John S. Leary, one of the three Negro members, 
as secretary. The trustees, in another important action taken 
at this first meeting, moved to advertise in the more prominent 
papers of the state for bids for location of the proposed Agri- 
cultural and Mechanical College for Colored. 45 The Board 
stipulated that both bids and "other proposals" were to be sent 
to the president of the Board on or before August 28, 1891. 
On that date the full Board was to meet in Raleigh to con- 
sider the different bids and locate the school "at the most 
advantageous point." 46 

In consequence of the June 23, 1891, action of the Board 
of Trustees of the A. & M. College, reference has been made 
to the public meetings and other efforts on the part of in- 
dividual cities to present on August 26 as substantial an offer 
as was possible. On August 26, at the meeting of the Board of 
Trustees in Raleigh, propositions to secure the location of the 
college were laid before that body by the cities of Raleigh, 
Wilmington, Durham, Greensboro, and Winston-Salem. Three 
Negroes, W. J. Scruggs, A. G. Davis, and C. Johnson, repre- 
senting Raleigh, addressed the trustees and promised to in- 
crease largely the subscription of $6,000. Wilmington, through 
W. B. McKoy, a member of the Board, offered $7,500 includ- 
ing a site. Durham, by letter, offered $14,000 and a site. 
Greensboro, through its Negro spokesman, Charles H. Moore, 
offered to take a vote on the question of a $15,000 subscrip- 
tion to the college. Winston-Salem, through S. G. Adkins, also 
a Negro, offered $6,000 in cash and ten acres of land. 47 
After holding two sessions and carefully considering the bids, 

43 Early to Governor Thomas M. Holt, April 29, 1891. Governors' Papers. 
Thomas M. Holt, 1891. 

44 Early to Holt, May 14, 1891. Governors' Papers. Thomas M. Holt, 1891. 

45 The News and Observer (Raleigh), June 25, 1891, hereinafter cited as 
The News and Observer. 

46 Charles H. Moore in the Daily Record, August 6, 1891. 
"Daily State Chronicle, August 27, 1891, 



178 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the trustees decided that none of them was altogether satis- 
factory. Before adjourning, however, they moved to allow the 
bidders until October 15, 1891, to perfect their propositions. 
The trustees themselves decided to go on a tour of inspection 
to all the competing cities, and examine in person the sites 
they offered. 48 

On August 27, 1891, the trustees, accompanied by Charles 
H. Moore, arrived in Greensboro. According to the Daily 
Record, "quite a number of our leading citizens met the trus- 
tees at the rooms of the Chamber of Commerce, had a talk 
over matters and appointed the following individuals to sub- 
mit a definite proposition to the locating committee: D. W. C. 
Benbow, S. S. Brown, J. A. Odell, George S. Sergeant, and 
J. R. Mendenhall." After a brief session with the above named 
men, the visiting trustees went on to Winston-Salem, and then 
back to Raleigh. 49 

On August 28, 1891, the trustees returned to Raleigh. In 
commenting on the groups return, the Daily State Chronicle 
of that city spared no words of praise of the inducements 
offered by the capital city. "On arrival," said the Daily State 
Chronicle, "they were shown over the elegant and eligible 
site" which was offered by the people of Raleigh. The Raleigh 
paper concluded the editorial with words of commendation 
to the Negroes of the city for "having taken a great interest 
in the matter and securing from the business men of Raleigh 
liberal subscriptions for the college." 50 

Throughout the month of September and up to October 
15, the date the trustees had set to make their final choice of 
a site for the A. & M. College, feverish activity characterized 
the groups in the individual cities endeavoring to secure the 
school. As early as the second week of September, however, it 
was generally agreed that Raleigh, Winston-Salem, and 
Greensboro were the only serious contenders left. The latter 
city, at that date, was not too optimistic. The editors of the 



48 The News and Observer, August 27, 1891. 
"Daily Record, August 24, 1891. 



™ Daily State Chronicle, August 29, 1891. See also the Daily Evening 
Visitor, September 1, 1891. 



I 



State Supported College for Negroes 179 

Daily Record were quick to admit that they would not hazard 
a guess as to Greensboro's chances of securing the college. 51 

That the final choice was not an easy one for the trustees 
was graphically illustrated at their meeting on October 15, 
1891. It was not until the ninth ballot that a decision was 
reached. On that ballot, five votes out of the eight were cast 
for Greensboro. Charles H. Moore, with undisguised joy, 
notified the Greensboro Daily Record of the victory. 52 Prob- 
ably the one single act which led to the choice of Greensboro 
by the trustees board was taken by a Greensboro citizen's 
meeting during the heat of the drive to bring the college to 
that city. The resolution adopted at that meeting read: 

Resolved: That we will furnish twenty-five acres of land, 
within two miles of the courthouse, and not less than eight 
thousand dollars to be paid by January 1, 1892, and with the 
guarantee now made to vote an appropriation by the city to 
pay seven thousand dollars additional by June 1, 1893. 63 

Reaction of the Daily Record to the news that Greensboro 
had been awarded the A. & M. College was marked by mild 
approval. For example, on October 17, 1891, just two days 
after the decision was announced, it simply stated that "the 
location of this school in Greensboro gives us the best school 
facilities of any town in the State, and makes Greensboro's 
educational advantages complete in every particular." 54 Com- 
menting on Moore's contribution to the victory, the editors 
declared that "but for his hard and persistent work, this 
school would have been located elsewhere." 55 

Approximately six months following the October 15, 1891, 
decision, the trustees selected a permanent site in Greensboro 
for the college. The location, according to the Daily Record 
of April 28, 1891, was "on the northeastern suburbs, almost 
directly north of James Dean's residence, and west of the 
Greensboro Driving Park, no further from the post office than 
the White Girls Normal and Industrial School, but places the 

81 Daily Record, September 8, 1891. 
a Daily Record, October 17, 1891. 

68 Quoted in Arnett, Greensboro. North Carolina, 112. See also J. W. 
Albright, Greensboro. 1818-190^ (Greensboro, 1904), 31. 



u Daily Record, October 17, 1891. 
"Daily Record, October 17, 1891. 



180 The North Carolina Historical Review 

entire breadth of the city between the two." 56 The specific 
spot for the first building was "in a beautiful and elevated 
part of the city." 57 

Perhaps the best way to conclude this paper is to quote the 
prophetic words of J. O. Crosby, a Negro and the first Presi- 
dent of the Agricultural and Mechanical College for the 
Colored Race. Writing to Governor Thomas M. Holt on 
December 19, 1892, Crosby predicted a great future for the 
institution. 

Greensboro will make a most excellent educational centre. We 
have here ... an equable climate, fine railroad facilities, con- 
necting the town with every section of the State, and a social 
influence not surpassed elsewhere in the State. For the colored 
people no other place in the State could have offered greater 
inducements than Greensboro. Here the pleasant relations be- 
tween the two races are proverbial. . . , 58 



56 Daily Record, April 28, 1892. 

57 Daily Record, April 28, 1892. 



58 Public Documents, 1893. Document No. 27, 3. 

I 



I 



PAPERS FROM THE FIFTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL 

SESSION OF THE NORTH CAROLINA LITERARY AND 

HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION, INC., RALEIGH, 

DECEMBER 6, 1957 

INTRODUCTION 

The fifty-seventh annual meeting of the North Carolina 
Literary and Historical Association was considered by those 
present as among the most interesting and most stimulating 
ever held, and all the papers and addresses were well re- 
ceived. We have the pleasure of including on the pages that 
follow all of these that are available. 

From the morning session there are "History Is An Im- 
portant Product," by Gertrude S. Carraway of New Bern; 
"Some Aspects of North Carolina's Participation in the 
Gettysburg Campaign," by Glenn Tucker of Flat Rock; and 
a review of North Carolina fiction of the year (the volumes 
entered in the Sir Walter Raleigh competition), by Phillips 
Russell of Chapel Hill. From the luncheon session we have a 
review of North Carolina non-fiction of the year (works 
entered in the Mayflower competition), by Winston Broad- 
foot of Hillsboro. From the dinner session comes "Literature 
and History," the presidential address of Gilbert T. Stephen- 
son of Pendleton. T. V. Smith of Syracuse University, who 
spoke in the evening on "Poetry, Politics, and Philosophy," 
used only notes and made no copy, so that to our regret 
we cannot publish his address. 



[181] 



HISTORY IS AN IMPORTANT PRODUCT 

By Gertrude S. Carraway* 

To such a distinguished group of historians and writers as 
this, it is not necessary to argue the point that History is an 
Important Product. All of us know its value. 

More and more the idea is spreading. There is greater 
interest in history in this country now than ever before. But, 
in many areas and among many people, there is still need 
for missionary work along the line. 

Our Nation is getting old enough to glance backward in 
gratitude for the pioneers who brought us where we are 
today, to accept the challenge of the past for better citizen- 
ship in the present, and preservation of our rich heritage for 
posterity. 

These uncertain times and its international threats make 
us want to understand the firm foundations laid by our pre- 
decessors. This gives us an assurance of permanence and 
continuity. We learn that older generations survived perplex- 
ing problems and pressing dangers. Hence, our future appears 
more certain and secure, especially if we retain the ideals on 
which America was founded and built— with courage, en- 
durance, and faith. 

History repeats itself. Lessons galore are found in bygone 
records. Not just dates and facts, as they used to be taught; 
but interpretations of their meanings, the motives of the men 
and women behind them— followers as well as leaders. Not 
mst one-sided views of happenings, but the examination of 
both sides of intricate questions, putting ourselves in the 
places of those who had to reach difficult decisions and take 
perhaps unpopular stands. 

With more Americans having more spare time these davs 
and more money to spend on travel, the tourist trade is grow- 
ing bv leaps and bounds. One of its main features consists 
of visits to historic sites. 



* Miss Gertrude S. Carraway is Director of the Tryon Palace Restoration 
in New Bern ond a member of the Executive Board of the Department of 
Archives and History. 

[182] 



History is an Important Product 183 

Ranking with agriculture and industry as one of the three 
top revenue producers in the country, tourism is first, second, 
or third in money value in 28 of our states. In North Carolina 
it is fourth. 

New York is an industrial State, but the tourist trade is 
its second largest industry. Its current advertising is based 
chiefly on its tourist attractions. One of its booklets most in 
demand is its "Houses of History." The State is planning a 
mammoth 350th Hudson-Champlain anniversary in 1959, 
which it hopes will eclipse the Jamestown Festival. 

In every State more attention is being given to the preserv- 
ing of historic spots, the erecting of historical markers, and 
the restoring of historic old buildings. 

Pennsylvania owns and operates 17 historic structures. 
Illinois has its New Salem restored to its appearance when 
Abraham Lincoln lived there. Arkansas has its Territorial 
Capitol and first State Capitol. California is preserving its old 
Missions. The Mid-West is restoring survivals of the pony- 
express and gold-rush days. On the Mississippi an old steam- 
boat house is being kept open, and at Gettysburg there is a 
horse n' buggy museum. 

Not until 1850 was the first historic house museum opened 
to visitors. This was Washington's Revolutionary War Head- 
quarters at Newburgh, now maintained as a national shrine 
by the State of New York. 

Three years later Ann Pamela Cunningham, of South Caro- 
lina, formed a group of women to save Washington's home 
at Mount Vernon. Incorporated to hold the estate "in trust 
for the people of the United States," the Mount Vernon 
Ladies Memorial Association is the oldest women's patriotic 
society in America. 

Since then the number of historic houses and museums 
open to the public is expanding so briskly that it is almost 
impossible to keep up with them. Five years ago there were 
1,100. Now there are more than 5,000, with the figure perhaps 
as high as 7,000. Many have federal, state, or municipal sup- 
port, as well as that of organizations and individuals, men 
as well as women. 



184 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Each year these places are visited by 60,000,000 persons. 
With modern transportation, good roads, mass travel, and 
leisure time, people will go hundreds of miles to see an archi- 
tectural showplace, historic site, educational museum, or 
patriotic shrine. 

That restorations are increasing is proved by the fact that 
the University of Pennsylvania has started courses to teach 
architects how to restore old structures. 

Even if a restoration or historical celebration is not entirely 
self-supporting, and many are not, the extra dollars brought 
into the community from the outside are economic assets to 
the area. 

Another evidence of the boom in history is seen in the num- 
bers of historical books, plays, movies, and television pro- 
grams. Last year $15,000,000 was spent for historical books. 

At long last North Carolina is making much progress along 
historical, restoration, and tourist lines. The last General 
Assembly appropriated an unprecedented total of more than 
$350,000 for historic sites. 

But, it is not national or state history that should be stressed 
here. Emphasis must be on community history. We have a 
task confronting us to sell many persons in many towns of our 
State on the wisdom and value of studying their past, pre- 
serving its best phases and using it in the present for a better 
future. 

Too many people, especially in small towns, have a mis- 
taken notion that interest in local history is not "citified." 
To answer this, I have only to mention such cities as Boston, 
Philadelphia, Providence, New Orleans, St. Augustine, Nat- 
chez, and Charleston. 

Historical development is a modern, progressive trend in 
such industrial centers as Pittsburgh and Bethlehem in Penn- 
sylvania; and Winston-Salem in North Carolina. That it works 
for progress and prosperity is proved by Williamsburg, Vir- 
ginia. 

It is not old-fashioned or backward-moving, as some may 
erroneously think. When we drive our cars, we often glance 
in the rear mirrors to see what is behind us. This does not mean 



History is an Important Product 185 

we are moving backward. But, if we know what is behind 
us, we are enabled to go forward much more safely and 
much more quickly. 

Every section has History. It is an important product in 
every region. Over and over it can be sold, to townspeople 
as well as to visitors. Under modern diversification of crops 
and industries, history can be converted into a successful 
industry, affording an additional source of income to supple- 
ment cash from farm produce or manufactured articles. 

Moreover, effective historical, cultural, recreational, and 
educational programs often help land big factories. They are 
of deep concern to large corporations now decentralizing 
their units and wanting their laborers to enjoy the best of life 
and living as well as merely earning a livelihood. 

Thus, there is no conflict or competition with other busi- 
nesses. History can add substantially to agricultural and 
smokestack revenues. 

Money is not the main purpose of historical activities, but 
it is a desirable goal. Perhaps it is regarded as too important 
by some persons. 

A man went to the police station and reported that his wife 
had run away with another man. "When did they leave? ' 
asked the policeman. "Two weeks ago," replied the husband. 
"Why didn't you report it sooner?" the sergeant inquired. 
The husband explained, "I just found out that they took with 
them $40 I had hidden under a rug." 

The chief value of history comes in better citizenship. 
From reviewing how earlier generations toiled for us, we are 
encouraged to work similarly for later generations, in the same 
spirit of self-sacrifice and public service. 

If each community in North Carolina would endeavor to 
learn more about its past and use it for a better present, we 
would have a greater state. And, with greater states, would 
come a greater Nation. 

History is an important product that should be cultivated 
and harvested in the present as well as planted and nurtured 
for the future. 

The twin enemies of American freedoms are crime and 
communism. An effective defense against both lies in con- 



186 The North Carolina Historical Review 

structive programs of wholesome Americanism, such as afford- 
ed by historic restorations, with their concrete and three- 
dimensional presentations of Living History. 

From restorations young people as well as older ones can 
realize that all citizens have duties and obligations as well as 
rights and privileges under our American Way of Life. If 
such a sense of moral and civic responsibility is thus in- 
grafted in boys and girls, with personal desires to emulate 
the most worthy examples of the past in being good citizens 
of our Constitutional Republic, there would not be so much 
so-called juvenile delinquency or so much leaning toward 
communism. 

With tremendous advances along technical, mechanical, 
and scientific lines, we must try to retain the human elements 
of our civilization, or we may lose our best traditions. 

FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover writes: "Our young people 
are deserving of a vivid and accurate picture of just what 
was required to make our Nation what it is . . . with a realiza- 
tion that our heroes of achievement were vigorous, dedicated 
individuals, that they were flesh-and-blood human beings. . . . 
We have heard about America with our ears but not with our 
hearts. We must pass on to our young people the greatness 
that is America's. ... By reflecting upon the glories of our 
past, we can advance together to even greater heights." 

Every community can thus reap bountiful harvests, moral 
and spiritual, as well as financial and economic, from the de- 
velopment of its history, especially if presented in appealing 
form to the pupil in the school, the man on the street. 

To understand better the record of our nation, it is well to 
know first the record of our locality and state. 

My own town of New Bern in Craven County has by no 
means done all it could or should do with its historical possi- 
bilities; but I was requested to tell you some of the things 
it has done, not in any boastful manner, for we realize our 
failings and shortcomings, but as suggestions or incentives 
for other parts of North Carolina. 

Please pardon a personal reference. When I was in High 
School, a teacher asked me to write an article for the school 



History is an Important Product 187 

magazine on "New Bern's Historic Spots." I had studied 
Ancient History, Modern History, and American History; but 
never had I been taught anything about local history. In those 
days the stories of the past were not localized or personalized. 
I told the teacher I knew nothing about New Bern's historical 
sites. With her help, I finally did write an article about them. 
From then on, my interest grew in the town's history. The 
more familiar we are with anything, the more interested we 
become; and the more interested we are, the more we study 
and the more active we are in that field. 

By contrast and improvement, local history is taught ex- 
pertly today in our New Bern schools. The eighth grade an- 
nually has outstanding local historical studies, projects, 
models, essays, playlets, and pilgrimages. 

About 24 years ago more than 50 places of historical in- 
terest were marked by numbers in our town. Mr. J. L. Home, 
Jr., of Rocky Mount, then on the State Board of Conservation 
and Development, will tell you that when he saw these 
markers being installed during one of our country's worst 
industrial depressions he was inspired by them to seek, and 
to obtain, our first State appropriations for State Highway 
Historical Markers, of which there are now more than 800. 

To explain the numbered spots in New Bern, we have had 
eleven editions of an historical booklet, the cost paid for by 
advertisements. Through the years 110,000 have been given 
away free. Not only have they helped awaken civic pride but 
also have drawn numerous visitors, many of them remaining 
longer than they would have otherwise. 

Our New Bern Historical Society has been re-organized. 
It does not have as many members as it deserves, but an en- 
couraging sign was noted in October when almost 400 persons 
attended a two-dollar dinner meeting to hear an address on 
the economic value of history and restorations. 

The Historical Society purchased the attractive Attmore- 
Oliver house, built about 1790, and has restored it beauti- 
fully, with appropriate furnishings. Plans are under way for 
the restoration of its old brick smoke house, beautification of 
its large yard, and establishment of a local museum, all to 
be open to visitors. 



188 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Many organizations are having more and more historical 
programs and giving more attention to historical study— men's 
clubs as well as women's. Some of these have done excellent 
work. The New Bern Library Association has preserved and 
restored the historic John Wright Stanly house as a public 
library. Its visitors are always interested to hear that George 
Washington slept there TWO nights. He called it "exceeding 
good lodgings." 

The New Bern Garden Club has reconstructed the old 
office of William Gaston, eminent jurist and orator, father of 
religious liberty in North Carolina, and author of the State 
song. 

We hope that it will be possible to restore the old print 
shop of James Davis, first printer in North Carolina, who 
printed the first newspaper, pamphlet, and book in the 
province. 

Too numerous to mention in detail, the churches of New 
Bern are rendering wonderful service in preserving and pub- 
licizing their histories. 

Many individuals have bought lovely old homes in diverse 
types of Georgian, Dutch Colonial, New England, Cape Cod, 
and Deep South architecture and are preserving them with 
appropriate details. These are usually opened to the public 
during April every other year. 

Business firms are more and more adapting the Colonial 
type of architecture for new quarters. Names of historic 
personages are being used in naming streets, hotels, and 
motels. In 1960 it is planned to observe the 250th anniversary 
of the founding of New Bern by Baron Christopher deGraf- 
fenried, of Bern, Switzerland. 

One of the most recent manifestations of spreading histori- 
cal interest is the New Bern Firemen's Museum, dedicated 
last June by the two local volunteer fire companies, two of 
the oldest in the country still functioning under original char- 
ters. In years past they broke world records. The present fire- 
men are proudly endeavoring to preserve their illustrious 
history and present it attractively to the public. 

City and County officials have been co-operative in the 
growth of historical activities in our city and county. 



History is an Important Product 189 

Perhaps the main reason for the zeal along historical lines is 
due to the magnificent restoration of Tryon Palace, first 
fixed Colonial Capitol of North Carolina and our first State 
Capitol, made possible by the munificent gifts and bequests 
of a public-spirited patriot, Mrs. James Edwin Latham, of 
Greensboro. 

You are already familiar with the story of this reconstructed 
Palace, its superb pre- 1770 antique furnishings, and its exten- 
sive grounds being landscaped in the manner of 18th century 
gardens. We hope it will be ready for visitors sometime next 
year. 

One result might be cited as evidence of how Mrs. Latham 
has helped educate a community through this restoration, 
which we believe will in time contribute vitally also to the 
education and welfare of the entire State. 

In order to train local women as guides or hostesses for 
the Palace, a free course in New Bern history was conducted 
last winter by the Tryon Palace Commission. It was thought 
that maybe twelve women would attend. Chairs were opti- 
mistically arranged for twenty. On the morning of the first 
class in January there appeared 84 women. They sat on the 
stairsteps, on the floors, as well as themselves Flooring the 
teacher. For the second hours class the next week, 105 
women came. When the number grew to 125, the enrollment 
had to be closed, for lack of space. 

After sixteen weekly lessons, a written examination on local 
history was given the students. The following week there 
were public graduation exercises, with short talks. Diplomas 
were presented to the 44 graduates. 

These women are now in many instances speaking on New 
Bern's history and the Tryon Palace Restoration in many parts 
of North Carolina. Additional classes are being planned for 
this winter. The Merchants' Association has suggested that 
classes be held for retail sales clerks, so that they, too, may 
be familiar with and proud of local history. 

Such studies could be undertaken in every community of 
North Carolina. From them as from other historical interests 
and endeavors will come a deeper pride in the past, a more 



190 



The North Carolina Historical Review 



sincere appreciation of significant chapters in the stories that 
may be found in every locality. 

This is the highest purpose of historical studies, preserva- 
tions, and restorations— to keep alive the memory and Spirit 
of those whose labors, sacrifices, and achievements merit our 
gratitude and our earnest efforts to work together similarly 
today for community, state and nation. 



i 



SOME ASPECTS OF NORTH CAROLINA'S 
PARTICIPATION IN THE GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN 

By Glenn Tucker* 

Undoubtedly the main reason for confusion about some of 
the incidents of the War between the States— such as the 
assault on July 3 at Gettysburg— was the arbitrary manner in 
which the Federal War Department denied southern writers 
access to official documents, even those of their own prepara- 
tion. 1 

This blackout continued for thirteen years after the end 
of hostilities, a period during which most of the abiding im- 
pressions about the war were being formed. It is an amazing 
fact that when General Robert E. Lee endeavored to inspect 
his own reports of battles and his own field returns, he was 
denied that right. 2 He never did have the opportunity to make 
use of them. 3 

Similarly William Allan, E. P. Alexander, Charles Marshall, 
and other southern officers and writers were rebuffed in their 
efforts to examine papers which they desired to see solely for 
historical purposes. 4 Officialdom is usually more illiberal than 
the people it represents. Never was there a more obvious 

* Mr. Glenn Tucker is a former Washington newspaper correspondent. 
He is the author of Poltroons and Patriots and Tecumseh: Vision of Glory 
which won both the Mayflower and Thomas Wolfe awards in 1956. He has 
lived at Flat Rock for the past ten years. 

1 This article consists in part of material from a book, "High Tide at 
Gettysburg," which Mr. Tucker is now completing and which is scheduled 
for publication later this year. The article is a composite of two papers; 
one read at the joint meeting of the North Carolina Literary and Historical 
Association, Inc., and the Western North Carolina Historical Association 
at Cullowhee on August 16, 1957 ; and the other read at the annual meeting 
of the North Carolina Literary and Historical Association, Inc., at Raleigh 
on December 6, 1957. 

• Southern Historical Society Papers (Richmond, Virginia), V, 255, here- 
inafter cited as Southern Historical Society Papers. 

9 General Lee had no copy of his Gettysburg report and presumed it had 
been destroyed. It appeared first in the Historical Magazine of New York, 
published at Morrisania, N. Y., by Harry B. Dawson, who obtained it from 
William Swinton, historian. He in turn had obtained it from Colonel 
Charles Marshall, who had made a copy. Subsequently Adjutant General 
Samuel Cooper's official copy was found in private hands in Richmond, 
Virginia. Southern Historical Society Papers, II, 33ff. 

4 Southern Historical Society Papers, V, 255. 

[191] 



192 The North Carolina historical Review 

effort to channel the course of history— to make certain that 
history was written from only one side— than that of arbitrary 
Federal War Department officials in the late 1860's and the 
1870's. 

When Governor Zebulon B. Vance of North Carolina sought 
to review his own letterbooks in order that he might refute 
accusations made against him that had been based on garbled 
use of these same letters, the privilege was denied. 5 It should 
be recalled that after the war the South was virtually destitute 
of papers and reports bearing on the conflict. All documents 
either had been destroyed or had been seized by the invading 
armies and bundled and sent to Washington. 6 There many of 
them remain. In the course of recent research this writer 
inspected in Columbia the muster rolls of South Carolina 
regiments which had participated in the Gettysburg cam- 
paign. But they were only the photostatic copies of these 
muster rolls. The originals are still in the Washington files. 
The battle flags were returned long ago, but not the archives. 

The Reverend J. William Jones, long the secretary of the 
Southern Historical Society and editor of its papers, engaged 
in a spirited campaign with the War Department to gain for 
southern writers the privilege of reading the reports of south- 
ern generals that were available freely to northern writers. 
In the 1870's the War Department began the assembly of 
reports of both northern and southern armies for publication. 
This project of tremendous scope ultimately was completed 
and the result is the long shelf of heavy books known as the 

Official Records Secretary of War William W. Belknap, in 

President Grant's administration, wrote to the Reverend Mr. 
Jones to obtain any Confederate reports or documents that 
were not already possessed by the Washington government. 
Jones answered promptly saying he would give copies of 
everything in the hands of the Southern Historical Society 
provided "we should receive in exchange copies of such 
documents as we needed." 7 Belknap declined. He said the 

5 Southern Historical Society Papers, V, 255. 

•John William Jones (comp.), Army of Northern Virginia Memorial 
Volume (Richmond, Virginia: J. W. Randolph and English, 1880), 45. 
' Southern Historical Society Papers, V, 256, 



North Carolina in the Gettysburg Campaign 193 

department never had allowed any one to make copies of 
these records and would not do so then. 8 

The correspondence was renewed with Secretary of War 
James D. Cameron after Belknap's resignation but Cameron 
had a no more enlightened viewpoint about the records. His 
only liberal gesture was to promise that advance sheets would 
be sent to the Southern Historical Society as soon as Congress 
authorized the printing of the war archives. Jones charged 
that the records had been "for years closely guarded to all 
save a favored few," and added: "Indeed, the outrage of 
keeping those documents locked up to Confederates, and open 
to every writer on the other side who might desire to defame 
our leaders or falsify our history, has become so patent to all 
right-thinking people that there have been denials that access 
has been denied to any seeker of historical truth." 9 This was 
in apparent reference to a statement by Adjutant General 
E. D. Townsend published in the Washington Post. Townsend 
said that access to the records was refused only to those who 
"might use them to prosecute false claims against the United 
States government." 10 That, of course, was not the story. 
Manifestly Robert E. Lee, Allan, Marshall, and Alexander, all 
former Confederate officers, could not have designed to prose- 
cute claims of any nature. 

The situation changed after George W. McCrary, an Iowa 
Congressman, became Secretary of War under President 
Rutherford B. Hayes in 1877. Partly responsible, no doubt, 
for the altered attitude was an article by a northern writer, 
Henry W. Holland, 11 who expressed surprise and asserted 
that the archives should be opened to the historian in the 
freest manner. In any event, Secretary Jones was able to 
announce on September 26, 1878, more than fifteen years 
after the battle of Gettysburg, and nearly eight years after 
the death of General Lee, that the southern records were 
available to southern writers. 12 



8 Southern Historical Society Papers, V, 256. 

9 Southern Historical Society Papers, Y 3 255. 

10 Washington Post (District of Columbia), March 14, 1878. 

11 A Boston writer not to be confused with Josiah Gilbert Holland, editor 
of Scribner's and later the Century, in the post Civil War era. 
12 Southern Historical Society Papers, VI, 236. 



194 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Meanwhile much southern history had been written. Since 
the official records were not available more than normal im- 
portance appears to have been attached to the newspaper 
stories and recollections of articulate participants. The chief 
newspaper contacts with Lee in Pennsylvania had been main- 
tained by the Richmond, Virginia, press. The accounts quite 
naturally told the story of the Virginia troops and thus the 
celebrated assault against the Federal works on Cemetery 
Ridge became "Pickett's Charge/' There was never a thought 
that it might be Pettigrew's, or even what North Carolina 
writers have termed it— the Pickett-Pettigrew assault. 

That, however, has not been the principal confusion. The 
grievance in North Carolina after the war was not that the 
commands of Pettigrew and Trimble which participated in 
the assault were ignored, for such was not the case. In much 
early southern history and press accounts the facts were sub- 
verted and Pettigrew was blamed for the repulse of Pickett. 
In one of the picture stories of the attack, sent to the Rich- 
mond Enquirer from Hagerstown, Maryland on July 8, five 
days after the battle, the North Carolinians were referred 
to as "the wavering line of raw troops." 13 Such a description 
worked its way into the early southern histories of Edward A. 
Pollard. Said the flamboyant Pollard: "But where is Petti- 
prew's division? where are the supports? The raw troops had 
faltered and the gallant Pettigrew himself had been wounded 
in vain attempts to rally them. . . . Pickett is left alone to con- 
tend with the masses of the enemy now pouring in upon him 
on every side." M 

Nothing could have been more absurd than calling Petti- 
grew's command "raw troops." Raw troops, indeed! It con- 
tained some of the best drilled regiments in the Confederate 
service. And it could not have fallen back and exposed Pickett 

18 Richmond Enquirer (Virginia), July 23, 1863. The correspondent, "A," 
was prepared for the defection he attributed to Pettigrew: "I saw by 
the wavering of this line as they entered the conflict that thev wanted the 
firmness of nerve and steadiness of tread which so characterized Pickett's 
men, and I felt that these men would not, could not, stand the tremendous 
ordeal to which thev would soon be subjected." Numerous other witnesses 
testified to the splendid manner in which Pettigrew's and Trimble's troops 
marched across the open field. 

14 E. A. Pollard, Southern History of the War. (New York: Charles B. 
Richardson, 1866), II, 40. 



North Carolina in the Gettysburg Campaign 195 

because it delivered the main bolt of its attack— as numerous 
eye witnesses attested— after Pickett's gallant brigades were 
spent. 

One of the early books of influence was Southern Generals 
by William Parker Snow, published in 1866. Snow, an English 
explorer and author, attracted by the cause of southern in- 
dependence, offers an example of the adherence to first im- 
pressions. He refers to the support given Pickett on the left 
by Heth's Division under Pettigrew. "These latter, however," 
runs the account, "being mostly raw soldiers, wavered; but 
Pickett's Virginians pressed forward under a terrible fire of 
grape, shell and canister. . . . They are now unsupported. 
Pettigrew's line has been broken, and his men fly panic- 
stricken to the rear. The brave general, himself, is wounded, 
but still retained command, and strives to rally his men. But 
they heed him not, and he is left alone, while Pickett and his 
brave Virginians contend as best they can against the fearful 
odds opposed to them." 15 

The calumny was voiced unthinkingly, no doubt, but it did 
not pass unnoticed. The Weekly Raleigh Register protested 
at the time. 16 In November, 1874, T. B. Kingsbury, in Our 
Living and Our Dead, inveighed against the injustice to North 
Carolina by what is termed "sensational and evanescent his- 
tories." 17 In a later issue he went on to say. "We watch with 
careful eyes everything that concerns North Carolina. . . . 

13 William Parker Snow, Southern Generals, Their Lives and Campaigns 
(New York: Charles B. Richardson, 1866). 

16 The Weekly Raleigh Register immediately challenged the story of 
Special Correspondent "A" but the Richmond Enquirer (Virginia), 
July 28, 1863, though insisting that it referred to Heth's whole division, not 
merely Pettigrew's brigade, as "raw troops recently brought from the 
South," stood by its previous story. It said "A" was there to write the 
facts and would be unfaithful if he did not chronicle the failure of the 
division Pettigrew commanded to support the assaulting column. Heth's 
Division was composed of seasoned troops : Archer's Brigade, long with the 
army, distinguished itself at Chancellorsville ; Davis's Brigade had veteran 
regiments like the 55th North Carolina: Brockenborough's Brigade, for- 
merly C. W. Field's, had served in A. P. Hill's Division; and Pettigrew's 
is fully discussed in this article. 

17 Our Living and Our Dead (New Bern), I, 193. This weekly was the 
official publication of the North Carolina Branch of the Southern Historical 
Society, and Volume I, Number 1, dated July 2. 1873, was edited by Stephen 
B. Pool under the title Our Living and Our Dead; or Testimony from the 
Battlefields. This reference will hereinafter be cited as Our Living and 
Our Dead. 



196 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Our nearest neighbors have uniformly either slighted or 
abused us. We have never known but one Virginia writer 
to do us justice. We refer to the poet-editor of the Norfolk 
Landmark, James Barron Hope." 18 

Kingsbury was wrong in one particular. The histories were 
not ephemeral. Historians have a gregarious quality. Many of 
them find security in companionship. Misconceptions at times 
are reared to the heights of historical landmarks. The path 
to them becomes well-worn. Certainly none would desire to 
detract from the glory to which Pickett's troops are entitled. 
But their heroism was not brought into any bolder relief by 
those who disparaged Pettigrew's. When the literature of the 
battle of Gettysburg was finally accumulated and the reports 
and eye witness accounts were in, the testimony was over- 
whelming that Pettigrew, Trimble, and Lane, 19 who marched 
to the left of Pickett, attacked with courage and vigor equal 
to that of the Virginians. Actually some of the 55th North 
Carolina of Davis's brigade and the 47th North Carolina of 
Pettigrew's brigade, all being under Pettigrew, who com- 
manded the division, made a farther penetration of the Feder- 
al lines than did any of Pickett's men. None could have struck 
harder than the small Tennessee, Alabama, and Mississippi 
units. 20 Students and writers have dealt with this question. 
At the request of officers and men of Pettigrew's Brigade, 
Louis G. Young, Pettigrew's aide-de-camp, wrote in 1874 a 
full account intended to correct errors made in Richmond 
newspapers. Trimble and Lane added their versions. History 
finally has been righted for the careful investigator but the 
true story has lagged hopelessly for the casual writer and 
reader. First impressions have been lasting. 

Probably the attack will always be known as "Pickett's 
Charge." Best sellers of the war are likely to refer to Pickett's 

18 Our Living and Our Dead, III, 749. Hope, a grandson of Commodore 
James Barron, was known as the Poet Laureate of Virginia. 

19 Major General Isaac R. Trimble and Brigadier General James H. Lane. 
Trimble commanded the brigades of Pender's Division which participated, 
including Lane's Brigade. 

20 The participation of Tennessee, Alabama, and Mississippi troops is 
discussed by J. B. Smith in the Bivouac, March, 1887, published with re- 
visions in Robert Underwood Johnson and Clarence Clough Buel (eds.), 
Battles and Leaders of the Civil War (New York: The Century Company, 
4 volumes, 1914 [1887-1888]), TIT, 354. 



North Carolina in the Gettysburg Campaign 197 

Virginians but not Pettigrew's North Carolinians, other than 
possibly to mention unidentified troops from other than 
Pickett's command. 

Kingsbury asserted that North Carolina had more soldiers 
in Lee's army than had Virginia and "furnished considerably 
over one-sixth of all the troops that were ever enrolled in de- 
fense of the 'Lost Cause.' In the battles around Richmond, at 
Chancellorsville, in the Wilderness, in the Maryland and 
Pennsylvania campaigns, North Carolina had more soldiers 
and lost more men, killed and wounded, than any other 
state." 21 

North Carolina did participate wholeheartedly both in the 
war and in the Gettysburg campaign. Her troops played a 
leading role in this battle of disastrous consequences to the 
cause of southern independence. North Carolina soldiers 
fought at Gettysburg in numerous brigades, notably those 
of Davis, Daniel, Hoke, Iverson, Lane, Pettigrew, Ramseur, 
Scales, Steuart, Hampton, and Chambliss. This paper can 
deal only in a partial manner with no more than Pettigrew's 
single brigade. 

Some general remarks, supplementing those of T. B. Kings- 
bury, are in order about North Carolina's contributions. The 
State sent 130,000 soldiers into the armies of the South, yet 
prior to the war the largest vote ever polled was 112,000. At 
Gettysburg 770 North Carolina soldiers were killed in action, 
a loss greater than that of any other state. The second heaviest 
death toll was Georgia's, with 435; then Virginia, 399; Missis- 
sippi, 258; South Carolina, 217; Alabama, 204, and other 
Southern states in lesser numbers. 22 Virginia, Georgia, and 
North Carolina supplied many of the soldiers in the ranks. 
The three brigades losing the greatest number killed in action 
were not the three brigades of Pickett's Virginia division. 
Contrary to the general impression, they were the brigades of 
Pettigrew, Davis, and Daniel. 23 Pettigrew's and Daniel's were 
composed entirely of North Carolinians while Davis's was of 

21 Our Living and Our Dead, III, 750. 

^Walter Clark (ed.), Histories of the Several Regiments and Battalions 
from North Carolina in the Great War, 1861-65 (Raleigh: E. M. Uzzell, 
Printer and Binder, Published by the State, 5 volumes, 1901), hereinafter 
cited as Clark, North Carolina Regiments. 

28 Clark, North Carolina Regiments, V, xii. 



198 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Mississippi and North Carolina troops. The 26th North Caro- 
lina regiment suffered a heavier loss at Gettysburg than did 
any entire brigade of Pickett's division. 24 

One of the greatest offerings of North Carolina to the 
southern cause was the driving enterprise of Governor Vance, 
which was beginning to assert itself by the time Lee inarched 
to Pennsylvania. More carefully uniformed than the other 
troops were the North Carolinians in Lee's army. There was 
no warrant for the term "Lee's ragged veterans" where North 
Carolina soldiers were concerned. 25 Governor Vance was too 
good a provider. As the war moved on the quality of the uni- 
forms improved. Vance relieved the Richmond government 
from the necessity of clothing North Carolina soldiers. He did 
the job himself. At the beginning the State had few manu- 
factures, being dependent on the North and Great Britain 
even for such homely objects as broom handles and water 
buckets. 26 North Carolina manufactured less than half of its 
consumption in cotton goods, less than a tenth of woolens or 
shoes, and not a twentieth of its iron requirements. 27 As far 
as was possible Vance corrected all this. He stimulated textile 
manufacturing and soon was buying virtually the full output 
of thirty-nine cotton mills and eight woolen mills in the State. 
In Raleigh he established a factory that made soldiers' uni- 
forms and overcoats. 28 His agents combed the South for 
wool and leather. He marshaled public sentiment and re- 
stricted the acreage of cotton and tobacco, giving preference 
to food. He stopped all legal and even most illegal distilling, 
much to the anguish of some old-time farmers who wrote 



84 Clark, North Carolina Regiments, V, xii. 

35 Vance's address at White Sulphur Springs, W. Va., August 18, 1875. 
Clark, North Carolina Regiments, V, 468ff. Vance said: "Not only was the 
supply of shoes, blankets, and clothing more than sufficient for the supply of 
North Carolina troops, but large quantities were turned over to the Con- 
federate Government for the troops of other states." 

26 Clark, North Carolina Regiments, V, 469. 

27 Clark, North Carolina Regiments, V, 470. 

28 Hugh Talmage Lefler and Albert Ray Newsome, North Carolina: The 
History of a Southern State (Chapel Hill: The University of North Caro- 
lina Press, 1954), 434. This reference will hereinafter be cited as Lefler 
and Newsome, North Carolina. 



North Carolina in the Gettysburg Campaign 199 

plaintively about the heavy infestation of snakes. 29 Lee's army 
was fed mainly from the alluvial lowlands of the eastern 
counties. Said Vance: "The fields every where were green 
and golden with corn and wheat. . . . Old men and women 
. . . guided the plow and children followed with the hoe in 
the gaping furrows." 30 

The governor sent agents to the Clyde River in Scotland 
where they bought a ship, the "Lord Clyde. " They rechristen- 
ed her the "Ad-Vance" and disproved the old superstition 
that it is unlucky to change a ship's name. She made eleven 
trips from Wilmington to Nassau, Bermuda, or Halifax. She 
brought in enough gray woolen cloth for 250,000 uniforms 
and 12,000 overcoats, plus 250,000 pairs of shoes and 50,000 
blankets, along with bacon, medicines and coffee. 31 Vance 
encouraged or established munitions factories for powder, 
cartridges, and firearms. The State was raked clean of metal. 
The churches offered their bells 32 for the cannon that sounded 
across the Pennsylvania hills. 

Vance not only fitted out North Carolina soldiers but turn- 
ed over large quantities of clothing, blankets, and shoes for 
troops from other states. Not all of this devoted work had 
been done by the time of the Gettsyburg campaign, to be 
sure, but the pattern had been set and the indefatigable ac- 
tivities of this civilian leader were producing results. Vance 
was able at a critical moment in the spring of 1863 to send up 
a large quantity of bacon which the commissary immediately 
passed on to Lee's army. 

29 Clark, North Carolina Regiments, V, 473. One man told Vance he only 
wanted ten gallons and if permitted to make it he would send the Governor 
a quart. "I replied in all seriousness," said Vance, "that I could not think 
of violating my official oath for less than a gallon. That broke the trade." 

30 Clark, North Carolina Regiments, V, 472. The press supported Vance 
staunchly. Said the Weekly Standard (Raleigh), April 15, 1863: "The man 
who plants cotton and tobacco now, while the demand for breadstuffs is so 
urgent, is doing his country more harm than the open and avowed Lincoln- 
ists can do. Give the Confederacy plenty of bread and meat, and the Yankee 
nation, with all its foreign backers, can never conquer us." The Carolina 
Watchman (Salisbury), spoke similarly: "We do hope . . . that no man in 
Rowan County, will plant any more cotton or tobacco than will be necessary 
for his own use." Reprinted in the Weekly Staiidard, April 15, 1863. Sim- 
ilar support came from the Wilmington Journal and Iredell Express 
( Statesville) . 

81 Clark, North Carolina Regiments, V, 471. 

82 Lefler and Newsome, North Carolina, 433. 



200 The North Carolina Historical Review 

While the pedantic Jefferson Davis dealt with imponder- 
ables, Vance was a dynamo surcharging the Confederacy with 
energy. Davis was concerned with abstractions, Vance with 
corn. Once when the North Carolina executive was trying to 
get into Richmond, a Colonel Thorburn refused to let him 
pass, declaring that it did not matter "if he was Governor 
Vance or Governor Jesus Christ/' 33 Vance retaliated by de- 
creeing that North Carolina troops should take no further 
orders from Colonel Thorburn. But Vance's sedulous efforts 
could not satisfy the Confederacy's vast wants. By the time 
Lee launched his Gettysburg campaign the Federal blockade 
was causing severe misery. The frightful battle casualties 
continued to mount. The rough, reverse side of the picture 
was becoming apparent. Georgia, in early 1863, appears to 
have made the heaviest sacrifices to the southern cause. The 
Georgia dead aggregated 9,504 of her young soldiers, the 
most for any state. Alabama followed with 8,987; North Caro- 
lina 8,261; Texas, 6,377; Virginia, 5,943 and on to 1,119 for 
sparcely settled Florida. 34 In Georgia alone the number of war 
indigents in March, 1863, was 84,119, of whom 45,718 were 
children. The indigents were one in twelve. There were 8,492 
orphans, mostly children of war dead, and 4,003 widows of 
deceased Georgia soldiers 35 — figures nothing short of awful 
for a single state in less than two years of war that had scarce- 
ly touched her borders. 

Returning to Lee's army, it must be noted that North 
Carolina was not represented among the top officers at Gettys- 
burg. The highest ranking North Carolinian was the youthful 
but able Major General William Dorsey Pender who com- 
manded a division of A. P. Hill's Corps. The most arresting 
North Carolinian was Pettigrew. In the brief period of life 
that remained for him before a Federal bullet found his vitals, 
Pettigrew began the battle of Gettysburg and ended the cam- 
paign, and commanded a substantial part of the assaulting 
parties in two of the spectacular episodes of that combat. 



33 



J. B. Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate Capital 
(Philadelphia, Pa.: J. B. Lippincott and Co., 2 volumes, 1866), I, 377. 

84 Isaac Wheeler Avery, History of the State of Georgia from 1850 to 
1881 . . . with Portraits of the Leading Public Men of this Era (New York: 
Brown, [1881]), 267, hereinafter cited as Avery, History of Georgia. 

86 Avery, History of Georgia, 252. 



North Carolina in the Gettysburg Campaign 201 

Brigadier General James Johnston Pettigrew was regarded 
in North Carolina as versatile almost to the point of genius. A 
superior officer familiar with his talents judged him capable 
of assuming the responsibilities even of Lee himself, 36 should 
events make it necessary, although he had never attended a 
class in professional military tactics. His early education was 
gained from private tutors. He was born at the spacious family 
estate of Bonarva, in coastal Tyrrell County, North Carolina. 37 
His training was aimed at a professional, not a military career. 
But his comprehension was keen and his capacity for acquir- 
ing new information apparently inexhaustible. The peaceful 
homestead where he spent a part of his early years overlooked 
the blue waters of Lake Scuppernong and the plantation ex- 
tended along the Scuppernong river, from which the luscious 
southern grapes, with their rare bouquet, take their name. 

Pettigrew was a slender, handsome man of quick gestures 
and prompt decisions, with shining black hair and mustache, 
and a dark complexion that denoted the Latin strain of his 
French ancestry. An unusually high, rounded forehead spoke 
of his capacity and intelligence. 38 His black eyes were sharp 
and penetrating. Now a soldier at the age of thirty-five, he 
had already achieved recognition as author, diplomat, lawyer, 
linguist, and legislator. 

His marks were the highest ever made at the University 
of North Carolina, 39 which had graduated many eminent 
scholars and men distinguished in national and state affairs. 

38 Major General Matthew F. Maury, quoted by Kemp P. Battle, History 
of the University of North Carolina (Raleigh: Edwards and Broughton 
Printing Company, [Printed for the Author], 2 volumes, 1907-1912), I, 
507. This reference will hereinafter be cited as Battle, History of the Uni- 
versity. 

37 W. R. Bond, Pickett or Pettigrew? An Historical Essay (Weldon: Hall 
and Sledge Publishers, 1888), 3. This reference will hereinafter be cited 
as Bond, Pickett or Pettigrew? 

38 The description follows that given by Chief Justice Walter Clark of 
North Carolina, who served under Pettigrew, in his Bunker Hill, Va. [now 
W. Va.] address. Pettigrew died at Bunker Hill after being mortally 
wounded at Falling Waters, in the last flicker of the Gettysburg campaign. 
Walter Clark, Memorial Address, (Bunker Hill, Va.), General James John- 
ston Pettigrew, C.S.A., Address at the Unveiling of the Memorial Marble 
Pillar and Tablet to General Pettigrew Near Bunker Hill, Sept. 17, 1920, 
4-5. This reference will hereinafter be cited as Clark, Pettigrew Memorial 
Address. 

39 Battle, History of the University, I, 504, 729. 



202 The North Carolina Historical Review 

A graceful, athletic youth, he had led his class at Chapel Hill 
in fencing, boxing, and the single stick, 40 as well as in mathe- 
matics, the classical languages, and all the other liberal arts 
courses, being spurred by the pressing competition offered 
by his friend, the college orator, Matt Whitaker Ransom, who 
had now advanced beyond him and was presently a major 
general of Confederate troops. Another classmate of ability, 
Alfred Moore Scales, commanded a brigade in Pender's divi- 
sion of Lee's army. 

Pettigrew had received distinction from the start. It chanc- 
ed that when he delivered the valedictory address at the grad- 
uation exercises in 1847, the silver-haired President of the 
United States, James Knox Polk, had returned to visit his 
alma mater, where he, too, had won high scholastic honors. 
Polk was accompanied by a fellow North Carolina alumnus, 
Secretary of the Navy John Young Mason, and by Captain 
Matthew F. Maury, the distinguished naval hydrographer and 
meterologist. Before the commencement events, these three 
looked in on the final examinations in mathematics and astron- 
omy. 41 Captain Maury was then engaged in establishing the 
National Observatory and Hydrographic Office in Washington 
and was launching into his career in oceanography and into 
the preparation of his great work, The Physical Geography of 
the Sea. He, Polk, and Mason were so impressed with young 
Pettigrew's proficiency that they invited him to return with 
them and become an instructor at the National Observatory. 42 

The ardor of his devotion to the southern cause was partly 
a reaction, no doubt, from association with his cantankerous 
uncle, James Louis Petigru, dean of the Charleston, South 
Carolina bar. When Johnston Pettigrew decided to take up 
law, after a period in Washington, he studied for a time in 
Baltimore and then entered his uncle's office, 43 where the 
shingle was a bit confusing because the contentious senior 
member preferred the simplified spelling of the family's 
Huguenot surname. 

40 Battle, History of the University, I, 590. 

41 Clark, Pettigrew Memorial Address, 5. 
*' Bond, Pickett or Pettigrew?, 3. 

M Bond, Pickett or Pettigrew 1 ?, 3. 



North Carolina in the Gettysburg Campaign 203 

Petigru the elder had been combatting public opinion in 
South Carolina ever since the nullification days of John C. 
Calhoun, standing always for an indissoluble Union. By 1863, 
when he was seventy-one years old, he was looked on as the 
only man in the state who had not seceded. This distinction 
he prankishly sought to emphasize in church and each Sunday 
morning by rising from his knees when the rector reached in 
his prayer the regular request for divine assistance for the 
President of the Confederate States. 44 Senior Petigru, a rebel 
against a state in revolt, appeared to delight in the consterna- 
tion his intransigence provoked. The eminent old man be- 
queathed the monumental work of the codification of the 
South Carolina laws, for which he is still respected. But long 
after he is forgotten the phrase he authored will be remem- 
bered—a wartime witticism often repeated in periods of in- 
flation—that "you take your money to the market in your 
market basket and bring home your groceries in your pocket- 
book." 45 

Upon obtaining his license in South Carolina young Petti- 
grew departed to study civil law in Germany. He traveled 
extensively, became proficient in French, German, Italian, 
and gained a reading knowledge of Hebrew and Arabic. At 
the request of the State Department he became secretary of 
the legation in Madrid, the result being his volume, written 
with simple elegance, entitled Spain and the Spaniards, 4 ® 
which gave readers a sojourn in the land of flaming passions 
and high romance. Other books followed between diplomatic 
duties and studies of Roman law. 47 

After seven years abroad, Pettigrew returned to Charleston 
to resume, in 1857, his law partnership with his uncle. In a 
single year he inspired such community confidence that al- 
though he was an outlander in a closely knit society, he was 

44 Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett A vary (eds.), A Diary from 
Dixie, as Written by Mary Boykin Chesnut, wife of James Chesnut, Jr., 
United States Senator from South Carolina, 1859-1861, and afterwards an 
Aide to Jefferson Davis and a Brigadier General in the Confederate Army 
(London: William Heinemann, 1905). This reference will hereinafter be 
cited as, Chesnut, A Diary from Dixie. 

45 Chesnut, A Diary from Dixie, 24 n, and 284. 

46 This was a volume of 430 pages, privately printed in Charleston, South 
Carolina. 

47 These were The Character of the British and An Evening in Seville. 



204 The North Carolina Historical Review 

elected to represent Charleston in the state legislature. There 
he attracted national attention by heading a fight against a 
proposal to reopen the African slave trade. He was invariably 
agitated by campaigns for freedom. Stirred by the efforts of 
Italy to shake off the Austrian yoke, he solicited a Piedmon- 
tese commission from Cavour, who offered him a place in La 
Mamora's army. But before his arrival the victory over the 
Austrians at Solferino, on June 24, 1859, and the resultant 
armistice had ended the campaign. 48 

This near approach to military preferment controlled his 
future actions. Returning to Charleston, Pettigrew sensed the 
coming of hostilities between the states. Late in 1859 he 
entered a rifle company and through his aptitude and natural 
leadership soon became its colonel. He drilled the regiment 
diligently, took possession of Castle Pinkney, fortified Morris 
Island, and when Fort Sumter was finally bombarded, held 
his men in battle order prepared to storm the fort if the can- 
nonading did not force a surrender. 49 

Pettigrew's command of a North Carolina brigade resulted 
from the fortuitous circumstance that he was recognized on 
the Raleigh railroad station platform as he traveled to Rich- 
mond with South Carolina troops. Delay in mustering his 
Charleston regiment into the Confederate service caused it to 
disband by general agreement so that the men might enlist 
with other units. Pettigrew was impatient, fearing he would 
miss another war as he had missed the battle of Solferino. 
He enlisted as a private in Hamptons Legion, which chal- 
lenged Lincoln's call for volunteers by boarding the cars for 
Virginia. Word passed among his friends in the North Caro- 
lina capital that he was going to battle with not even a 
corporal's stripes. In less than a twinkling, but without his 
knowledge, he was elected colonel of the 22nd North Carolina 
Regiment, then stationed at Camp Ellis, near Raleigh. 50 The 
astonished Pettigrew hurried back to Raleigh and began to 
drill the regiment as intensively as he had his South Carolina 

iS Bond, Pickett or Pettigrew?, 4. 
* b Bond, Pickett or Pettigrew?, 4. 

50 Clark, Pettigrew Memorial Address, 4; and Bond, Pickett or Pettigrew?, 
4. 



North Carolina in the Gettysburg Campaign 205 

troops before Fort Sumter. An officer who tented near him 
for several months and saw him daily described him: "He was 
quick in his movements and quick in his perception and in 
his decision. . . . His habit was to pace restlessly up and down 
in front of his tent with a cigar in his mouth which he never 
lighted. ... As gentle and modest as a woman, there was 
[about him] an undoubted capacity to command, which 
obtained for Pettigrew instant obedience/ 51 He was "courte- 
ous, kindly and chivalric," and "unfailingly a gentleman." 52 

When he was offered a brigadier generalship he declined 
it. "Not yet," he said. "Too many men are ahead of me who 
have earned their promotion on the field. I will come after 
them, not before." 53 The statement caused the observant 
Mary Boykin Chesnut, who fancied that fortune had to be 
met at least half way, to record in Richmond that "he will 
have to cool his heels waiting for it now." 54 But both Presi- 
dent Davis and General Joseph E. Johnston had noticed 
Pettigrew and the offer was renewed with more emphasis in 
the spring of 1862, when McClellan started up the Peninsula 
toward Richmond. Pettigrew commanded a brigade in the 
early part of the campaign at Yorktown. He was left for dead 
on the Fair Oaks battlefield, his loss was mourned in Rich- 
mond and Raleigh, and obituaries were printed throughout 
the South. 55 But he recovered consciousness as a Federal 
prisoner and after two months was exchanged, to learn that 
his brigade had been assigned to his fellow Carolinian, Briga- 
dier General Dorsey Pender. 56 

The new brigade formed for Pettigrew, which will be for- 
ever renowned in North Carolina annals, consisted of the 
11th, 26th, 44th, 47th, and 52nd North Carolina regiments. 
The 11th was the successor to the 1st North Carolina volun- 
teers, the Bethel Regiment, which under Colonel Daniel 

61 Clark, Pettigrew Memorial Address, 5. 

53 Clark, Pettigrew Memorial Address, 5. 

53 Chesnut, A Diary from Dixie, 145. 

61 Chesnut, A Diary from Dixie, 145. 

65 An obituary of Pettigrew, premature by about a year, appeared in the 
Semi-Weekly Standard (Raleigh), July 21, 1862. "No man of his age on 
the continent was his superior in varied and useful learning," it said. "He 
has fallen in the prime of his manhood, but in the cause which is dear to 
him, and the recollection of his services and numerous virtues will long be 
cherished by his countrymen." 

"Bond, Pickett or Pettigrew?, 6. 



206 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Harvey Hill had fought at Bethel the first engagement of the 
war.' 7 Company B, the "Hornet's Nest Rifles " of Charlotte- 
called the "Hornet's Nest" in Revolutionary War times— had 
suffered the first war casualty in the death of private James 
Hudson. 58 Private Henry L. Wyatt of Company A had been 
the first Confederate soldier killed in battle. The mountains 
were represented by the Buncombe Riflemen. One company, 
the Fayetteville Independent Light Infantry, claimed to ante- 
date any military organization in the United States except 
the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company of Boston. 09 

Probably no regiment in the southern service possessed a 
commander better qualified to lead it. Colonel Collett Leven- 
thorpe, scion of a wealthy and knightly family of Devonshire, 
England, had been educated at Winchester College and com- 
missioned an ensign in the 44th Regiment of British foot. He 
had traveled, served in the British army in the West Indies, 
Canada, and Ireland, and had risen to the rank of captain, 
but had decided to emigrate to the United States and study 
medicine. 60 He received the silver trophy for heading his class 
at Charleston Medical College; then established a practice in 
Rutherfordton, the western North Carolina town which had 
flourished after gold had been discovered in the vicinity and 
a mint set up in 1831. There he became a leader in the com- 
munity, a curer, not a killer. Through the succeeding eighteen 
years memories of crimson uniforms and the dull exactions of 
garrison drill had dimmed amid life and service in the glorious 
surroundings of the Blue Ridge foothills. 

When North Carolina seceded and the young men of 
Rutherford County hurried forward and formed companies, 
the fervor of his adopted people in their battle for indepen- 
dence stirred again the martial spirit of this old British soldier. 
Although he was then forty-six, he stepped out with the North 
State youths. When a new 11th Regiment was organized, 
made up of recruits and the veterans of the early 1st Volun- 

67 June 10, 1861. 

58 James Hudson died of pneumonia at a Raleigh hospital, May 11, 1861, 
two days before his regiment was mustered into service. Clark, North Caro- 
lina Regiments, V, 577-578. 

59 Clark, North Carolina Regiments, I, 131. The Fayetteville Company was 
formed in 1793. 

w Clark, North Carolina Regiments, I, 583, 586-587. 



North Carolina in the Gettysburg Campaign 207 

teers, he quite understandably was elected colonel. The lieu- 
tenant colonel was the warmly admired professor of min- 
eralogy at the University of North Carolina, William J. 
Martin. 61 

The half forgotten days in the British army now crowded 
back on Colonel Leventhorpe and he was soon looked upon 
as "probably the best finished and equipped field officer in 
the Confederate service." 62 He possessed not only helpful 
portions of experience and perspicacity, but also another top 
asset, in that nature had given him "the most powerful voice 
. . . ever heard from human lips." 63 

The 11th was representative of a strip running across the 
State, from the heart of the hills, through the Piedmont to 
Bertie County, washed by the waters of Albemarle Sound. 
It trained chiefly at Wilmington, where the schedule spoke 
more pointedly than words of the colonel's earnestness. 
Reveille was at daybreak, company drill at 6 a.m., guard 
mounting at 8, squad drill at 9, and battalion drill at 11. The 
afternoon routine was company drill at 1, battalion drill at 3, 
and dress parade at 5 p.m., completing a day with no minutes 
wasted. 

The regiment finally developed such precision that the 
colonel could offer no other criticism than, "not quite as pro- 
ficient as British regulars." Yet such was grudging!: praise 
indeed, compared with the fulsome words of the Inspector 
General of the Confederate Army, R, H. Chilton. He reported 
to General Lee, when the organization was incorporated in 
Lee's armv, that "the Eleventh Regiment of North Carolina 
troops is the best drilled, the best equipped and the best arm- 
ed regiment in the Army of Northern Virginia." 64 

Petti grew's second regiment, the 26th North Carolina In- 
fantry, a name svnonvmous with blood, death and glory, had 
b^en Governor Zebulon Vance's regiment. Its companv names 
showed it was raised largely from the Piedmont: the Chatham 
Bovs, Moore Independents, Caldwell Guards, Pee Dee Wild- 

81 CI ark, North Carolina Rep-imevts, T, 583. 

m Clark. North, Carolina Rpniynpwts. I. 583. Leventhorpe rose to the rank 
of maioT p>p-nor?»l in fh° Cor>^p^^y?it a A^iw. 
88 Cla"rk. North Caroh'v" Pppiwewts, T. 583. 
•* Clark. North Carolina Regiments, T, 583. 



208 The North Carolina Historical Review 

cats— but two companies of hill men were among them— the 
Wilkes Volunteers from the region of Deep Gap and the 
slopes of Rendezvous Mountain, and the Jeff Davis Moun- 
taineers, from Ashe County in the far northwest corner of 
the State. 65 Zeb Vance himself was a mountaineer, a native 
of Buncombe County, who had begun his career as a hotel 
clerk at Hot Springs. He had studied at Washington College 
in Tennessee and at the University of North Carolina, and 
had become an Asheville lawyer. His great natural force was 
rated among the mountain dwellers as powerful as that of his 
own French Broad River, which wrested and twisted its way 
through the lofty barrier of the Great Smoky Mountains. 
He had stamped himself in Congress as an orator of consum- 
mate power. 

Then the war had taken him into the army as captain of 
Buncombe County's hard hitting "Rough and Ready Guards." 
His physical handicap resulted from a fall from an apple 
tree that broke his hip and left him a shortened leg; and an 
ambling gfait from early boyhood. 66 This was more than com- 
pensated for by his intense ardor, superb command of lan- 
guage, salty wit, and extraordinary capacity for making solid 
friendships. Soldier, governor, and United States Senator, 
Vance enjoyed as have few other men in the country's history 
the abiding affection of the people of his own State. A little 
later in the war he would make an inspirational speaking tour 
of the different commands of the Army of Northern Virginia. 
J. E. B. Stuart accompanied him and declared that, measured 
by results, "Vance is the greatest orator that ever lived," and 
General Lee was quoted as saying his visit to the army was 
"worth 50,000 recruits." OT 

Such was the inspiring man who had met the impression- 
able youths of the 26th Regiment when it was mustered in at 
Camp Crab Tree near Raleigh. After electing Vance colonel 
the regiment had gone on to choose Major Harry King 

88 Clark, North Carolina Regiments, II, 303. 

"•William H. S. Burgwyn, "Zebulon Baird Vance," in Edwin Anderson 
Alderman (editor-in-chief) and F. P. Gamble (executive editor), Library 
of Southern Literature (Atlanta, Ga.: The Martin and Hoyt Co., 1907, 1909, 
16 volumes), XII, 5555, hereinafter cited as Library of Southern Literature. 

m Library of Southern Literature, XII, 5557. 



North Carolina in the Gettysburg Campaign 209 

Burgwyn, the camp instructor, its lieutenant colonel. 68 Almost 
immediately a good many judged that in this instance the 
regiment had made an appalling mistake. The young man 
was all intensity and action. The regiment was literally snatch- 
ed out of bed and shaken to attention. "At first sight," said 
Corporal John R. Lane, who would soon rise to become lien- 
tenant colonel of the regiment, "I both admired and feared 
him." 60 

Burgwyn, the son of a wealthy Northampton Countv 
planter, had been educated by tutors and prepared for West 
Point, but had been diverted to the University of North Caro- 
lina, where, like Pettigrew, he had led his class, though he 
was graduated at the early age of eighteen. His father, hear- 
ing the rumblings of the oncoming war, had influenced him 
to continue his studies at Virginia Military Institute, where he 
caught the attention of the austere T. T. Jackson, Professor of 
Artillery and Natural Philosophy. Jackson gave him the top 
recommendation one might expect from such a stern recluse, 
saving he would "make an ornament not only to the artillery, 
but anv branch of the military service." 70 

Vance was attentive to the company's welfare and was as 
popular with the men as he had been with his admiring; Bun- 
combe Countv constituents. He imbued them with his own 
tough, unyielding spirit, as their brief future tenure of life 
disclosed. But he left the drill and military formalities to 
Burgwyn. The lieutenant colonel, twentv vears old, conducted 
it with all the zeal of a V.M.I, cadet who had gratified "Old 
Jack." However cherished may have been the rugged inde- 
pendence of these Carolinians who had never recognized the 
frailest filaments of repression or restraint, war was something 
real to the diligent lieutenant colonel who meant to have a 
regiment that would obey him in battle. Something had been 
imparted to him from the intense light that burned in T. T. 
Tackson's pale blue eves. Some of the men, looking on the 
war as a short term lark that nobody needed to get too excited 

• Clark. North Carolina Regiments, II, 306. 
*• Clark. North Carolina Regiments, Tl. 305. 

70 Cl^rk. North Carolina Regiments, II, 406, taken from news story in 
Raleigh papers. 



210 The North Carolina Historical Review 

about, grumbled at the martinet colonel and swore that he 
would get the proper attention when they fought their first 
battle. 

The opportunity to deal with him came when Federal Gen- 
eral Burnside made his descent on New Bern in March, 1862. 
The 26th served in General L. OB. Branch's command. The 
men found to their surprise that Burgwyn was the very 
prop they needed in combat. He was in front when they 
advanced and in their rear when they retreated. The army 
lost New Bern but the 26th performed notably well because 
of the very discipline and drill to which some of the more 
vocal members had objected. Thoroughly disliked before the 
battle, Burgwyn came out of it as "the regiment's pride and 
joy." 71 The 26th went on to Virginia and took the terrible 
punishment in the assault on Malvern Hill. As the men moved 
in to the attack they flushed a rabbit which scampered ahead 
of them. The soldiers hooted and urged it on and Colonel 
Vance, always ready with a joke, shouted at the frightened 
little animal. "Go it, cotton tail! If I had no more reputation 
to lose than you have, I'd run, too." 72 Tension eased. So it 
was the regiment learned how to be buoyant in an even 
toucher assault the men would have to make on a later day. 

The test for Burgwyn came when Vance was elected gov- 
ernor of North Carolina. He left the regiment in August, 
1862. The lieutenant colonel was still not twenty-one. The 
26th was then in the brigade of Brigadier General Matt W. 
Ransom, who affirmed that he "wanted no boy colonel in his 
brigade." 7S When the regiment heard of the remark it decided 
to show its dander. The men made it known that they would 
have no other colonel than young Burgwyn. They promptly 
petitioned to be taken out of Ransom's brigade. Hard fighting 
General D. H. Hill, who was moving to the front as the princi- 
pal military figure of North Carolina, interceded and declared 
that Burgwyn should be promoted. Vance employed his in- 

71 Clark, North Carolina Regiments, II, 329. 

""Library of Southern Literature, XII, 5556; Clark, North Carolina Regi- 
ments, II, 334. 

n Clark, North Carolina Regiments, II, 334. 



North Carolina in the Gettysburg Campaign 211 

fluence, by no means feeble. He knew the 26th needed Burg- 
wyn. He would not fail it in a battle to the finish. On his 
departure Vance had delivered a stirring speech: "It is fight 
to the end. All you can expect is War! War!! War!!!." 74 

So youthful Harry King Burgwyn was appointed colonel of 
the 26th by the Confederate War Department, field officers 
no longer being elected, and the regiment was assigned to 
Brigadier General S. G. French at Petersburg, and a little 
later to Pettigrew. John R. Lane, captain, but lately corporal, 
was appointed lieutenant colonel. The regiment knew well 
what he would do for the soldiers. When they had charged 
up Malvern Hill he had carried inside his blouse the com- 
pany's pay, wrapped in a newspaper. A bullet ripped open 
his coat and in the blood and excitement of the assault the 
package disappeared. Such were the demands of the wounded 
that night that he did not notice how the ball had taken off 
his button, or that the money was gone. In the morning the 
loss was discovered. Lee's army had been repulsed, but Lane, 
unaware that McClellan had retired also during the night, set 
out alone to search over the ground that had been saturated 
with southern blood. Diligentlv he looked, and there, half 
covered by the dead, he found the beautiful packet of monev, 
still wrapped and tied. 75 He hurried back and the company 
reioiced with him. 

One of the soldiers observed that Pettigrew and Burgwyn 
were "made for each other," being alike in their intensitv, 
courage, zest for battle, martial bearing, and skillful horse- 
manship. Lieutenant Colonel Lane developed into an excel- 
lent drillmaster and disciplinarian and the 26th came to vie 
with the 11th as "the best drilled regiment in the Confederate 
service." The regiment's "pride," next to its boy colonel, was 
Captain Mickey's ornate regimental band, which another un- 
named member of the regiment declared, was "considered 
the finest in the Armv of Northern Virginia." One thing 



74 Clark, North Carolina Regiments, II, 334. 

75 Clark, North Carolina Regiments, IT, 333. 



212 The North Carolina Historical Review 

obviously was not lacking. The regiment had admirable as- 
surance and esprit de corps. 16 

76 At Gettysburg the Twenty-Sixth North Carolina engaged in the most 
deadly regimental duel of the battle. It encountered the Twenty-Fourth 
Michigan. They fought until about one man in five remained on either side. 
Colonel Burgwyn was killed. His men buried him with a gun case for a 
coffin beneath a large walnut tree where he fell. Pettigrew's quest for 
shoes in Gettysburg, at Heth's and A. P. Hill's orders, brought on the 
battle, in which the brigade and later the division he commanded, played 
such an important role. 



A 



REVIEW OF NORTH CAROLINA FICTION, 1956-1957 

By Phillips Russell* 

It should be said at the outset that what follows are the 
views of just one of the judges and are not intended to be 
final, since literary history has so often shown that the ulti- 
mate decision on all books is made by the reading public and 
not by committees or boards of award, no matter how well 
qualified or well intentioned. 

Thirteen books were entered this year in the Sir Walter 
Raleigh Award Competition which is limited to fiction, in- 
cluding the novel, the drama, the short story, and poetry; 
and it was suggested that each member of the Board of Award 
allow for points as follows: Creative and imaginative quality, 
30 points; excellence of style, 30 points; universality of ap- 
peal, 30 points; relevance to North Carolina and her people, 
10 points. 

Since only a short time can be allowed for these comments, 
it will not be possible to review all the competing books or 
even to enumerate them; but this will not be necessary in 
view of the fact that each April a North Carolina Bibliography 
prepared for many years by Miss Marv Thornton and present- 
ly by Mr. William S. Powell, is published in The North Caro- 
lina Historical Review. 

It must come immediately to one's attention that of the 
13 books in question, the leaders in substance and treatment 
all dealt with various aspects of one of the central problems 
of North Carolina life in our time— the race question. And 
another fact scarcely less striking was the youth of the 
authors. Two of them were under 25 and two were not far 
from 30, while it must also be mentioned that two out of four 
authors who dealt with the race question in a sincere but 
dramatic way were young women. 

In two of the books, one by a young man, the other bv a 
young woman, Negroes were the central characters. It has 

* Mr. Russell is a retired Professor of Journalism and Associate Professor 
of English at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. He is the 
author of The Woman Who Rang the Bell and other hooks. 

[213] 



214 The North Carolina Historical Review 

sometimes been brought as a charge against Southerners that 
they see Negroes only as stereotypes; that is, as servants or 
laborers subordinate to white employers and as respectful, 
humble, sometimes quaint, and rather ignorant. But in these 
books the characters were not stereotypes. Far from it. They 
were individuals, not types, and their traits, actions, and 
words were set forth as evidence of a human individuality 
conditioned of course by a social environment and a special 
status. 

The sympathy with which these authors outlined their 
Negro characters was marked. In this fact may lie great 
significance. It seems to say that our younger generations 
are not to be bound down by old concepts and mottoes; they 
want to see both sides, they mean to judge for themselves, 
and thev do not ignore the changes that have been wrought 
in North Carolina life by new conditions and changed em- 
phases. These young authors signify that they believe in the 
innate worth of every human being, regardless of complexion, 
and that every man and woman ought to be able to realize in 
full whatever is best in his nature. 

Another evident endeavor of these young writers is to un- 
derstand the foundations of small-town life. North Carolina, 
having no large cities, no great ports, and no metropolises, is 
peculiarly a state of small towns. Its people have no salient 
wealth, no afflicting poverty. This condition might foster 
mediocrity, and in fact the late ludge R. W. Winston, who 
himself became a writer late in life, once called North Caro- 
lina a "militant mediocracy," and at one time, particular! v 
in the thirty years that followed the Civil War, the State 
seemed satisfied to poke along with its gaze directed down- 
ward rather than upward. 

But our authors do not see these small towns as mere 
sloughs of routine, but rather as centers of drama. Beneath 
the outward face of humdrum there is a stir and a drive that 
indicates the younger generation of North Carolinians are 
not content with ruts, however soft and inoffensive, but intend 
to meet current challenges and discard outworn shibboleths. 

The old sentimentalities, the once treasured romantic as- 
sumptions, are gone and in their place is an over-all realism, 



Review of North Carolina Fiction, 1956-1957 215 

often grim, sometimes hard, but always truth-seeking. If this 
means the backyard rather than the front porch is dwelt upon, 
we must endure it. 

Especially is this truth-seeking visible in the treatment of 
character. All the great story-tellers, from Shakespeare to 
Uncle Remus, have based their writings on the solid founda- 
tion of character, and he shows the greatest promise as 
novelist, dramatist, or story writer who can give us a galaxy 
of convincing characters, meaning people we can touch, taste, 
watch, overhear, and realize. All of us as readers and samplers 
want our heroes and heroines to be people we can get hold 
of, upon whom we can project ourselves, and with whom we 
can identify ourselves. 

Our writers realize that North Carolina is only partly a 
southern state. It belongs to the South Atlantic area rather 
than the Deep South. It has plenty of magnolias, azaleas, and 
moonlight, but its life is not lived among these so much as on 
ploughed land, among the piney woods of the sandy flatlands, 
in mountain coves, in the back alleys of homely small towns, 
and among the great factories and warehouses that are grad- 
ually supplanting the lonely farms of other years. 

This new writing, if we can call it so, is sometimes rather 
gritty but it is completely honest. North Carolina will some 
day pay more attention to these writers who are also interpre- 
ters. In due course it may even buy their books and read them. 



REVIEW OF NORTH CAROLINA NON-FICTION, 

1956-1957 

By Winston Broadfoot* 

Previous reviewers on this occasion have complained of 
their allotted time: so few minutes for so many titles. Twenty 
minutes is hardly time enough to cover 28 books but I must 
add, in all candor that, while I might wish for fewer books, 
I do not wish for more time. Well stay together on that one. 

There is another confession I would like to make. Few 
people, certainly not I among them, could possibly be expert 
in every field before us. Professional reviewers often have 
about them a certain glibness, an expertness in how to review 
rather than any great knowledge of the subject matter of the 
particular book. After reading a long review you are likely 
to breathe deeply and say: "Thank heaven, that is one book 
I need not read." The reviewer has laid it out for you from 
A to Z. Today my hope is different. Whatever else is in this 
brief talk, I mean it to be a challenge for you to read. Many 
of the books are well worth it. 

The 28 titles under consideration were published between 
September 1, 1956, and June 30, 1957, and were written by 
persons who maintained their residence in North Carolina for 
the three years immediately preceeding June 30, 1957. The 
books are original works of non-fiction and represent the total 
output within the limits defined, except that technical and 
scientific works are excluded. 

Before getting to the titles, we might pause and consider 
the concept of non-fiction. Description in the negative can be 
quite derogatory. A person who is called a nonentity should 
recognize the epithet. Use of such a word, even when justi- 
fied, should be avoided because it is colorless. 

So I begin my remarks by picking a quarrel with the word 
"non-fiction," a singularly colorless word that must be used 
to describe an infinite variety of books. Whatever is not fiction 

* Mr. Winston Broadfoot is the Director of the George Washington 
Flowers Memorial Collection, Duke University, Durham, and presently 
resides in Hillsboro. 

[216] 



North Carolina Non-Fiction, 1956-1957 217 

is non-fiction, the left-overs in a category of lesser importance. 
To this implication of the word "non-fiction ' we must object. 

Perhaps by this time next year some benevolent group 
will have sponsored a contest to pick a better word for us, 
much like we have contests to name a new soap. As one who 
is almost equally interested in bathing and books, I have the 
temerity to suggest that a new book- word is more needed than 
a new soap-word. Think for a moment how it would be if 
you could indicate soap only by saying "non- toothpaste/' 
That's the fix were in on "non-fiction." 

Certain definite categories, homemade and unknown to 
the Dewey decimal system, will serve to group the books. 

Under what might be called the "home scene" there are 
several titles. Threads of Gold by Myrtie Lee Powers is a 
series of religious recollections of rural life that first appeared 
in the Smithfield Herald. Friends of the author urged the 
present compilation. 

Ocracoke by Carl Goerch is addressed to the prospective 
tourist. With deliberate folksiness Mr. Goerch describes the 
island and the town, dropping several suggestions about how 
to get along, such as bring your shovel if you bring your car. 
In his stated desire to encourage the tourist trade, Mr. Goerch 
has probably scored a success. For those of you who must 
stay behind, the book makes pleasant reading. 

Stories Old and New of the Cape Fear Region by Louis T. 
Moore is a collection of historical anecdotes, many of which 
first appeared in newspapers. All of the stories have at least 
one unusual or dramatic event, and a number of them are 
original contributions to local history. From long familiarity 
with the region, Mr. Moore handles his material easily. 

The Ahoskie Era of Hertford County has an interesting 
history as a book. Almost 500 of its approximately 800 pages 
appeared in a single issue of the weekly Hertford County 
Herald. That was in 1937. Since that time the printers sent 
down portions of copy for the book as they sandwiched limit- 
ed time into a busy commercial schedule. In the final stages 
a special warehouse had to be bought to store the unfinished 
copies. The period covered is the same for all sections: 1889- 
1939; the area covered is Hertford County; and the subjects 



218 The North Carolina Historical Review 

covered include everything imaginable, from U.D.C. chapters 
to beauty queens. You'll like this book for its sheer spunk. 

Home on the Yadkin is a running commentary on whatever 
happened to cross Thomas Ferguson's mind. A prominent 
farmer of Wilkes County, he is quite blunt about his likes and 
his dislikes. From the book you get something of Yadkin 
Valley history, but much more of Mr. Ferguson. He's not 
always right, but he's never dull. 

Only three books are in the religious field. A Survey of the 
Old Testament by W. W. Sloan is a textbook written in sim- 
ple, readable style. It is designed for beginners at the college 
level. Mr. Jesse Baldwin's book answers affirmatively the 
question that is in the title: Can We Believe the Bible? In 
Slavery and Catholicism Richard Miller raises the issue of 
whether the Roman Catholic Church is a friend of the Negro. 
Showing that the Church supported slavery somehow be- 
comes proof of present attitudes. Many of the supporting 
facts are nothing more than direct quotes from the Popish 
plot period of American hysteria. The book ends in diatribe 
and disappointment for the reader. Church attitudes toward 
the American Negro, especially during the days of slavery, 
remain an intriguing subject for a good book. 

Manly Wade Wellman is a fast-writing author who turns 
out fast-moving books, some for boys, some for adults. Rebel 
Boast is a book primarily for adults. The title refers to the 
abbreviated slogan, so familiar to North Carolinians: "First 
at Bethel . . . Last at Appomattox." The dust jacket of the 
book, with bubbly enthusiasm and unconscious humor, calls 
the slogan a "Southern battlecry." Five kinsmen from Halifax 
County go to war in the spring of 1861 and two come home 
after Appomattox. Mr. Wellman has done a remarkable job 
of keeping the reader with these men in victory, defeat, and 
death. The feeling of war pervades every page and time and 
again the reader marvels that these men maintained their 
fighting heart. Unpublished family papers furnish the frame- 
work for the story, but the author has successfully spliced in 
well-known published material to give valid background and, 
occasionally, to beef up thin spots in the manuscript sources. 



North Carolina Non-Fiction, 1956-1957 219 

Rebel Boast is our only book this year about the Civil War, 
but for pace and pathos you couldn't ask for more. 

Two near-technical studies are Stuart Chapin's Urban Land 
Use Planning and John O'Neal's Policy Formation in Railroad 
Finance. Mr. Chapin's book is concerned with the use of 
land, theoretical and actual, in cities of from 100,000 to 500,- 
000 population. This land problem is part of the larger prob- 
blem of city planning, he explains, which in turn is part of 
the headache of city life, I would add. Mr. O'Neal's book is 
an intensive study of how the Chicago, Burlington and Quincy 
Railroad refinanced its bonded debt during the years 1936- 
1945, a limited inquiry not accurately suggested by the gener- 
ous main title. Both books are strictly professional, if not 
technical. 

Several biographies are on our list today. 

When Archibald Henderson chooses to write about George 
Bernard Shaw we come as close as ever we shall to having 
two great minds displayed under single authorship. Though 
Shaw is dead, this is not one of those posthumous studies 
in which one takes an interest in a person who lived before 
or beyond him. Henderson and Shaw knew one another inti- 
mately for almost 50 years. Because of this, George Bernard 
Shaw: Man of the Century has an almost unique validity. 
Many times the author can vouch for a particular point from 
personal correspondence or conversation. Unfortunately for 
the present volume, Mr. Henderson did another study of 
Shaw in 1932. The publisher tells us that "much material 
included in that previous volume is used in the present work." 
But one wonders if even that statement prepares us for the 
fact that half or more of the present volume is a direct reprint 
of the earlier work, sometimes with rearranged paragraph 
sequence, sometimes with whole unaltered chapters thrown 
in. Therefore, the ultimate value of the present work must 
lie largely in its coverage of the years 1932 to Shaw's death 
in 1950. 

O'Henry in North Carolina by Cathleen Pike is a thin vol- 
ume of 29 pages that puts in compact form much fugitive 
information about William Sidney Porter. Personal interviews 
as well as customary source material were used in digging 



220 The North Carolina Historical Review 

out the facts about his boyhood in Greensboro and his later 
visits to North Carolina. A helpful chapter analyzes his stories 
for local setting. 

LeGette Blythe tells the life story of a highly individualis- 
tic surgeon in James W. Davis. In a foreword Judge Johnson 
Hayes says that Davis is one of only two doctors he has 
known in his 50 years of court experience who would not 
accept either a court fee or expenses for testimony at a trial. 
Founder of a 200-bed hospital at Statesville, Davis was as 
generous as he was silent about his charity work. He helped 
in civic affairs and, as a Republican, was active not only on 
the political issues that affected his profession but on the 
more prosaic problems of government. James Davis was un- 
doubtedly a man of energy, ability, and purpose, but a more 
critical biography might well have given us a fairer view of 
the man than the eulogy that Mr. Blythe has written. 

"A Social Biography of a Family" is the subtitle of George 
Lee Simpson, Jr/s, book, The Cokers of Carolina. Five gen- 
erations of this Hartsville, South Carolina, family are covered. 
All of us are familiar with small southern towns where one 
family is eminent, but few are the places where this is true, 
without question, for so many generations. While giving 
industry and new ideas to Hartsville, the Cokers furnished 
scholars to the world. They obviously have a sense of roots, 
of family, and a will to be useful that is rare in this selfish 
and migratory world of ours. Mr. Simpson's book is no pan- 
egyric; it is a study of compelling fascination about a family 
that quietly sets an example of dignity and brotherhood. 

Down-easter James Pike thoughtfully made a modest for- 
tune before he turned newspaperman. Working for Horace 
Greeley in the 1850's, he was a pungent anti-slavery polemi- 
cist in Washington who attracted favorable notice of the 
extreme abolition and disunion groups in the North. Fol- 
lowing the Civil War he toured South Carolina and wrote a 
book, The Prostrate State: South Carolina under Negro Gov- 
ernment. South Carolinians liked it. Robert Durden investi- 
gated this anomaly and James Shepard Pike, a revealing 
biography, is the result. Mr. Durden shows that Pike's book 
and the motives behind it have been misunderstood, but, 



North Carolina Non-Fiction, 1956-1957 221 

more important, he shows that Pike hated the Negro no less 
than slavery. In how many radical minds this curious twist 
was evident can only be guessed. 

For want of a better designation, several books are lumped 
together under the heading "Miscellaneous." Mrs. Alice 
Mathewson took another trip abroad last year. Her earlier 
book was entitled Ali-Mat Takes Off and this one, appropri- 
ately and consistently, is entitled Ali-Mat Takes Off Again. 
Toward A More Democratic Social Order is Wendell Thomas's 
solution of the problems of the day. He declares that true 
democracy is a projection of human nature, that it is to be 
achieved through more liberal religion and a decentralized 
society of small self-governing communities. For the sports 
minded there is The Red Strings Baseball Team of Yadkin 
County by M. R. Dunnagan, who says the team was "un- 
doubtedly the greatest, the best, and the most successful 
amateur baseball team ever to organize and play in North 
Carolina." 

Tarheel Talk by Norman Eliason is a fascinating study, 
largely from manuscript sources, of inelegant writing by 
North Carolinians prior to 1860. Throughout the book, in 
easy doses, appear useful discussions of the English language. 
The author has happily avoided any tendency to be glib 
or to overstate the case for localisms. As a title Tarheel Talk 
is a misnomer (one suspects the publisher could not resist 
the alliteration) for little in the book pertains to the spoken 
word, and our most indigenous localisms, the speech of slaves, 
are altogether missing for the obvious reason that, with few 
exceptions, slaves could not write. In days to come, when 
there is no North, South, East, or West, and our schools, as 
the fountainhead of knowledge, are watered down equally 
for all, Mr. Eliason's topic will be no more. Whatever other 
gains we thereby achieve, this loss of flavor, this Tarheel 
difference, must be counted a great loss. 

In Thomas Hardy and the Cosmic Mind J. O. Bailey upsets 
old assumptions about the philosophy of the English novelist. 
The book is tough going and only the hardy minded should 
tackle it. Equally scholarly and specializing is Grover C. 



222 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Smith, Jr.'s, T. S. Eliot's Poetry and Plays, an analysis of Eliot's 
works and a study of his sources. 

Hugh Lefler's two-volume History of North Carolina is a 
monumental work. Heavy use is made of the material in the 
much smaller volume, North Carolina: History of a Southern 
State by Newsome and Lefler written in 1954, but the ma- 
terial has been greatly reworked and expanded for the present 
volumes. The same historian cannot be expected to be forever 
saying something new on an old subject, but he can work 
toward greater clarity and completeness. Mr. Lefler has done 
a good job in these respects and, with these volumes, in- 
comparably takes his place as the foremost authority on the 
history of North Carolina. The publisher sells two volumes 
of biography that go with the set. They are of the pay-and-go- 
in variety and Mr. Lefler, mercifully, cannot be charged with 
their authorship. 

The largest and most significant grouping of books I have 
reserved for last. Five volumes are histories of universities 
or colleges— four of them within North Carolina. In no prev- 
ious year has there been such an offering about higher edu- 
cation. 

John Tate Lanning gives us another excellent study of 
the university in Guatemala entitled Eighteenth Century 
Enlightenment in the University of San Carlos De Guatemala. 
One may imagine the handicap under which he has been 
working— to take old Spanish manuscripts, translate them, 
then synthesize his findings into a scholarly study for readers 
of English. San Carlos was no exception in the opposition 
of the established church to the Enlightenment and that 
struggle produces some interesting chapters in the book. 

The four remaining books about colleges were written by 
persons long and closely associated with the particular insti- 
tution. Francis B. Dedmond gives us the stirring story of 
the ups and downs of the Baptist institution at Boiling Springs 
that became Gardner-Webb College in 1942. Lengthened 
Shadows: A History of Gardner-Webb College, 1907-1956, 
begins with the high school that opened in 1907. By 1928 
the competition of public education had all but ended its 
career, so the school became a junior college that year, but 



North Carolina Non-Fiction, 1956-1957 223 

its importance and its permanence remained in question until 
1942 when Max Gardner showed a genuine interest in the 
school. A History of Atlantic Christian College by C. C. Ware 
begins its chronology more than a 100 years before the col- 
lege opened at Wilson in 1902. We get much background 
on the Disciples of Christ in North Carolina and their early 
interest in education. The story is one of hard struggle and 
success. A History of Meredith College by Mary Lynch 
Johnson ably tells of the difficulties in the way of launching 
the school, the rivalries and the delays, and the slow but 
substantial progress of this modern Baptist school. The appen- 
dix has a biography of Thomas Meredith that is good reading 
and historically worth-while. 

Louis Round Wilson's The University of North Carolina, 
1900-1930, is the seventh history of that institution, yet it 
has its place, and it is more than a niche. Few schools in a 
period as brief have come as far. This is a big story and Mr. 
Wilson makes a big book of it, some 600 pages. His own 
large part in the transition is modestly mentioned but his 
full knowledge as an active participant is everywhere evident. 
With superb style he tells of the small beginnings (only 51 
more students in 1900 than in 1858) and the growing great- 
ness. Only he doesn't call it greatness; he speaks of the Uni- 
versity becoming what a modern university should be. The 
increase in enrollment, appropriations, faculty, the fight for 
freedom — these things were neither smoothly nor steadily 
accomplished. There were setbacks, deaths, and resignations 
— but the gains outweighed the losses and there was progress, 
and vision always. The book is a major contribution to our 
understanding of university problems everywhere, and es- 
pecially it should be read and remembered with profit and 
pride by North Carolinians. 



LITERATURE AND HISTORY 

By Gilbert T. Stephenson* 

A year ago to the hour on the corresponding occasion I 
spoke on "Literature and Life" and tried to relate them to 
each other. This evening in similar vein I shall speak on 
"Literature and History/' 1 

The primary purpose of The North Carolina Literary and 
Historical Association, as declared in its Constitution, 2 is to 
foster the interest of our people in the literature and history 
of our state. It is fitting, therefore, for us, time and again, to 
pause, take stock, and consider what literature and history 
mean to each other and what they mean for the common 
good. To do so may be helpful to us in relating our literature 
and our history to each other and to our common good. 

What is literature? A common definition is that it is the 
total of preserved writings of a given age, language, or people; 
another that it is the body of creative and interpretive, as 
distinct from professional and technical, writings. Both of 
these are quantitative only, however, including the bad with 
the good. 

I prefer and for this occasion shall adopt a more selective 
definition — namely, that literature is the best expression of 
the best thought reduced to writing. Jean Jaures bids us 
take from the altars of the past the fire, not the ashes. 3 It 
is of the fire, not the ashes, of the past that I shall speak. 

What is history? One definition is that it is the systematic 
record of past events. This too is only quantitative and, more 
than that, it is incomplete in that most of the record of the 
past is not in writing — man learned how to write only four 

* Mr. Gilbert T. Stephenson is the retired Director, Trust Research De- 
partment, Graduate School of Banking, American Bankers Association. 
He lives at Warren Place, Pendleton. 

1 Gilbert T. Stephenson, "Life and Literature," The North Carolina His- 
torical Review, XXIV, No. 2 (April, 1957), 247-254. 

"Constitution of the North Carolina Literary and Historical Association, 
Inc., 1948, Art. I, Sec. 2. 

"Quoted by Harry Emerson Fosdick in The Living of These Days: An 
Autobiography (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1956), 311. 



[224] 



Literature and History 225 

or five thousand years ago— and much of the record that is 
in writing is not in histories. 

Consider for a moment unwritten history. The dendrologist 
in the Yosemite National Park in California reads in rings 
of redwoods that were 1,000 years old at the birth of Jesus 
— at least 3,000 years of history of tree-life on this planet. 
The geologist, standing on the rim of the Grand Canyon in 
Arizona and gazing out over the great valley of the Colorado 
River upon the slopes on the other side 6,000 feet high, reads 
in the stratification of those slopes history of, perhaps, a 
million years of formation of the earth. Nor is such reading 
of history confined to the professional geologist. Last sum- 
mer on our farm in Northampton County, digging through 
mud and muck for a solid foundation for a dam, we unearthed 
seashells. The farmer who was superintending the excavation 
casually remarked, as though it were common knowledge, 
that the shells revealed that our farm now 75 miles inland 
from the ocean once was at the bottom of the sea. The archae- 
ologist digging into mounds and caves reads in layer upon 
layer of what is only debris to the untrained eye and mind, 
history of successive ages and civilizations. Witness the Dead 
Sea Scrolls. In Old Brunswick Town and on the Try on Palace 
Grounds artifacts of invaluable historical interest and signfi- 
cance await the archaeologist's discoverv and interpretation. 
The astronomer, with his telescope, reads in the sky historv 
of past aeons. To him, perhaps more than to anvone else, 
"the heavens declare the dory of God and the firmament 
showeth His handiwork." 4 In skeletons of prehistoric man 
the anthropologist reads history of the evolution of mankind. 
Every art, every science, every business, every profession, 
and, in fact, every human enterprise each has its wealth 
of unwritten historv read and understood only by its own 
devotees. 

What shall we say of the record of the past in writings 
other than historv? All writings are, in a sense, historical. 
The history of ancient Greece is recorded in the extant writ- 
ings of its dramatists, its philosophers, and its poets as well 
as in those of its historians. 



4 Psalms 19:1. 



226 The North Carolina Historical Review 

A recently published volume, The Bible as History, 5 reveals 
early history of the Hebrews in the poetry of the Psalms, 
the Song of Solomon, the morals of the Proverbs, and the 
romance of Ruth as well as in the historical books — such 
as, Kings, Chronicles, Judges, Isaiah, and the other prophets, 
and the Acts of the Apostles. 

Although in our present appraisal of literature and history 
we should be cognizant of these broad horizons reaching, as 
they do, out to the limitless realms of the unknown and the 
unrecorded, on this occasion we must confine ourselves to 
the conventional definition of literature as the best expres- 
sion of the best thought reduced to writing and of history 
as the written record of the past. 

Within these self-imposed limits, let us raise these three 
questions: What does literature mean to history, what does 
history mean to literature, and what do the two together 
mean for the common good? 

To history literature means at least three things: It makes 
history readable, it supplies source material to the historian, 
and it inspires the writing of history. 

Unless history has literary charm as well as accuracy, it 
will not be read except by historians themselves. Yet in some 
academic circles, it is said, a historical work that delights 
and entertains by its vital prose and its dramatic skill of 
presentation is suspect. While this may be true in those 
circles, it is not true in circles to which general readers be- 
long. To them history without literary attractiveness has no 
more appeal than a flower without vivid coloring or fragrance. 

A few months ago I re-read Morley's Gladstone nearly 50 
years after its publication and found it more interesting in 
the second reading than it had been in the first. Whv? Be- 
cause of the charm of Morley's literary style. Who but 
a historian would read, much less re-read, Motley's Rise of 
the Dutch Republic, or Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the 
Roman Empire, or, coming to our own time, Toynbee's Study 
of History, or Churchill's Second World War or, his History 
of the English-Speaking Peoples, or, coming to our own coun- 

5 Werner Keller, The Bible as History (William Morrow and Company, 
1956). 



Literature and History 227 

try, Freeman's Lee or his Lee's Lieutenants or his Washing- 
ton, or Bruce Catton's Hallowed Ground, or, coming to this 
moment, Robert Meade's Patrick Henry, 6 but for its vital 
prose and dramatic skill of presentation? For the historian's 
work to survive his accuracy of statement must be matched 
by his felicity of expression. He himself must be the embodi- 
ment of a mind that is factual and a spirit that is aglow. As 
Donald Adams, writing about Thomas Carlyle, recently said, 
the historian must give the past the immediacy of the present. 
His story must be the part that breaks out of his heart. 

Literature supplies source material to the historian. In my 
library I have Albert Bushnell Hart's American History Told 
by Contemporaries. 7 Reviewing this collection 50 years after 
I had been his student, I was impressed anew and all the 
more by the fact that so much of the historian's source ma- 
terial is not historical records as such but diaries, travelogues, 
autobiographies, letters, and speeches, because, as Professor 
Hart said, they are more real and more human. The same 
may be said of Hugh Lefler's North Carolina History Told 
by Contemporaries. 8 His collection, in addition to conven- 
tional historical documents, includes travel accounts, news- 
paper articles, magazine articles, and diaries. 

Let me give an illustration of a diary becoming history. 
In 1850-1851 my grandfather rode horseback from Marga- 
rettsville, Northampton County, across our state and then 
through Tennessee to Memphis to visit an uncle of his, a 
native of Perquimans County, who had gone west years 
before. He kept a diary of his trip which, after over a cen- 
tury, still is in a good state of preservation and legibility. 
It took him 29 days to make the trip out on horseback which 
I recently made back by plane and automobile in less than 
six hours. One of the entries in his diary is an account of his 
exchange of Tennessee currency for North Carolina currency 
on his way back and having to pay exchange of two and a 
half per cent. Another entry is that on his way out he rode 

8 Robert Douthat Meade, Patrick Henry: Patriot in the Making (Phila- 
delphia and New York: J. B. Lippincott Company [Virginia edition], 1957). 

'Albert Bushnell Hart (ed.), American History Told by Contemporaries 
(New York, London: The MacMillan Company, 5 volumes, 1897-1929). 

® Hugh T. Lefler (ed.), North Carolina History Told by Contemporaries 
(Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1934). 



228 The North Carolina Historical Review 

through Smithville, North Carolina — a place no longer on 
the map — and, he wrote, "saw the prettiest young ladies 
coming from a camp meeting I ever saw. I went to a camp 
meeting tonight and feel a renewed desire to serve my 
Creator/* One wonders now, which was cause and which, 
effect. Be that as it may, what in 1850 was only a young 
man's diary in 1956 became one of the published papers of 
the West Tennessee Historical Society. 9 

Literature inspires the writing of history. Reading the 
dramas, the poetry, and the romances of an age or a people, 
the historian is inspired to go further and ferret out the facts 
that brought forth such writings. Why did the people of 
that age or of that country say what they said the way thev 
did? Toynbee's Study of History is largely the outgrowth of 
his study of literature; and his study of both literature and 
history has made him the man of profound faith that he is 
when he courageously predicts, as recently he did, that our 
century will be remembered 300 years hence, not as the 
age of the atom, but as the age of the welfare of all. 

Let us turn now to inquire what history means to literature. 
We find that the relationship of the two is reciprocal in 
that each supplies the other with both source material and 
inspiration. 

Regarding source material, we think at once of the histori- 
cal novel, the historical drama, and the historical poem. His- 
tory has supplied the source material of Inglis Fletcher's 
romances of the Albemarle and Cape Fear sections, of Paul 
Green's symphonic dramas, and of Carl Sandburg's poems. 
In a recent review of Mr. Sandburg's collected works, Sam 
Ragan spoke of him as the "man who has told the story of 
America in poetry." 10 Of Shakespeare's 37 plays over one- 
third are historical by title and many of the others, historical 
in fact. 

History inspires creative writers. In the bare facts of his- 
tory they find play for their imagination and interpretation. 
Facts are stranger than fiction and, it is said, harder to handle 

•The West Tennessee Historical Society (Memphis, Tenn.: No. 10, 1956), 
5. 

™The News and Observer (Raleigh), November 10, 1957, hereinafter 
cited as The News and Observer. 



Literature and History 229 

than creations of the imagination. Our creative writers them- 
selves would be the first to say that history supplies the 
frame and that they, at best, only the flower of literature. 

What do literature and history mean for the common 
good? From here on let us include all historical writing that 
qualifies under our definition of literature. In this broad sense 
literature does five things for the common good: it pleases, 
it informs, it influences, it enriches, and it stabilizes. 

Whatever gives us pure, unadulterated pleasure is for our 
common good. Reading for pleasure now is in competition for 
people's attention with other forms of relaxation and recrea- 
tion — principally with the automobile, the television, and 
organized sports. Whereas we used to read books during 
our spare time, now we take to the highways in our auto- 
mobiles, view television programs, and witness athletic events. 

In this competition, which is wholesome, those who take 
the side of literature are trying in various ways to recapture 
people's interest in reading for pleasure. They are publishing 
paperbound classics and offering them at a low price; they 
are condensing worthwhile books; they are publishing an- 
thologies and collections of classic and current literature; they 
even are trying to teach people to read more rapidly. 

Although at times literature will trail — as it is doing at 
this moment — in the end it will get its share of people's 
attention. Recent surveys indicate that only about 40 per 
cent of Americans read books as compared with 59 per cent 
of the British and an even higher percentage of the popula- 
tion of the Scandinavian countries. 11 But there always will 
be manv people who enjoy good literature and who will 
find time for reading without unduly depriving themselves 
of other forms of pleasure. As far back as 1880 Matthew 
Arnold said that the instinct of self-preservation in humanity 
assures the currency and supremacy of good literature. 12 

What pleasure reading must give to people physicallv de- 
prived of other forms of pleasure — brilliant minds and in- 

11 The News and Observer, December 1, 1957 [editorial 1 ; Frederick A. 
Wagrman, "The Paoerbound Book Business," Michigan Business Review, 
IX (November, 1957), 9-10. 

M Matthew Arnold, "The Study of Poetry." in Charles W. Eliot (ed.), 
The Harvard Classics (New York: P. F. Collier and Son Company, 50 vol- 
umes, 1910), XXVIII, 63-91. 



230 The North Carolina Historical Review 

spired souls in torn or tortured bodies. In her autobiography 
Helen Keller says, "Literature is my Utopia. Here I am not 
disfranchised, no barrier of the senses shuts me out from 
the sweet, gracious discourse of my book friends. They talk 
to me without embarrassment or awkwardness." 

Literature informs and helps us prepare for our lifework. 
In 1956 Clarence B. Randall delivered at Harvard University 
three lectures under the general title, "A Businessman Looks 
at the Liberal Arts," in which he made an impassioned and 
impressive plea for a place for literature in one's preparation 
for a business career. Near the end of his third lecture he 
said: 

We turn to history to learn the accomplishments and failures 
of others. We turn to literature and poetry because in them man 
has expressed his highest ideals and deepest tragedies. We turn 
to the formal study of philosophy to learn with humility how 
the great minds of the ages have endeavored to analyze for 
all men the very problems with which each of us struggles. We 
turn to religion for the inspiration and guidance that come from 
glimpsing the relationship of the individual to the infinite and 
the unchanging. 13 

In every field of human endeavor literature influences 
mankind for weal or woe. For just one illustration of its 
influence, note, on the one hand, how zealously the demo- 
cracies of the world guard and protect the freedoms of 
speech and press and, on the other, how jealously the totali- 
tarian countries control their literature. In recent addresses, 
condensed and arranged by The New York Times, 14 Mr. 
Khrushchev has said that the press is the Russians' chief 
ideological weapon, that they cannot put the press into un- 
reliable hands, and that it must be in the hands of the most 
faithful, most trustworthy, most politically steadfast people 
devoted to the cause of communism. In Russia literary works 
are judged by their political flavor as much as by their literary 
merit. 



"The Randall Lectures (White Plains, New York: The Fund for Adult 
Education, 1957), 37. 



u 



The New York Times Magazine, September 29, 1957. 



Literature and History 231 

Literature enriches our life. Materially, ours is a notably 
prosperous and progressive State. Consequently, there is and 
always will be, so long as we remain prosperous and progres- 
sive, danger of overemphasizing and, therefore, overvaluing 
outward, visible, material accomplishments at the expense 
of inward, cultural, and spiritual values. In such an atmos- 
phere we are tempted to judge one another by what one has 
and not by what one is. 

Should our life ever tend thus to get off balance, literature 
should come to our rescue by reminding us that ages, nations, 
and peoples, as well as individuals, are judged and appraised 
in the end, not by what things they accumulate for them- 
selves, but by what intangible values they contribute to 
others. Literature reveals to us that the best that any age 
or nation or people can give posterity is the works of its 
artists, writers, and musicians who, in pride and humility, 
reveal truth and dream, beauty and hope, and the upward 
look and striving as they mature in the hearts of men. Our 
artists, our authors, and our musicians conceive the ideas 
on which their descendants build and raise the ideals to- 
wards which their descendants strive. 

In our State we are making history so rapidly, especially 
educational and industrial history, that it is all the more 
important that we not only record the history that we have 
made and are making but also that we do so in a literary 
style that will command wide, popular reading. How else 
can we keep our past, our present, and our future in align- 
ment with one another? How else can we keep our hands, 
our heads, and our hearts in balance? 

Literature is a mighty arm in the struggle for the common 
good. And you who are engaged in creative and interpretive 
writing, in whatever field of expression, are productive citi- 
zens as truly as are those of us who are engaged in growing 
or making things. You are giving our young people visions 
that will make the dreams of us older ones come true. 

Furthermore, you who are engaged in such writing are 
helping to stabilize our culture. You are helping to keep us 
on an even keel. With your help, no gale nor storm, however 
severe, will ever drive our ship of state onto shoals of extrem- 



232 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ism of any kind — economic, industrial, interracial, political, 
religious, or social. To the rest of us you supply both ballast 
and motive power, for the fire of your writings generates 
power in your readers. 

In this competitive space age of bombs, jets, missiles, and 
anti-missile missiles, rockets, and manmade satellites, we 
shall need engineers and scientists— of course we shall— but 
we shall need no less— indeed all the more— you creative and 
interpretive writers to help us win victory for peace and 
good will the world over — victory that ever can be won 
only with weapons of the spirit. 

This is my appraisal of the meaning of our literature and 
our history to each other and for our common good. Our 
Association is dedicated to the continuous appreciation of 
these values. 



NORTH CAROLINA BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1956-1957 * 

By William S. Powell* 

Philosophy and Religion 

Baldwin, Jesse Armon. Can we believe the Bible? [Charlotte, 

Royal Book Co., 1956]. 154 p. $2.50. 
Bradley, David Henry. A history of the A.M.E. Zion Church. 

Nashville, Parthenon Press, 1956. 183 p. $3.00. 
Goode, Walter Everett. The superlative Christianity of the 

crucified man. New York, American Press, 1956. 127 p. $2.75. 
Habel, Samuel Tilden. The twelve Apostles. Ft. Lauderdale, 

Fla., Creighton's Restaurant Corp., 1956. 156 p. $2.95. 
Hart, Hornell Norris. Autoconditioning, the new way to a 

successful life. Englewood Cliffs, N. J., Prentice-Hall, 1956. 

263 p. $4.95. 
Hendricks, Garland A. How to plan the work of your church. 

Wake Forest, Extension Department, Southeastern Baptist 

Seminary, 1957. 256 p. 
Jenkins, Sara Lucile. Amos, prophet of justice. New York, 

Association Press, 1956. 127 p. $2.00. 
Kattsoff, Louis Osgood. Logic and the nature of reality. The 

Hague, M. Nijhoff, 1956. 247 p. $3.80. 
Martin, William T. The power of an upward look, and other 

sermons. Tallahassee, Peninsular Publishing Co., 1957. 176 p. 

$5.00. 
Poteat, Edwin McNeill. Jesus' belief in man. New York, 

Abingdon Press, 1956. 159 p. $2.50. 
The dimension of depth. New York, Harper, 1957. 

114 p. $2.00. 
Sloan, William Wilson. A survey of the Old Testament. New 

York, Abingdon Press, 1957. 334 p. $3.50. 
Tilley, Ethel. Book of the ages ; a course for junior high groups 

in the vacation church school. Nashville, Published for the 

Cooperative Publication Association, 1956. 144 p. $1.25. 
Weatherford, Willis Duke. American churches and the Negro. 

Boston, Christopher Publishing House, 1957. 310 p. $3.50. 

* Mr. William S. Powell is Assistant Librarian, North Carolina Collec- 
tion, University of North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill. 

1 Heretofore the period of eligibility for the various North Carolina 
literary awards has been from September 1 to the following August 31. 
To give the judges more time to evaluate the books before the awards are 
made in December, however, that period has been changed to the year from 
July 1 to the following June 30. This bibliography is being brought into 
line with that period, and this year it includes books dealing with North 
Carolina or by North Carolinians published between September 1, 1956, and 
June 30, 1957. 

[238] 



234 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Economics and Sociology 

Buckley, James C, Inc., New York. A development study of 
North Carolina state ports for the North Carolina State 
Ports Authority. New York, [James C. Buckley, Inc.], 1957. 
174 p. 

Chapin, Francis Stuart. Urban land use planning. New York, 
Harper, 1957. 397 p. $6.00. 

Co wen, Dudley Johnstone. Statistical methods in quality con- 
trol. Englewood Cliffs, N. J., Prentice-Hall, 1957. 727 p. $12.00. 

Dedmond, Frances B. Lengthened shadows : a history of Gard- 
ner-Webb College, 1907-1956. Boiling Springs, Gardner-Webb 
College, 1957. 219 p. $3.00. 

Hunter, Floyd. Community organization, action and inaction, 
by Floyd Hunter, Ruth Connor Schaffer, and Cecil G. Sheps. 
Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1956. 268 p. 
$5.00. 

Johnson, Mary Lynch. History of Meredith College. Raleigh, 
Edwards & Broughton, 1957. 301 p. $5.00. 

Lanning, John Tate. The eighteenth-century enlightenment in 
the University of San Carlos de Guatemala. Ithaca, N. Y., 
Cornell University Press, 1956. 372 p. $6.50. 

Maclachlan, John Miller. This changing South, by John M. 
Maclachlan and Joe S. Floyd, Jr. Gainesville, University of 
Florida Press, 1956. 154 p. $4.00. 

McCutchan, John Wilson, comp. '31 plus twenty-five. David- 
son, Davidson College, 1956. 71 p. 

Miller, Richard Roscoe. Slavery and Catholicism. Durham, 
North State Publishers, 1957. 259 p. $4.00. 

O'Neil, John T. Policy formation in railroad finance. Cam- 
bridge, Harvard University Press, 1956. 234 p. $4.50. 

Pierson, William Whatley. Governments of Latin America, 
by William W. Pierson and Federico G. Gil. New York, 
McGraw-Hill, 1957. 514 p. $6.50. 

Richardson, Frank Howard. For teen-agers only, the doctor 
discusses marriage. Atlanta, Tupper & Love, 1957. 112 p. $2.95. 

Rosenstengel, William Everett. School finance, its theory 
and practice, by William E. Rosenstengel and Jefferson N. 
Eastmond. New York, Ronald Press Co., 1947. 442 p. $6.50. 

Stevens, Harry Robert. The early Jackson party in Ohio. 
Durham, Duke University Press, 1957. 187 p. $4.50. 

Thomas, Wendell Marshall. Toward a more democratic social 
order. New York, Exposition Press, 1956. 64 p. $2.50. 

Thompson, Lawrence Sidney. Kentucky tradition. Hamden, 
Conn., Shoe String Press, 1956. 225 p. $4.50. 



North Carolina Bibliography, 1956-1957 235 

Underwood, Thomas Bryan. Legends of the ancient Cherokee. 
Asheville, Stephens Press, 1956. 32 p. $1.00. 

Wilson, Louis Round. The University of North Carolina, 
1900-1930, the making of a modern university. Chapel Hill, 
University of North Carolina Press, 1957. 633 p. $7.50. 

Philology 

Eliason, Norman Ellsworth. Tarheel talk, an historical study 
of the English language in North Carolina to 1860. Chapel 
Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1956. 324 p. $5.00. 

Science 

Bell, Corydon. The wonder of snow. New York, Hill and Wang, 
1957. 269 p. $5.00. 

Hall, Everett Wesley. Modern science and human values. 
Princeton, N. J., D. Van Nostrand Co., 1956. 483 p. $8.00. 

Woodward, George Milton. Commercial fisheries of North Car- 
olina. Chapel Hill, School of Business Administration, Uni- 
versity of North Carolina, 1956. 153 p. $2.00. 

Applied Science and Useful Arts 

Calhoon, Richard Percival. Influencing employee behavior, 

by Richard P. Calhoon and C. A. Kirkpatrick. New York, 

McGraw-Hill, 1956. 312 p. $5.00. 
Lawrence, Elizabeth L. The little bulbs. New York, Criterion 

Books, 1957. 248 p. $4.00. 
Street, James Harry. The new revolution in the cotton economy, 

mechanization and its consequences. Chapel Hill, University 

of North Carolina Press, 1957. 294 p. $5.00. 

Fine Arts 

Fletcher, Beale. How to improve your social dancing. New 
York, A. S. Barnes, 1956. 136 p. $3.75. 

Poetry 

Adams, Cynthia de Ford. Part of each day. Durham, Seeman 

Printery, 1957. 36 p. $2.00. 
Kimrey, Grace Saunders. The star of hope. Emory University, 

Ga., Banner Press, 1957. 58 p. $2.50. 
Levin, Ron. I, the city, and other poems. Chapel Hill, New 

Sounds Publishers, 1956. 13 p. 
Shackleford, Ruby P. Dreamer's wine. New York, Exposition 

Press, 1957. 47 p. $2.50. 



236 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Simpson, Carrie Lewis. Picture poems. New York, Vantage 

Press, 1956. 59 p. $2.00. 
Sossamon, Leroy. Backside of heaven. Bryson City, Village 

Press, 1957. 64 p. $1.00. 
Summerrow, Dorothy Edwards. Ten angels swearing. 2 New 

York, Exposition Press, 1957. 64 p. $2.50. 

Drama 

Green, Paul Eliot. The founders, a symphonic outdoor drama. 

New York, French, 1957. 210 p. $3.00. 
Richardson, Howard Dixon. Dark of the moon, by Howard 

Richardson and William Berney. New York, Theatre Arts 

Books, 1957. 80 p. $1.50. 
Walser, Richard Gaither. North Carolina drama. Richmond, 

Garrett & Massie, 1956. 229 p. $4.00. 

Literature, Other Than Poetry, Drama, or Fiction 

Bailey, James Osler. Thomas Hardy and the cosmic mind. 

Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1956. 223 p. 

$5.00. 
Briggs, Thomas Henry. Poetry and its enjoyment. New York, 

Teachers College, Columbia University, 1957. 322 p. $4.00. 
Craven, Charles. Charles Craven's kind of people. Chapel Hill, 

Colonial Press, 1956. 106 p. $1.50. 
Dunnagan, Macon Rush. The red strings baseball team of 

Yadkin County. . . . New Bern, Owen G. Dunn, 1957. 
Lively, Robert Alexander. Fiction fights the Civil War. Chapel 

Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1957. 230 p. $5.00. 
Morrah, Dave. Alice in Wunderbarland. New York, Rinehart, 

1957. 77 p. $1.50. 
Rabe, Anne Davis. Chattering cherubs. New York, Exposition 

Press, 1957. 46 p. $2.50. 
Schoolfield, George C. The figure of the musician in German 

literature. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 

1956. 204 p. $4.50. 
Shelley, Philip Allison. Anglo-German and American-German 

cross-currents, edited by Philip Allison Shelley with Arthor O. 

Lewis, Jr., and William W. Betts, Jr. Chapel Hill, University 

of North Carolina Press, 1957. 303 p. $7.00. 
Smith, Grover Cleveland. T. S. Eliot's poetry and plays, Chica- 
go, University of Chicago Press, 1956. 338 p. $6.00. 
Zeydel, Edwin Herman, ed. and tr. Poems of Goethe. Chapel 

Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1957. 126 p. $3.25. 



Winner of the Roanoke-Chowan Award for poetry, 1957. 



North Carolina Bibliography, 1956-1957 237 

Fiction* 

Angell, Polly. Andy Jackson: long journey to the White House. 

New York, Aladdin Books, 1956. 192 p. $1.75. 
Betts, Doris. Tall houses in winter. 4 New York, Putnam, 1957. 

383 p. $4.50. 
Bloomfield, Howard. Last cruise of the Nightwatch. Engle- 

wood, N. J., Prentice-Hall, 1956. 213 p. $2.95. 
Blythe, Le Gette. The crown tree. Richmond, John Knox Press, 

1957. 329 p. $3.50. 
Burgwyn, Mebane Holoman. True love for Jenny. Philadel- 

delphia, Lippincott, 1956. 189 p. $2.75. 
CANADAY, Julia. Big end of the horn. New York, Vantage Press, 

1956. 171 p. $2.75. 
Carroll, Ruth. Tough Enough's Trip, by Ruth and Latrobe 

Carroll. New York, Oxford University Press, 1956. 64 p. $2.75. 
Clarvoe, Frank Auld. The wonderful way. New York, Holt, 

1956. 416 p. $4.50. 

Colver, Alice Mary. There is a season. New York, Dodd, Mead, 

1957. 306 p. $3.50. 

Crabb, Alfred Leland. Journey to Nashville. Indianapolis, 

Bobbs-Merrill, 1957. 291 p. $3.75. 
Credle, Ellis. Big doin's on Razorback Ridge. New York, 

Nelson, 1956. 125 p. $2.75. 
Daniels, Lucy. Caleb, my son. Philadelphia, Lippincott, 1956. 

125 p. $2.75. 
Davis, Burke. Roberta E. Lee. Winston-Salem, J. F. Blair, 1956. 

unpaged. $2.75. 
Demarest, Phillis Gordon. The wilderness brigade. Garden 

City, N. Y., Doubleday, 1957. 356 p. $3.95. 
Ehle, John Marsden. Move over, mountain. New York, W. 

Morrow, 1957. 314 p. $3.95. 
Hight, William B., Jr. A collection of hearts. No place, no 

publisher, 1956. 156 p. $2.50. 
Key, Alexander. Cherokee boy. Philadelphia, Westminster 

Press, 1957. 176 p. $2.75. 
Kroll, Harry Harrison. My heart's in the hills. Philadelphia, 

Westminster Press, 1956. 188 p. $2.75. 
Leland, John Adams. Othneil Jones. Philadelphia, Lippincott, 

1956. 253 p. $3.75. 
Metcalp, Paul C. Will West. Asheville, Jonathan Williams, 

1956. 68 p. $2.75. 
Moore, Bertha Belle. Black top. Grand Rapids, W. B. Eerd- 

mans, 1956. 151 p. $2.00. 



8 By a North Carolinian or with the scene laid in North Carolina. 
* Winner of the Sir Walter Raleigh Award for fiction, 1957. 



238 The North Carolina Historical Review 
Autumn on Breezy Hill, by Betsy McCurry, pseud. 



Grand Rapids, Zondervan, 1956. 56 p. $1.00. 
Phillips, Dorothy Evans. Big-enough boat. Chicago, Follett 

Publishing Company, 1956. 96 p. $2.40. 
Pryor, Elinor. The double man. New York, Norton, 1957. 

542 p. $3.95. 
Rehder, Jessie Clifford. Remembrance way. New York, Put- 
nam, 1956. 255 p. $3.50. 
Roberts, Joseph B. Web of our life. Boston, Bruce Humphries, 

Inc., 1957. 
Rogers, Lettie Hamlett. Birthright. New York, Simon and 

Schuster, 1957. 308 p. $3.50. 
Slaughter, Frank Gill. Sword and scalpel. Garden City, N. Y., 

Doubleday, 1957. 285 p. $3.75. 
The warrior. Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday, 

1956. 225 p. $3.50. 
Smith, Edith Hutchins. El Tigre ! Winston-Salem, J. F. Blair, 

1956. 178 p. $3.00. 
Street, James Howell. Captain Little Ax. Philadelphia, Lip- 

pincott, 1956. 377 p. $3.50. 
Strickland, William Herman. A twist of yarn, by Emmitt 

Lookabee, pseud. New York, Pageant Press, 1956. 167 p. $3.00. 
Tracy, Don. Cherokee. New York, Dial Press, 1957. 376 p. $3.95. 
Walker, Nona. Kappy Oliver. New York, Holt, 1956. 256 p. 

$3.00. 
Wechter, Nell Wise. Taffy of Torpedo Junction. 5 Winston- 
Salem, J. F. Blair, 1957. 134 p. $2.75. 
Wicker, Tom. The devil must. New York, Harper, 1957. 280 p. 

$3.50. 

Genealogy 

Berry, Lloyd E. Hudson Berry and his descendants. Pelzer, 
S. C, The Berry-Gaines-Harrison Reunion, 1956. 106 p. $3.50. 

Draughon, Wallace R. North Carolina genealogical reference. 
Durham, no publisher, 1956. 231 p. $5.00. 

Farmer, Ellery. Descendants of Thomas Farmer. [Asheville? 
no publisher, 1956]. 88 p. $4.00. 

Hanna, James Arthur MacClellan. The house of Dunlap. Ann 
Arbor, Michigan, Edwards Brothers, Inc., 1956. 412 p. $12.50. 

Haywood, Hubert Benbury, Sr. A sketch of the Haywood fami- 
ly in North Carolina. [Raleigh? no publisher, 1956]. 78 p. 



Winner of the AAUW Award for juvenile literature, 1957. 



North Carolina Bibliography, 1956-1957 239 

Hinshaw, Winford Calvin, comp. 1815 tax list of Randolph 

County. Raleigh, William Perry Johnson, 1957. 43 p. $3.00. 
Phillips, Mary Palmer. The family record of David Lehman 

Booher and his wife Elizabeth Nutts. [Pinnacle, no publisher, 

1956]. 98 p. 
Shields, Ruth Herndon. The descendants of William and Sarah 

(Poe) Herndon. [Chapel Hill? the author?], 1956. 232 p. 

$10.00. 
Simpson, George Lee. The Cokers of Carolina. Chapel Hill, 

Published for the Institute for Research in Social Science by 

the University of North Carolina Press, 1956. 327 p. $5.00. 
Williams, Ruth Smith. Abstracts of the wills of Edgecombe 

County. Rocky Mount, Dixie Letter Service, 1956. 392 p. 

$10.00. 
Wright, Elizabeth Ann. Manning and allied families. [Dallas, 
Texas, no publisher], 1956. 116 p. $10.00. 

History and Travel 

Barrett, John Gilchrist. Sherman's march through the Caro- 
linas. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1956. 
325 p. $6.00. 

Camp, Carrol E. Snapshots, a season in Korea. New York, 
Pageant Press, 1957. 106 p. $2.50. 

Curtiss, John Shelton. The Russian revolutions of 1917. 
Princeton, Van Nostrand, 1957, 191 p. $1.25. 

Dunbar, Gary S. Geographical history of the Carolina banks. 
Baton Rouge, Coastal Studies Institute, Louisiana State Uni- 
versity, 1956. 249 p. 

Freel, Margaret Walker. Our heritage: the people of Chero- 
kee County, North Carolina, 1540-1955. Asheville, Miller 
Printing Co., 1956. 407 p. $10.00. 

Goerch, Carl. Ocracoke. Raleigh, [the author?], 1956. 223 p. 
$3.00. 

Haag, William G. The archeology of coastal North Carolina. 
Baton Rouge, Coastal Studies Institute, Louisiana State Uni- 
versity, 1956. 136 p. 

Link, Arthur Stanley. Wilson: the new freedom. Princeton, 
Princeton University Press, 1956. 504 p. $7.50. 

Malone, Henry Thompson. Cherokees of the Old South. 
Athens, University of Georgia Press, 1956. 238 p. $4.50. 

Marriott, Alice Lee. Sequoyah : leader of the Cherokees. New 
York, Random House, 1956. 180 p. $1.50. 

Mathewson, Alice Clarke. Ali-Mat takes off again. Raleigh, 
Forest Hills Distributors, 1957. 47 p. $1.75. 



240 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Moore, Louis Toomer. Stories old and new of the Cape Fear 

region. Wilmington, privately published, 1956. 261 p. $5.00. 
Parker, Joseph Roy. The Ahoskie era of Hertford County. 

Ahoskie, Parker Brothers, Inc. 1939 [published 1956]. 751 p. 

$10.00. 
Ovens, David. If this be treason. Charlotte, Heritage House. 

1957. 219 p. $3.50. 
Scheer, George Fabian. Rebels and redcoats, by George F. 

Scheer and Hugh F. Rankin. Cleveland, World Publishing 

Company, 1957. 572 p. $7.50 
Sitterson, Joseph Carlyle, ed. Studies in Southern history 

[in memory of Albert Ray Newsome] . Chapel Hill, University 

of North Carolina Press, 1957. 168 p. $2.50. 
Spell, Aden Ives. Life in Louisiana Cajun country. Asheville, 

Biltmore Press, 1956. 67 p. 
Stowe, Leland. Crusoe of Lonesome Lake. New York, Random 

House, 1957. 234 p. $3.50. 
Wellman, Manly Wade. Rebel boast. New York, H. Holt, 1956. 

317 p. $3.95. 
White, William Chapman. Tin can on a shingle. New York, 

Dutton, 1957. 176 p. $3.50. 

Autobiography and Biography 

Blyth, Le Gette. James W. Davis, North Carolina surgeon. 
Charlotte, William Loftin Publishers, 1956. 227 p. $4.25. 

Durden, Robert Franklin. James Shepherd Pike, Republican- 
ism and the American Negro, 1850-1882. Durham, Duke Uni- 
versity Press, 1957. 249 p. $5.00. 

Eaton, William Clement. Henry Clay and the art of American 
politics. Boston, Little, Brown, 1957. 209 p. $3.50. 

Henderson, Archibald. George Bernard Shaw: man of the 
century. 6 New York, Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1956. 969 p. 
$12.00. 

Johnson, Gerald White. The lunatic fringe. Philadelphia, Lip- 
pincott, 1957. 248 p. $3.95. 

Keyes, Charles A. The parson of the hills. New York, Vantage 
Press, 1956. 103 p. $2.50. 

King, Victor C, comp. Lives and times of the 27 signers of the 
Mecklenburg declaration of independence. Charlotte, Anderson 
Press, 1956. 225 p. $4.25. 

Langford, Gerald. Alias O. Henry. New York, Macmillan, 
1957. 294 p. $5.00. 



•Winner of the Mayflower Award, 1957. 



North Carolina Bibliography, 1956-1957 241 

Murray, Pauli. Proud shoes, the story of an American family. 

New York, Harper, 1956. 276 p. $3.50. 
Pike, Cathleen. 0. Henry in North Carolina, edited by Roy 

C. Moose. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Library, 

1957. 29 p. $2.50 cL, $1.00 pa. 
Powers, Myrtie Lee. Threads of Gold. New York, Vantage 

Press, 1957. 189 p. $3.00. 
Roske, Ralph Joseph. Lincoln's commando, the biography of 

Commander W. B. Cushing, U. S. N., by Ralph J. Roske and 

Charles Van Doren. New York, Harper, 1957. 310 p. $4.50. 
Russell, Elbert. Elbert Russell, Quaker: an autobiography. 

Jackson, Tenn., Friendly Press, 1956. 376 p. $5.00. 
Russell, Phillips. Jefferson, champion of the free mind. New 

York, Dodd, Mead, 1956. 374 p. $6.00. 
Sellers, Charles Grier. James K. Polk, Jacksonian, 1795-1843. 

Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1957. 526 p. $7.50. 
Watkins, Floyd C. Thomas Woife's characters. Norman, Uni- 
versity of Oklahoma Press, 1957. 194 p. $3.75. 

New Editions and Reprints 

Boyd, James. Bitter Creek. New York, Bantam Books, 1957. 
306 p. .50^. 

Craven, Avery Odelle. The coming of the Civil War. Chicago, 
University of Chicago Press, 1957. 491 p. $5.00. 

Hargrove, Marion. The girl he left behind. New York, Ameri- 
can Library, 1956. 192 p. .35^. 

Hennessee, William E. Your family coat of arms. [Salisbury] , 
American College of Arms, [1957]. 43 p. 

Lefler, Hugh Talmage. North Carolina history, told by con- 
temporaries. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 

1956. 528 p. $6.00. 

Rights, Douglas LeTell. The American Indian in North Caro- 
lina. Winston-Salem, J. F. Blair, 1957. 298 p. $6.00. 

Ruark, Robert Chester. Something of value. New York, Pocket 
Books, Inc., 1957. 627 p. .75^. 

Smith, Betty. A tree grows in Brooklyn. New York, Popular 
Library, 1956. 430 p. .50^. 

Sypherd, Wilbur Owen. Manual of technical writing, by W. O. 
Sypherd, Alvin M. Fountain, and V. E. Gibbens. Chicago, 
Scott, Foresman, 1957. 560 p. $4.00. 

Tracy, Don. Carolina corsair. New York, Pocket Books, Inc., 

1957. 297 p. .35^. 



242 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Wilmington, N. C, Ministering Circle. Favorite recipes of 

the Lower Cape Fear. Wilmington, [Ministering circle] , 1956. 

184 p. $2.25. 
Wolf, Frederick A. Tobacco diseases and decays. Durham, 

Duke University Press, 1957. 396 p. $7.50. 
Wolfe, Thomas. Aux sources du fleuve. Paris, Librairie Stock, 

1956. 542 p. 
Hinter jenen Bergen. Hamburg, Rowohlt, 1956. 

279 p. 






BOOK REVIEWS 

William R. Davie. By Blackwell P. Robinson. (Chapel Hill: The 
University of North Carolina Press. 1957. Pp. ix, 397. Illustra- 
tions and bibliography. $6.00.) 

In this volume Professor Blackwell P. Robinson of the 
Department of History of the Woman's College of the Uni- 
versity of North Carolina gives us a much needed biography 
of an important North Carolinian. Born in England and 
reared in South Carolina, William R. Davie served his adopted 
state both in war and peace. Davie originally came to the 
Tar Heel state to study law under Spruce Macay at Salis- 
bury but took up arms when the British launched their in- 
vasion of the South in 1778. As a partisan Davie performed 
ably, and later became commissary general of purchases 
for North Carolina, a position in which he rendered valuable 
assistance to Nathanael Greene's American Southern Army. 

The author makes his most important contribution when 
he turns to Davie's postwar career in public service. Here 
Professor Robinson traces his years in the State House of 
Commons; his activities at the Constitutional Convention in 
Philadelphia, where he labored successfully to put North 
Carolina's vote behind the all-important Connecticut Com- 
promise; his efforts to secure ratification of the Constitution 
in North Carolina; his brief but efficient service as governor; 
and his part in the Adams' peace mission to France in 1800. 

Of particular interest to residents of this state is the chapter 
entitled "The Father of the University." The author is doubt- 
less correct in saying that Davie's rather extensive education 
for that day (he was graduated from the College of New 
Tersey) enabled him to see the value of a state university. 
It was Davie who introduced a bill in the General Assembly 
in 1789 for the creation of such an institution; and he who 
performed noteworthy service on the building committee, 
who assisted in drawing up the plan of studies to be followed 
by the university, and who aided in the many details in re- 
gard to its establishment. Countless alumni of the school will 
probably be disturbed by Professor Robinson's statement 

[243] 



244 The North Carolina Historical Review 

that the well-known Davie Poplar legend is "an apocryphal 
story which will not down." 

William R. Davie is the result of painstaking research and 
judicious writing. It suffers, however, from an overabundance 
of detail. Fewer insignificant facts would have made for 
easier reading. It is well-documented and contains a full 
index. This is a valuable book and an attractive one. 

Don Higginbotham. 

Duke University, 

Durham. 



The University of North Carolina, 1900-1930, The Making of 
a Modern University. By Louis R. Wilson. (Chapel Hill: The 
University of North Carolina Press. 1957. Pp. xxi, 633. Illus- 
trations. $7.50.) 

Prior to the publication of this volume, six authors had 
written substantial histories of the University of North Caro- 
lina, in whole or in part. In a two-volume Documentary His- 
tory of the University of North Carolina, 1776-1799, Professor 
R. D. W. Connor covered in detail the founding of the institu- 
tion. President Kemp Plummer Battle's two-volume History 
of the University of North Carolina gave a general account 
of events down to about 1912. The growth of the physical 
plant was described by Professor Archibald Henderson in his 
The Campus of the First State University. During the period 
of Reconstruction, Mrs. Cornelia Phillips Spencer wrote two 
series of articles depicting life at the University in its early 
days. In 1941 Mr. Arthur Stanley Link completed a manu- 
script, which has remained unpublished, entitled "A History 
of the Buildings at the University of North Carolina," and in 
1950 Professor Henry McGilbert WagstafTs Impressions of 
Men and Movements at the University of North Carolina 
appeared. 

These works as a group dealt primarily with the develop- 
ment of the University to about 1900, at which time it was 
still essentially a liberal arts college with three professional 
schools loosely connected with it. In the latest history of the 
University, Dr. Louis Round Wilson describes the transition 
of this college into a full-fledged, mature University engaged 



Book Reviews 245 

in research, publication, extension, and service, as well as in 
the teaching of undergraduates. 

The book begins with a description of the institution at the 
turn of the century, then moves into the administration of 
President Francis Preston Venable, who in beginning the 
transition emphasized the importance of sound scholarship 
and the encouragement of science. President Edward Kidder 
Graham promoted the extension of the service of the Univer- 
sity to the State and did much to stimulate the cultural 
aspirations of North Carolinians. Both Graham and his suc- 
cessor, Chairman of the Faculty Marvin H. Stacy, were struck 
down by the influenza epidemic of 1918-19. The record of 
the growth to maturity during the administration of President 
Harry Woodburn Chase occupies the last half of the volume. 
He and his staff enlarged the curriculum, placed professional 
study on a sound basis, built up the libraries, and promoted 
the publication of scholarly works. 

At no time between 1900 and 1930, however, was the life 
of the University tranquil for long or the task of its administra- 
tive officials light. There were always problems: hazing, the 
honor system, the regulation of athletics, whether to inaugu- 
rate military training, the policy regarding the admission of 
women, the reluctance of economy-minded legislators to make 
the appropriations requested, and many others. 

Dr. Wilson, the author of numerous works in the field of 
library science, served as Librarian to the University from 
1901 to 1932. His well-documented volume reveals the care 
with which he collected the materials needed in writing the 
history of the University. Every page shows the sympathetic 
devotion of the author to his subject and the thoroughness of 
his knowledge of the events that had transpired. The general 
reader may feel that at times the narrative moves slowlv be- 
cause of the many names and the lengthy quotations from 
addresses, but the person interested in a detailed account of 
the emergence of an American university will find the reading 
of this work a rewarding experience. 

Henry S. Stroupe 

Wake Forest College, 

Winston-Salem. 



246 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Lengthened Shadows : A History of Gardner- Webb College, 1907- 
1956. By Francis B. Dedmond. (Boiling Springs: Gardner- 
Webb College, 1957. Pp. xvi, 219. Introduction, appendices, 
and index. $3.00.) 

This is an interestingly written, apparently well-document- 
ed, history of an institution of Christian education. It is 
written by one who is well-qualified, for he has been con- 
nected with the institution for some years, and has known 
personally many of the people who are involved in the storv 
he has written. The book is a fine addition to the history of 
the junior college. 

The philosophy of the "founding fathers" in wanting "the 
education of all the people, as well as the ministers," seems 
to have been adhered to at this institution. The founders be- 
lieved, too, that "a good high school in every Association in 
the state as feeders of our Baptist colleges" would be helpful, 
and that "girls should have, in the near future, the same ad- 
vantages that bovs have at Wake Forest." They decided, also, 
that there was "too great a step from our common schools 
to our colleges." 

In reading of the institution's struggles through adversitv 
of all kinds— fire, loss of personnel, illness, lack of funds, 
hampered tremendously by debt and depression— it seems 
almost a miracle that it lived at all. As the author pointed out, 
those who founded the institution were "unconsciouslv dem- 
onstrating Oscar Wilde's observation, 'The world is divided 
into two classes: those who believe the incredible, and those 
who do the improbable.' And in later vears, Governor O. 
Max Gardner of North Carolina was to sav of it, "Franklv, 
T have been impressed with the fact that it refused to die." 

The book traces the history of the institution through the 
successive steps of its existence. First it was Boiling Springs 
High School, beginning with an enrollment of 135— and the 
only building that was planned was not yet readv for occu- 
nancv! The students and the faculty were housed in various 
homes in the community. This period, extending from 1907 
to 1928, began as "the teachers and students worked under 
very great disadvantages throughout the term." The course 
of studv set up at the beginning remained substantially the 



Book Reviews 247 

.M 



same, with some alterations and additions, as long as the 
institution was a high school. The author says that the school 
endeavored to give its students "a thorough preparation for 
college and for the practical duties of life." However, he con- 
tinues, "the formation of character, the cultivation of sound 
principles and right ideas regarding what is worth attaining 
in life" were esteemed of first importance, and students were 
taught that every effort should "be put forth to cultivate a 
character broad in its interests and forceful in its activities." 

One impressive aspect of the book is the influence that cer- 
tain families have exerted upon the institution, even from the 
beginning. In almost every phase of its life, many names are 
recurring constantly. The "lengthened shadows" do indeed 
include many people, and the author has presented the part 
they played in the institutions growth in a very readable way. 

The period as Boiling Springs Junior College extends from 
1928 to 1942. Here, too, is the story of quandary followed by 
crisis; the destruction by fire of one of the main buildings; 
another period without a president; and World War II. But 
it was, likewise, the beginning of the brightest period the 
institution has ever known, for it was during the year 1942 
that the former North Carolina Governor, O. Max Gardner, 
and family became more intensely interested in the affairs 
and the advancement of the college, and decided to back it 
financially. 

The present-day Gardner- Webb College began in 1942, 
and the book covers the period up through 1956. Beginning 
with the change of name, to honor two families who meant 
much to the institution, Gardner- Webb marched militantly 
out into a new era of service. This was the period when the 
college could open its doors free of debt for the first time in 
fifteen years; when it was given another large tract of land 
by Governor Gardner; when new buildings and equipment 
were added; when "Miracle Farm Day" converted land into 
a modern, planted farm; when the papers of Thomas Dixon, 
Jr., were presented to the college; when it proposed a unique 
program "that counts in its teaching . . . every agency of our 
area: farm, factory, shop, home, and church." An era when 
the college was taken under the sponsorship of the North 



248 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Carolina Baptist State Convention, thus insuring more ade- 
quate support; when its biggest benefactor, O. Max Gardner, 
was taken suddenly by death, but when his family decided to 
make the college the site of their permanent memorials; when 
intensive and extensive campaigns guaranteed the college a 
building program and endowment and support money which 
would permit its receiving full accreditation by the regional 
agencies. During these years the prestige and influence of the 
college continued to expand. President Elliott summed it up 
this way: "I attribute the success of our program to these 
forces: the co-operation and assistance of our local business- 
men and citizens, the loyalty of our trustees, and the unity 
and support of our faculty. . . . The physical growth is the 
least spectacular— it's the inner relations, the binding together 
of our entire community into a consolidated force for good 
that seems most gratifying." 

While reading Lengthened Shadows, this reviewer agreed, 
as others have, with the late Senator Clyde R. Hoey, that 
"the history of this institution . . . reads like a romance." 

Publication of Lengthened Shadows is quite fitting during 
the Golden Anniversary, which was celebrated by the college 
during 1957. 

W. H. Plemmons. 

Appalachian State Teachers College, 

Boone. 



Our Heritage: The People of Cherokee County, North Carolina, 
1540-1955. By Margaret Walker Freel. (Asheville: The Miller 
Printing Company, 1956. Pp. xiii, 407. Illustrations and appen- 
dices. $10.00.) 

The author of this book is to be commended for her zeal 
in tracking down and accumulating the pertinent materials 
for local history. Sixteen chapters and five appendices cover 
a range of subject matter that literally stretches from the 
geological formation of the present day counties of Cherokee, 
Clay, and Graham to a list of World War II veterans from 
Cherokee County. Inserted are more than 200 photographs of 



Book Reviews 249 

people, places, and documents related to the county and its 
development. 

The writer is thoroughly absorbed in her subject and justifi- 
ably proud of her own family's role in the history of the area. 
There is, therefore, in her work a depth of feeling and a sense 
of appreciation that makes it of unique interest. If by this 
same token that interest is somewhat limited to those families 
whose roots are deep in the hills and valleys of Appalachia, 
what mere "outsider" is bold enough to challenge the decision 
of an author to write deliberately for a small circle of readers? 

Unfortunately, the qualities of mind and spirit requisite 
to the writing of history are not always added unto those who 
diligently seek and find historical materials. The tragedy is 
that Mrs. Freel and her publisher did not confer with a 
competent historian before putting the work into print. Chap- 
ter I, pages one to 15, contains by count 48 fairly common 
errors in punctuation, spelling, capitalization, and sentence 
structure. Why publishers continue to accept the raw work 
of amateur writers without informing them that even the best 
of professional authors have their work carefully checked is 
one of the minor mysteries of our age. 

Also in Chapter I are five unqualified statements of highly 
doubtful historicity. The first of these asserts that the soils of 
Cherokee County are "far and away better than South Georgia 
or Florida" (p. 5). The last claims for Dare County "the 
oldest civilization in North Carolina" (p. 14). In all honesty 
it should be stated here that a solid hour of concentrated 
effort was required to ferret out these lapses from the normal 
standard of historical craftsmanship. The contention of this 
reviewer is simply that such an hour devoted to each of Mrs. 
Freel's chapters before publication would have probably put 
her on the road to writing a much better history of Cherokee 
County; it would have certainly produced a work more ac- 
ceptable and more useful to students and teachers of North 
Carolina history. 

Paul Murray. 

East Carolina College, 

Greenville. 



250 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Three Hundred Years along the Pasquotank: A Biographical 
History of Camden County. By Jesse Forbes Pugh. (Old Trap: 
Privately Printed. 1957. Pp. xi, 249. $4.00.) 

In 1777 that portion of Pasquotank County lying northeast 
of the river with the same name was formed into a new county 
honoring the Earl of Camden. This youngest sister of the 
Albemarle, now in population ninety-ninth among North 
Carolina's one hundred counties, is the subject of an unusual 
history compiled by Jesse Forbes Pugh, retired superinten- 
dent of the Camden County public schools. 

Employing the methods if not the mechanics of the profes- 
sional historian, Mr. Pugh presents about eighty biographical 
sketches arranged in rough chronological order, most of which 
depict eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century leaders of the 
community. The author writes knowingly of his subjects, and 
generally distinguishes between hearsay and documentary 
evidence. While depending heavily upon published works, he 
has nevertheless gone to manuscript records for painstaking 
research which reveals itself throughout the book. 

Few county histories exhibit the degree of objectivity found 
in Mr. Pugh's book. He has usually let the facts speak, be 
they favorable or unfavorable to the subject. Such frankness 
may not please the genealogist, but it is good history. 

Time and again a native son comes to life in these brief 
biographies. Unfortunately, eighty separate sketches fail to 
add up to a running history of Camden County. Only a narra- 
tive history could do that. Nevertheless, Mr. Pugh has at- 
tempted an impossible task— and has almost succeeded. 

Although the reader may find points about which to quibble 

(such as an occasional error in fact or interpretation, some 

careless proofreading, and some unorthodox listings in the 

references), this attractively printed little book is one of 

which the author and the people of Camden County— all 

5,223 of them ( 1950 Census)— can be proud. 

H. G. Jones. 
State Department of Archives and History, 
Raleigh. 



Book Reviews 251 

Patrick Henry : Patriot in the Making. By Robert Douthat Meade. 
(Philadelphia, Pa. : J. B. Lippincott Company, 1957. Pp. x, 431. 
$7.50.) 

This is the first volume of a biography of Patrick Henry. 
A second one is planned to complete the work. It gives his 
ancestral, cultural, and geographical background and the 
story of his life up to the beginning of the Revolutionary War. 
Careful attention is given to the character traits and thinking 
habits of Henry's ancestors, and an effort is made to determine 
what persons may have contributed to his remarkable oratori- 
cal skill. 

Professor Meade obviously admires the eminent patriot; 
yet he remains quite objective throughout. He makes no ex- 
tended effort to identify and destroy the false conceptions 
previously held, but he does point out that Henry's study of 
law was more thorough than earlier writers have thought, and 
he seems to prove that Henry's "first biographer," William 
Wirt, exaggerated Patrick's "laziness" when he twice failed 
as a merchant, and he thinks Wirt overly "romanticized" other 
aspects of the great Virginian's life. 

This is a useful biography and it is based on extensive re- 
search in England, Scotland, and Virginia; but it lacks some- 
thing in not illustrating more clearly Henry's influence upon 
other Americans of the period. For instance, he refers to the 
dramatic event in 1774 when Patrick Henry, Edmund Pen- 
dleton, and George Washington left Mount Vernon on their 
way to attend the Continental Congress, but he does not show 
the interrelationships of the thinking of those men. He states, 
from time to time, that Henry's influence was felt in New 
England, in the Congress, and elsewhere, but he does not use 
the letters or speeches of other patriots to illustrate the point. 

Throughout the book there are numerous details that are 
so loosely connected with the main story that they obstruct 
the flow of events and reduce coherence. Such details at 
times hold off the main occurrences, such as the Parson's 
Cause and the Stamp Act Speech, until they almost obscure 
the high drama of those momentous occasions. 

Gilbert L. Lycan. 
Stetson University, 
Deland, Florida. 



252 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Woman Suffrage Movement in Tennessee. By A. Elizabeth 
Taylor. (New York: Bookman Associates. 1957. Pp. 150. 
$3.50.) 

The roots of the woman suffrage movement in the United 
States reached far back into the nineteenth century. A part 
of the broader demand for women's rights, the movement 
was nurtured by the democratic philosophy that underlay 
the widespread extension of the franchise in nineteenth- 
century America. The South of the last century was not a 
congenial place for the woman's rights movement, but during 
the iirst two decades of the twentieth century strong woman 
suffrage campaigns were made in a few southern states, in- 
cluding Tennessee. Following the organization of a few equal 
suffrage societies and a short-lived state association in the 
1890s, the Tennessee movement picked up momentum in the 
second decade of the new century. A vigorous network of 
local organizations and some dynamic leaders at the state 
level were instrumental in persuading the legislature of 1915 
to initiate a woman suffrage amendment to the state constitu- 
tion. In 1919 Tennessee conferred presidential and municipal 
suffrage on women, and in 1920 the Volunteer State became 
the thirty-sixth state to ratify the Nineteenth Amendment. 

Professor Taylor, who teaches history and government at 
the Texas State College for Women, has been at work for 
several years on the woman suffrage movement in the South. 
This monograph is one result of her research. Well-conceived 
and carefully-written, it covers the various phases of the 
woman suffrage movement in Tennessee and examines the 
arguments for and against the proposal. The author's meticu- 
lous scholarship is evident on every page. Her work is based 
on an impressive list of sources, including contemporary 
newspapers, minutes of local societies, woman suffrage publi- 
cations, and personal interviews. While a model of objectivity, 
Professor Taylor is particularly effective in her evocation of 
the intangibles— the courage, devotion, and hope in the face 
of ridicule, bitterness, and specious arguments— that attended 
the efforts of the pioneer southern women who labored to 
obtain the ballot. 



Book Reviews 253 

Although this is a thorough treatment of the subject within 
the limits established by the author, the reviewer feels that 
the book would have represented a more significant contribu- 
tion had its scope been somewhat enlarged. Specifically, a 
fuller analysis of the movement's political ramifications, as 
well as more attention to the support for and the opposition 
to woman suffrage, would have thrown much light on south- 
ern reform politics in this period. It would also have enabled 
Professor Taylor to determine just how closely the woman 
suffrage movement was related to the various social reform 
activities in the South during the Progressive Era. 

Dewey W. Grantham, Jr. 

Vanderbilt University, 

Nashville, Tennessee. 



Gunner With Stonewall: Reminiscences of William Thomas 
Poague. Edited by Monroe F. Cockrell. (Jackson, Tennessee: 
McCowat-Mercer Press. 1957. Pp. xxii, 181. $5.95.) 

William Thomas Poague, whose Reminiscences have re- 
mained imprinted until discovered and edited by Monroe F. 
Cockrell, served four years in the artillery of the Army of 
Northern Virginia. From April, 1862, to April, 1863, he com- 
manded the Rockbridge Artillery and made it one of the best 
batteries in Lee's army. After Chancellorsville, he was pro- 
moted to lieutenant colonel in command of a batallion. He 
participated in all the great battles of the east and his bat- 
talion was one of two chosen by Lee for the most critical 
artillery assignment in the last campaign around Petersburg. 

All evidence compiled by the editor and by Bell Irvin 
Wiley, who wrote the Introduction, indicate that Poague was 
an honest, sincere, able, and articulate officer. He finished 
Washington College in 1857 and practiced law before the 
War. He knew and came in frequent contact during the war 
with Lee, Jackson, Longstreet, the two Hills, and many lesser 
commanders. Thus his Memoir of the great struggle, written 
thirty-eight years after Appomattox gives many interesting 
glimpses of these military leaders and the life of the common 
soldier. 



254 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Since Poague wrote for his children only, without any 
thought of publication, the author in no way censored his 
narrative. The part of heroes and cowards is frankly present- 
ed, often with a very keen sense of humor. Although 
Poague's mind was still alert and vigorous when he wrote 
in 1903, the account is by its very nature of less historical 
value than one written contemporaneous with the events. 
For instance, the war letters of Poague included in the ap- 
pendix convey a sense of vividness and reality so often lack- 
ing in his Memoir. 

Because of the neglect of artillery (as contrasted with 
infantry and cavalry narratives ) in the literature of the Civil 
War, the publication of this account emphasizing the organi- 
zation and employment of artillery is a notable contribution. 
Mr. Cockrell, a member of the Chicago Civil War Round 
Table and the recent editor of The Lost Account of the Battle 
of Corinth, also a McCowat-Mercer Press publication, adorns 
the book with illustrations, photographs, and a well-prepared 
map of Jackson's campaigns. The work is well-indexed and 
has few typographical errors. 

Malcolm C. McMillan. 

Alabama Polytechnic Institute, 

Auburn. 



Slavery in Tennessee. By Chase C. Mooney. (Bloomington: 
Indiana University Press. 1957. Pp. xii, 250. $4.50.) 

In 1939 Professor Chase C. Mooney submitted to the 
Graduate Faculty of Vanderbilt University a Ph.D. disserta- 
tion entitled "Slavery in Tennessee." Indiana University Press 
has published this valuable study in substantially its original 
form. Patterned somewhat after Flanders' Plantation Slavery 
in Georgia, Sydnor's Slavery in Mississippi, and Sellers' Slavery 
in Alabama, the volume consists of seven chapters centering 
largely around the fruits of extensive research on land tenure, 
slaveholding, and agricultural production. Also discussed are 
such topics as the legal status of the slave ( in which good use 
is made of Helen T. Catterall's Judicial Cases Concerning the 



Book Reviews 255 

American Negro and Slavery), antislavery sentiment, living 
conditions, and treatment of the Negro. Tennessee's slave 
policies were inherited from North Carolina and some of that 
state's statutes regulating slavery were in effect throughout 
the slaveholding period. 

Considerable statistical material gleaned from the Federal 
census records for 1850 and 1860 showing landholdings and 
slaveholdings for several thousand farmers in fifteen sample 
counties is presented, from which certain conclusions are 
drawn. Three-fourths of the farmers owned land, and more 
than one-third owned slaves. More than ninety per cent of 
the slaveowners were landowners. The number of nonslave- 
holding landowners and the number of acres operated in- 
creased during the decade of the 1850's, thus contradicting 
the earlier contention that slaveholders were driving non- 
slaveholders from the best lands. The Negro was used as 
successfully in fields of tobacco as in fields of cotton. Many 
of the conclusions, however, have already been reached by 
studies published previously. The fallacy of the sterotype 
picture of a white population divided into only two classes 
has been exposed by many studies, particularly Blanche 
Henry Clark's Tennessee Yeoman, 1850-1860, (1942), and 
Frank L. Owsley's Plain Folk of the Old South ( 1949) . Others 
have shown the fallacy of a generalization "based on the 
assumption of a more or less uniform pattern [of slavery and 
agricultural interests] for the South as a whole" (p. 145). It 
is common knowledge that the majority of slaveholders in 
Tennessee (and in all of the border states) held small num- 
bers of blacks. 

Professor Mooney's study is good insofar as it goes. It is 
definitely superior to Caleb B. Patterson's The Negro in 
Tennessee, 1790-1865, but not up to standards set by studies 
of slavery in other states mentioned earlier. Unlike Sellers' 
work, for example, slavery on the county level was not studied 
except through the census reports and through county his- 
tories of questionable value. The wills, deeds, and tax reports, 
used so profitably by others, apparently were not examined. 
The fruits of some newspaper research appear, but nothing 
comparable to other studies. The appendix lists Montgomery 



256 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Bell as the state's largest slaveholder and shows that he owned 
in 1850 over 300 Negroes and over 28,000 acres of land. Yet, 
despite Bell's prominence as a developer of both industry 
and agriculture, no reference is made to him in the text, 
although Chapter 7 is devoted to "Some Tennessee Planters." 
Apparently the author was unaware of the Boyd Collection 
of Montgomery Bell material in the State Library, Nashville. 
Qualified use of the "Moore Questionnaires," State Library, 
would have presented a picture of what the Confederate vet- 
eran observed of slavery in the several years before the war. 
More emphasis and study should be given to the differences 
in attitude toward Negroes taken by whites in the grand divi- 
sions of East, Middle, and West Tennessee. The slave insur- 
rection scare of 1856 deserves more than the casual treatment 
given it, and some supporting material should be supplied 
to link it with the election of that year. 

Professor Mooney has not written the definitive work on 
slavery in Tennessee. It probably was not his intention to do 
so. His study is useful and valuable as far as it goes. 

Robert E. Corlew. 

Middle Tennessee State College, 

Murfreesboro. 



Kentucky Cavaliers in Dixie. By George Dallas Mosgrove. Edited 
by Bell Irvin Wiley. (Jackson, Tennessee: McCowat-Mercer 
Press. 1957. Pp. xxvi, 281. Introduction, illustrations, appen- 
dices, and index. $6.00.) 

The volume is a history of the Fourth Kentucky Con- 
federate Cavalry. It is more. Otherwise, this reprinting of 
Mosgrove's work, published in 1895, would probably not have 
occurred. The book includes the usual accounts found in such 
histories— military movements and battles, as well as things 
of human interest. However, it is bigger still. Perhaps it is 
not too much of an exaggeration to aver that the volume is 
the essence of the author's knowledge, talents, and experi- 
ences. The work follows no set pattern. A campaign may be 
halted to present graphic little biographical sketches, ex- 
periences of comrades, bits of humor, and humorous episodes. 



Book Reviews 257 

Mosgrove is revealed as a facile writer, well-educated, a 
good storyteller, and not lacking in imagination. Though not 
formally educated, his post in the service as sort of assistant 
adjutant brought him in contact with many cultured officers, 
most of whom ignored his rank. Too, he had the good fortune 
to know somewhat intimately the rollicking literati, Major 
Henry T. Stanton and Captains Edward O. Guerrant, Barney 
Giltner, John J. McAfee, as well as Lieutenant Henry T. 
Anderson. Sparkling Adjutant Guerrant exerted a big influ- 
ence. The author employed literary allusions, especially classi- 
cal, without stint. 

The volume displays unusual understanding of cavalry war- 
fare, acute knowledge of Confederate cavalrymen, especially 
the colorful breed from Kentucky. Moving with perfect ease, 
it brings out things humorous, things sad; reveals the experi- 
ences of men under the strain of war, constantly in the 
saddle. The book contains no annoying bias, although a bit 
partial to Kentuckians as fighting men. Mosgrove attributes 
faults to Confederates; applauds courage in Union troopers. 
He understood apparently the duty of the historian. Of the 
pause at Georgetown (Kentucky) in June of 1864, he wrote, 
"While we were partaking of the generous hospitality of the 
town, some of the soldiers were pillaging it." But he loved his 
"outfit"; he liked to dwell upon noble traits and gallant ex- 
ploits. To him, those lads in grey were gay cavaliers, dashing 
knights, beau sabreurs all, even though they liked the girls, 
constantly thirsted for applejack and corn whiskey. His de- 
scription of the Confederate cavalryman is truly classic, and 
he did the 1864 Kentucky and Tennessee campaigns very 
effectively. 

The book is, for the most part, accurate where the author 
was an eyewitness. There are, however, some errors in dates 
and at times in details. Be it said, however, that Mosgrove 
had the good fortune of using many fine original sources. The 
volume is indeed very readable, in places fascinating. War 
between the States fanciers likelv will not be satisfied without 
a copy of Kentucky Cavaliers In Dixie. 

Hambleton Tapp. 

University of Kentucky, 

Lexington. 



258 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Baltimore ... a Picture History, 1858-1958. Commentary by 
Francis F. Beirne. (New York: Hastings House. Compiled 
under the auspices of the Maryland Historical Society. 1957. 
Pp. vi, 153. $5.00.) 

Few people anywhere are more in love with their city 
than Baltimoreans. And no wonder! For though it is now 
sixth in population among American cities, it has retained 
the warmth and pleasant atmosphere of an old town, fussy 
in its ways but always agreeable. One thinks of it in the com- 
pany of Boston, New Orleans, San Francisco, never in a list 
including New York, Washington, Detroit, or Chicago. 

Bansacking the files for old prints and photographs to tell 
its story, the compilers of this book have come up with a host 
of pictures illuminating the friendly and soft quality of their 
city. Never southern, never northern, Baltimore emerges 
here as a comfortable old lady assured of herself but a little 
worried about her grandchildren. The buildings, the ships, 
the people—all are smiling, even George Peabody and Johns 
Hopkins. Enoch Pratt looks a bit dour. 

But this no book of portraits. As one closes it, he remembers 
the old B. & O. locomotives, the tobacco-store Indians, the 
pagoda at the lake. The ravages of the great 1904 fire are 
almost forgotten. 

It is hard to believe that the picture-choosers could have 
done a better job. Thus I am sad to report that Mr. Beirne's 
commentary does not match the jauntiness of the visual pages. 
He sounds somewhat staid, with not nearly enough humor 
to match his material. And why hide the famous white steps 
on the inside bottom corner of page 148? I would have dis- 
played them on the frontispiece. Maybe they are common- 
place to Baltimoreans, but to the outsider they have a quiet 
symmetrical beauty far surpassing the first ( 1 ) Washington 
Monument. They are the unique hallmark of a great city. 

Richard Walser. 

North Carolina State College, 

Raleigh. 



Book Reviews 259 

The Negro in Indiana before 1900: A Study of a Minority. By 
Emma Lou Thornbrough. (Indianapolis: Indiana Historical 
Bureau. 1957. Pp. xiv, 412. $4.50.) 

There are yet very few adequate studies of the Negro in 
the several northern states. There is the well-known Penn- 
sylvania study by Edward Turner and the still unpublished 
general study by Leslie Fishel. But the gaps are so numerous 
that no pattern is discernible. This extensive and competent 
treatment by Professor Emma L. Thornbrough of Butler is, 
therefore, a very welcome addition to a slowly growing body 
of literature. There were times when Indiana did not appear 
to be a northern state as regards its treatment of Negroes. It 
gave little heed to the restrictions on slavery incorporated in 
the Northwest Ordinance; and during its territorial period 
most of the Negroes in Indiana were held in slavery or under 
indentures that were tantamount to slavery. 

The battle for freedom was not fought and won in Indiana 
until after statehood. Even then, the position of the Negro 
in Indiana was by no means secure. Under the Constitution 
of 1851 Negroes were prohibited from settling in the state, 
while state laws barred them from voting, serving in the 
militia, testifying in court in cases in which a white person 
was a party, and attending public schools. And yet, curiously 
enough, Negroes had warm friends among Indiana whites 
who protected and encouraged them in many ways. Members 
of the Society of Friends brought them into the state in viola- 
tion of the constitution and, at times, worked with Quakers 
in other states, notably North Carolina, in assisting slaves and 
free Negroes in settling in the state. 

Thus, the Negro population of Indiana grew in the ante- 
bellum years so that by 1860 there were 11,428 Negroes as 
compared with only 1,420 in 1820. By 1880 there were 
39,228 Negroes in the state, and by 1900 there were 57,505. 
In the post Civil War years the struggle to attain full citizen- 
ship and suffrage accelerated, but perhaps because of the in- 
creasing numbers, opposition stiffened. Only a few leading 
radicals like George W. Julian consistently supported Negro 



260 The North Carolina Historical Review 

suffrage. Not until the ratification of the Fifteenth Amend- 
ment did Indiana Negroes gain the ballot. 

There were similar difficult struggles in other fields. Negroes 
were generally excluded from white schools under the per- 
missive segregation legislation of 1877 and they rarely at- 
tended the universities and colleges that were open to them. 
In the economic realm "caste prejudice" based on color per- 
sisted, and Professor Thornbrough argues that it was stronger 
in 1900 than it had been in 1879. Negroes were systematically 
barred from the skilled trades and from industry in general. 
It was such exclusions in the economic and other fields that 
served to strengthen Negro religious, educational, and busi- 
ness institutions. 

Professor Thornbrough has made a significant contribution 
to our knowledge of the history of the Negro in the North; 
and, because of the broad and undistorted context in which 
she has placed her study, she has contributed substantially 
to the general history of Indiana. The Indiana Historical 
Bureau has published the book in an attractive format that 
does credit to the Bureau and to this worthy study. 

John Hope Franklin. 

Brooklyn College, 

Brooklyn, New York. 



The Baptist Church in the Lower Mississippi Valley, 1776-1845. 
By Walter Brownlow Posey. (Lexington: The University of 
Kentucky Press. 1957. Pp. vii, 166. $5.00.) 

The Lower Mississippi Valley earlv became the stronghold 
of the Baptist churches in America. In this book is the story 
of that regional development from 1776, when the first Baptist 
service west of the mountains was held at Harrodsburg, Kv., 
to 1845, when the denomination divided, mainly over the 
slavery issue. 

There is much of human interest in the book, and a sur- 
prisingly large number of quotations from many original 
sources. Evidently the author did a good job in studying his 
sources and in putting down in print concepts and definite 



Book Reviews 261 

statements from these sources concerning the work and prog- 
ress of the Baptist churches in this region. In his Preface, he 
states that because of the early settlement of Kentucky and 
Tennessee, the research materials for these states are far 
superior to materials in the region along the Gulf of Mexico. 
Yet he has much material concerning Baptist growth and 
development in the states of Alabama, Mississippi, and other 
surrounding states. 

He pictures correctly the popularity and success of the 
Baptist churches on the frontier in the early days. Because 
of the emphasis of this denomination on democracy and re- 
ligious liberty, Baptist preachers, though lacking in education, 
were sincere and aggressive. In most cases, they waged a 
vigorous campaign in the communities where they travelled 
or settled. 

There are 12 chapters in this book, under such interesting 
titles as "A New Church in a New Land," "The Frontier 
Baptist Preacher," "Missions Among the Indians," and "The 
Baptists and Slavery." In the Epilogue the author points out 
that at the beginning of the War of the Revolution there 
were in the American colonies only 10,000 Baptists, but by 
1800 their number had increased to about 100,000. "The great 
appeal of the Baptist Church," he says, "came through its ad- 
vocacy of republican ideals and opposition to state churches." 

The author is Professor of History at both Agnes Scott 
College and Emory Universitv and President of the Southern 
Historical Association. 

L. L. Carpenter. 
Raleigh. 



Interpreting Our Heritage, Principles and Practices for Visitor 
Services In Parks, Museums and Historic Places. By Freeman 
Tilden. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. 
1957. Pp. 110. $3.50.) 

If the fundamental aim of education, beyond the mere 
acquisition of factual knowledge, lies in expanding the hori- 
zons of interests and knowledge, certainly one of the broaden- 



262 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ing objectives in more recent years has been the effort to 
render understandable the great natural wonders of our coun- 
try and the significance of important events in the nation's 
history. The constantly increasing visitation in our national 
parks and historic sites demands a well-planned and ably 
presented program of interpretation. This is essentially the 
purpose of Freeman Tilden's volume on interpreting our na- 
tion's heritage. A collaborator of the National Park Service 
and over many years closely identified with Park development 
and practices, Tilden is indeed qualified to discuss principles 
of interpretation. 

A visitor's first interest in a great natural feature, Tilden 
points out, is the stoiy it has to tell. A learned talk on geologi- 
cal formations, for instance, is likely to be lost. The best 
interpretation of a natural wonder, he believes, is accomplish- 
ed by giving enough information to let the feature tell its own 
story. The best presentation of an important battle event is 
not so much the detail of the action as it is the great human 
story of plans, effort, and the outcome. For, after all, the 
visitor who really learns is seeing and hearing through his 
own eyes and ears, not those of the interpreter. He is con- 
stantly translating the interpreter's words into his own knowl- 
edge and experience. 

Mr. Tilden has written for National Park Service use what 
is primarily an interpreter's handbook. It has broad applica- 
tion. He presses the desirability of special handling of the his- 
torical or scientific story to the mind of youth, with emphasis 
on provocation rather than instruction. For youth and adult 
alike, Tilden points up the need of wholeness of view and 
simplicity of statement, and in support of this approach he 
quotes liberally from great minds in the fields of education, 
science, and letters. 

The book is well illustrated with National Park subjects, 
emphasizing natural scenery in which the beauty and gran- 
deur thereof is wholly self-interpreting, and many other 
instances showing methods of interpretation by personal tour, 
by museum or trailside exhibit, or by stage presentation. 
Special attention is given to valuable contributions made by 



Book Reviews 263 

Park Service personnel who, over many years of experience, 
have given the visitor a fulsome measure of understanding 
and appreciation of the nations natural grandeur and of its 
historical landmarks. 

Frederick Tilberg. 

Gettysburg National Military Park, 

Gettysburg, Pa. 



HISTORICAL NEWS 

On January 10 Clarence W. Griffin, member of the Execu- 
tive Board of the Department of Archives and History, died 
at his desk in the offices of the Forest City Courier of which 
he was a staff member. He was a native of Spindale in Ruther- 
ford County; a former president of the Western North Caro- 
lina Press Association and the historian of that organization 
since 1939; a former president of the Western North Caro- 
lina Historical Association and editor of the official organ of 
that organization, The History Bulletin; and a former mem- 
ber of the General Assembly. 

Clarence Griffin was active in the civic, state, and political 
affairs but his greatest contribution was in the field of history. 
He was the author of several books and numerous pamphlets 
and had received the following awards: the Cannon Cup 
from the North Carolina Society for the Preservation of 
Antiquities, the Historian's Cup from the Western North 
Carolina Historical Association, and an award from the 
American Association for State and Local History. He had 
a deep appreciation for our heritage and was conscientious 
in his efforts to record and preserve it. 

Mr. James W. Atkins, publisher and editor of the Gastonia 
Gazette, was appointed by Governor Luther H. Hodges on 
February 5, 1958, to fill the unexpired term of Clarence W. 
Griffin. Mr. Atkins has been an interested participant in pre- 
serving historical records and marking historic sites in the 
western part of the State. He organized the Gaston County 
Historical Society and is the editor of that society's bulletin. 
His term will expire on March 31, 1963. 

On January 20 the Executive Board of the Department of 
Archives and History met with Dr. Christopher Crittenden, 
Director, and the various division heads to consider the 
department's budgetary requests for the coming biennium. 
The "A" Budget was considered and passed on at the meet- 
ing. On March 14 the Executive Board met again to consider 

[264] 



Historical News 265 

the "B" Budget and the Capital Improvements Budget and 
passed on the proposed requests. 

Dr. Christopher Crittenden spoke on December 7, 1957, 
at a luncheon in Raleigh sponsored by the Daughters of the 
American Revolution. The girls who were special guests 
were winners from all over the State of local DAR Good 
Citizen Awards which are presented annually to high school 
seniors. From the winners who attend the meeting a state 
winner of the title "Good Citizen" was chosen. On December 
17 Dr. Crittenden participated in the celebration at Kill 
Devil Hills of the fifty-fourth anniversary of the First Flight. 
He attended the sessions of the American Historical Associa- 
tion in New York City on December 29-31, and returned 
there on January 11-12 for a meeting of the Council of the 
American Association of Museums. On January 15 he met 
with the Executive Committee of the North Carolina Literary 
and Historical Association for a dicussion of the proposed 
budget, meetings, and awards for 1958. This meeting was 
followed by a joint session with representatives of other 
co-operating societies, and plans for the 1958 meetings were 
discussed. On January 25 Dr. Crittenden attended a con- 
ference at Duke University held for the teachers of social 
studies in North Carolina, South Carolina, and Virginia. 
The topic for the meeting was the use of museums and 
historic sites, and Dr. Crittenden presided at the last session 
of the conference. On February 26 he met in Fayetteville 
with the Cumberland County-Fayetteville Historical Com- 
mission to assist in making plans for the establishment of a 
local museum and a memorial to the late John A. Oates. 

The Department sponsored the biennial internship course 
for juniors and seniors at Meredith College during the last 
quarter. This course is offered to history majors who desire 
training in archival, museum, or publication work and was 
instituted so that the students could train in these fields. 
Students who completed the course were Misses Martha 
Mclntyre, Jean Humphreys, Janice Badger, Lucretia King, 



266 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and Peggy Joyner, who were studying under Mrs. Joye E. 
Jordan, Museum Administrator; Misses Pat Maynard, Shirley 
Strother, Faye Locke, and Kaye Banner, who received ar- 
chival training under Mr. H. G. Jones, State Archivist; and 
Misses Inez Kendrick and Louise White, who received train- 
ing in publication work under Mr. D. L. Corbitt, Head of 
the Division of Publications. 

Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Museum Administrator, served as 
hostess to the Samuel Ashe Chapter, Children of the Ameri- 
can Revolution, which met in the Assembly Room of the 
Department of Archives and History on January 10. The 
program was on the history of North Carolina. Mrs. Jordan 
attended the conference at Duke University on January 
24-25 which was held for teachers of social studies and pre- 
sented a display of Junior Historian materials. The Junior 
Historian clubs are sponsored by the Hall of History. On Feb- 
ruary 19 the Johnston Pettigrew Chapter, United Daughters 
of the Confederacy, met in the Assembly Room of the Depart- 
ment where Mr. Norman Larson of the Hall of History staff 
presented a film, "The Battle of Gettysburg." A refreshment 
hour in the Portrait Gallery followed the program. On Jan- 
uary 31 the staff of the Hall of History participated in a 
fashion show which was presented at the Hotel Sir Walter 
to the wives of the members of the North Carolina Society 
of Engineers. Gowns from a by-gone era were modeled in 
contrast to the "new look" in styles. On March 5 the Hall 
of History presented a fashion show to members of the 
Daughters of the American Revolution at their annual state 
convention held in Raleigh. 

Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Historic Sites Superintendent, on De- 
cember 13 visited Fort Fisher with a committee of the South- 
eastern North Carolina Beach Association and several mem- 
bers of the Lower Cape Fear Historical Association to 
survey the site in connection with plans for historical restora- 
tion. On January 20 Mr. Tarlton and Mrs. Joye E. Jordan 
represented the Department at a meeting of the Governor 



Historical News 267 

Richard Caswell Memorial Commission held in Raleigh. The 
purpose of the meeting was to decide what general type 
of building to erect on the memorial property for museum 
use. On February 7 Mr. Tarlton attended in New York City 
a meeting of the officers and board of directors of the North 
American Association of Historic Sites Public Officials. He 
spoke at three o'clock on February 13 to the Mecklenburg 
Chapter, Daughters of the American Revolution, in Char- 
lotte on the preservation of historic sites in North Carolina. 
On that evening he spoke in Monroe to the Union County 
Historical Association on the history of Union County. On 
February 19 he and Colonel Harry Brown, North Carolina 
Director of Hurricane Rehabilitation, spoke to the Lower 
Cape Fear Historical Association on the historical significance 
of Fort Fisher. This meeting, held in Wilmington, was the 
annual meeting of the group. 

On January 1 Mr. Richard Sawyer, Jr., of Durham began 
work with the Division of Historic Sites as Historic Site 
Specialist at the Charles B. Ay cock birthplace near Golds- 
boro. Mr. Sawyer, a native of Franklinton, graduated from 
Wake Forest College, did graduate work in history at the 
University of North Carolina, and was for several years a 
teacher and principal in the public school system of North 
Carolina. Some progress has been made in clearing the birth- 
place site and additional land is being acquired. Actual 
restoration of the house is expected to commence in the 
spring. 

Mr. Carl F. Cannon, Jr., of Raleigh, Professor of American 
History and Government at St. Mary's School and Junior 
College, has begun work on a part-time basis as researcher 
for the historical highway marker program. He is a native of 
Newport News, Virginia, and received both is B.A. and M.A. 
degrees from Duke University. 

Mr. H. G. Jones, State Archivist, and Major General Capus 
M. Waynick, State Adjutant General, represented North Caro- 
lina at the National Assembly of the Civil War Centennial 
Commission in Washington, D. C, January 14-15. The 



268 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Assembly, under the chairmanship of Major General U. S. 
Grant, III, met to consider and make recommendations for 
appropriate observances during the centennial period of the 
Civil War. 

On January 25 Mr. Jones discussed records disposal poli- 
cies with members of the North Carolina Association of 
Local Health Directors at their annual meeting in Chapel 
Hill. On January 31 he appeared before the Commission on 
the Reorganization of State Government and discussed the 
Department's Records Management Program. He has been 
appointed membership chairman of the Society of American 
Archivists for the southeastern district comprising Alabama, 
Florida, Georgia, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Caro- 
lina, and Tennessee. Mr. Jones is also a member of the News- 
paper Conservation Committee of the North Carolina Library 
Association and attended a meeting of the committee in 
Chapel Hill on March 15. 

In recent months the State Archivist has visited the fol- 
lowing counties in connection with public records: Bun- 
combe, Chatham, Cumberland, Forsyth, Guilford, Harnett, 
Montgomery, Orange, Randolph, Richmond, Rutherford, 
Surry, and Union. 

Miss Carolyn Green of Chapel Hill joined the staff of the 
Division of Archives and Manuscripts on March 1 as an 
Archivist I. Mrs. Pauline C. Beers and Miss Jean S. Denny 
have resigned effective February 21 and March 31 respective- 
ly. 

The Department sponsored a Correspondence Manage- 
ment Workshop February 3-7. The workshop, held in the 
Senate Chamber of the State Capitol, was conducted by 
Mr. A. K. Johnson, Jr., Chief of the Records Management 
Division, National Archives and Records Service, Region 4, 
Atlanta, Ga. Certificates of completion were given 27 state 
officials representing 23 agencies. 

The North Carolina Society of the Daughters of Colonial 
Wars provided funds for the lamination of the manuscript 
Council Journal, 1743-1750, and the completed volume was 
presented by Mrs. A. W. Hoffman of Raleigh, State President, 



Historical News 269 

to the Department on February 18. Work is now in progress 
on the lamination of the Minutes of the General Court, 
1695-1703, for which funds are being provided by the 
Virginia Dare Chapter of the Daughters of the American 
Colonists. 

A project of particular interest to Civil War researchers has 
been completed by the Division of Archives and Manuscripts. 
A typed alphabetical index to North Carolina Confederate 
Pension Applications in the Archives has been bound and is 
now available for use in the Search Room. The index is in 
two series— Series I covering applications from 1885 (when 
the first general pension law was passed) to 1901, and 
Series II covering applications under the Act of 1901 and 
subsequent laws. Altogether the index covers five volumes 
with about 1,200 pages, and gives the veteran's name, the 
name of his widow ( if it is a widow's application ) , and the 
county in which the application was filed. The applications 
themselves are available for research in the Archives and 
photocopies may be obtained for $1.10 each. The project 
was conducted by Mrs. Memory F. Blackwelder, Mrs. Jo 
Ann Kuhn, Mrs. Rebecca Clegg, and Mrs. Elizabeth C. Moss, 
and the introduction was prepared by Miss Jean Denny. 

During the October-December quarter, 652 persons regis- 
tered for research in the Search Room, and information was 
furnished 586 persons by mail and 34 by telephone, not in- 
cluding letters answered directly by the State Archivist. 
A total of 666 photocopies, 85 microfilm prints, 108 certified 
copies, and 13 feet of microfilm were furnished the public. 

The following manuscript records, formerly unusable be- 
cause of age and wear, have been laminated and are again 
available for use: Legislative Papers, 1729-1769; Currituck 
County Court Minutes, 1838-1851; Franklin County Court 
Minutes, 1819-1821; Pasquotank County Court Minutes, 
1781-1785; and Wake County Court Minutes, 1853-1855. 

Mr. Jones has announced that among the recent accessions 
in the Archives are the following items: official papers of 
Governor Luther H. Hodges for 1956, approximately 30 
cubic feet; official and miscellaneous opinions of the Attorney 



270 The North Carolina Historical Review 

General for 1946-1948, 15 cubic feet; Surry County tax lists, 
estate papers, original wills, election returns, and miscellane- 
ous records covering various dates, approximately 30 cubic 
feet; personal correspondence of James Y. Joyner, 1919, one- 
tenth cubic foot; Diary of Benjamin E. Atkins, 1876-1909; 
three volumes; and one copy each of the North-Carolina 
Minerva and Raleigh Advertiser, April 8, 1800, and the 
North-Carolina Journal (Halifax), March 3, 1800. 

Mrs. Memory F. Blackwelder, Records Center Super- 
visor, spoke at the regular monthly meeting of the AAUW 
in Raleigh on January 9 on the subject, "Women in Govern- 
ment in North Carolina," and on January 23 she gave the 
same talk to the Government class of Dr. Alice B. Keith at 
Meredith College. She represented the Department at an 
IBM Date Processing Systems Seminar given under the 
auspices of the Department of Administration in the State 
Capitol, March 10-14. 

Mrs. Ruth Page of the staff of Archives and Manuscripts 
gave a talk to the Raleigh AAUW on February 13 on "Woman 
in Business." 

As part of the records management program, three ar- 
chivists are helping state agencies solve their records prob- 
lems. Records of state agencies are being inventoried, and 
a schedule to govern the ultimate disposition of each series 
of records is being determined. Under the program, an 
archivist of the staff of the Department of Archives and His- 
tory works with a designated records officer of the agency 
needing help with its records problems. Semi-current records 
are filed in the Records Center; still other records are micro- 
filmed; material which has no historical value is disposed of 
when it ceases to have administrative value; and some 
records that appear to have research value are transferred 
to and preserved in the Archives. 

Inventories, with definite schedules, have been completed 
for 16 agencies. Among the agencies which have participated 
in this program are the State Highway Commission, the De- 
partment of Revenue, the Department of Motor Vehicles, 



Historical News 271 

the State Board of Health, the Adjutant General's Depart- 
ment, the North Carolina Prisons Department, and the Em- 
ployment Security Commission. Mrs. Elizabeth C. Moss, 
Mrs. Jo Ann Kuhn, and Mrs. Rebecca K. Clegg are the three 
archivists assigned to this program. 

The Division of Publications has available for distribution 
copies of the Public Addresses, Letters, and Papers of Wil- 
liam Bradley Umstead, Governor of North Carolina, 1953- 
1954, edited by Mr. David Leroy Corbitt (Raleigh: Council 
of State, 1957, Pp. xxxiii, 414, with illustrations). Copies may 
be obtained free by writing the Department, Box 1881, 
Raleigh. The Division has also published a facsimile of the 
first page of the Carolina Charter of 1663, with a printed 
copy on the back. Seven of the Lords Proprietors and Charles 
II (who granted the Charter to them) are pictured on the 
20M x 26 inch document which is available at fifty cents per 
copy from Box 1881, Raleigh. 

Dr. Fletcher M. Green, Chairman of the Department of 
History at the University of North Carolina, has been ap- 
pointed to the Edwards Memorial Committee of the Agri- 
cultural History Society to select the winner of the award for 
the best article published in Agricultural History for 1957. 
Dr. Harold A. Bierck read a paper, "Ten Years of Latin- 
American History in the Southeast," at the annual meeting 
of the Southeastern Conference of Latin- Americanists, March 
6, at Tallahassee, Florida. Dr. Loren C. MacKinney gave an 
illustrated lecture on "Medieval Medical Practice as Shown 
in Manuscript Miniatures" at the Yale University Medical 
School on January 23; he lectured on "Byzantine Influences 
on Medical Iconography in the Middle Ages" at the Harvard 
University Research Library at Dumbarton Oaks in Wash- 
ington, D. C, on February 7; and he participated in a 
symposium on "The Interpretation of the Recently Discover- 
ed Fourth-Century, Roman-Christian Catacomb Mural" at 
the New York Academy of Medicine on January 22. Dr. 
James L. Godfrey was the speaker at the Davidson College 



! 



272 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Convocation on February 19. The subject of his paper was 
"International Communication in Our Day." 

Dr. Marvin L. Skaggs, Head of the Department of History 
at Greensboro College, spoke to the Young Democratic Club 
of Guilford County on February 17 on "The History of the 
Democratic Party." On February 25 he spoke to the Daugh- 
ters of the American Revolution in Chapel Hill on "Lafayette: 
Defender of Liberty," and on March 4 he spoke to the Rotary 
Club of Greensboro on "The Prospective Summit Confer- 
ence." 

Dr. John K. Huckaby, Assistant Professor of History at 
Wake Forest College, has received a grant-in-aid from the 
American Philosophical Society for research in France this 
summer. 

Dr. Horace H. Cunningham, Chairman of the Department 
of History at Elon College, has been appointed Vice-Chan- 
cellor of the Atlantic region of Pi Gamma Mu, Inc., national 
social science honor society. Dr. Cunningham was in charge 
of the committee on local arrangements for the meeting of 
the society in Atlanta, Georgia, on December 21-22, 1957. 

Dr. Lillian Parker Wallace, Head of the Department of 
History at Meredith College, has an article in the South 
Atlantic Quarterly (January, 1958) on "Bismarck and De- 
cazes: The War Scare of 1875." Dr. Alice B. Keith and 
Dr. Sarah M. Lemmon attended the meeting of the Social 
Sciences Division of the Baptist Related Colleges held at 
Wingate College on March 7-8, where Dr. Keith took part 
on the program. The Department of History participated 
in the Meredith College Alumnae Seminar held at the col- 
lege on March 30. Dr. Alice B. Keith and Dr. Sarah M. 
Lemmon spoke on "History and Travels," and Dr. Wallace 
spoke on phases of international relations at present. 



Historical News 273 

Dr. Paul A. Marrotte has been promoted from Assistant 
Professor of History to Associate Professor at Davidson Col- 
lege. 

Dr. I. G. Greer was named President of the Southern 
Appalachian Historical Association at the fall meeting on 
October 26. Other officers re-elected were Mr. Jonas P. 
Marsh, Executive Vice-President; Mr. Hugh Hagaman, 
Second Vice-President; Mr. G. C. Greene, Jr., Treasurer; 
and Mrs. Lawrence H. Owsley, Secretary. A twenty-five 
member board of directors was named in addition to the five 
executive officers. Forty members were appointed to the 
advisory committee with Governor Luther H. Hodges, Dr. 
Samuel Selden of the University of North Carolina Dramatic 
Art Department, and Mr. Kermit Hunter, author of "Horn in 
the West," named as members ex officio. Mrs. Charles A. 
Cannon of Concord was made an honorary member for 
life and was paid special tribute by the group. The chief 
project of the organization is the sponsorship of the annual 
drama, "Horn in the West," which is presented each summer 
at Boone. The past work of the group was discussed and 
plans were made for the coming year. 

In the January issue of the Rowan Museum News Letter 
a picture showing the furnishings of the Federal period bed- 
room in the museum is featured. Other items of interest are 
the listing of new relics in the Rowanianna collection; a 
sketch of James Martin, Jr., first owner of the Rowan House 
Museum; and a report of the annual meeting at which Dr. 
Christopher Crittenden, Director of the Department of 
Archives and History, gave an illustrated talk on restorations. 

The Western North Carolina Historical Association met on 
January 25 in the Pack Memorial Library in Asheville with 
Dr. Rosser H. Taylor, Vice-President, and chairman of the 
program committee, presiding. A paper was read by Mr. 
D. Hiden Ramsey of Asheville on Dr. Elisha Mitchell, and a 
short history of McDowell County was presented. Mr. George 



274 The North Carolina Historical Review 

W. McCoy of Asheville, President of the Association, pre- 
sided at a business session which followed the program. 

The Western North Carolina Historical Associations His- 
tory Bulletin had the following articles in the January issue: 
reports of the two recent meetings of the group, an article 
relative to the movement of the Daughters of the American 
Revolution to have February proclaimed American History 
Month, announcement of the winner of the Wolfe Memorial 
Award, a report on the meeting of the Southern Appalachian 
Historical Association, a news and idea column by Mr. 
George W. McCoy, reports on the meetings of the Edward 
Buncombe Chapter, Daughters of the American Revolution, 
the North Carolina Society of Colonial Dames of the Seven- 
teenth Century, two meetings of the Blue Ridge Chapter of 
the Sons of the American Revolution, and a news story and 
editorial on the death of Clarence W. Griffin, former Editor 
of the History Bulletin. 

Dr. Floyd C. Watkins, Professor of English at Emory Uni- 
versity ( Georgia ) , was awarded the Thomas Wolfe Memorial 
Trophy (which is presented annually by the Thomas Wolfe 
Memorial Association) at the October 26 meeting of the 
Western North Carolina Historical Association. Mrs. Sadie 
Smathers Patton of Hendersonville, chairman of the award 
committee, made the presentation. The trophy is given each 
October to the author of a book on a western North Carolina 
subject or to a native of western North Carolina who has a 
book published on any subject. Dr. Watkins' book, Thomas 
Wolfe's Characters, is essentially a study of Wolfe's fictional 
portraits. The judges who served with Mrs. Patton were 
Professor J. M. Justice of Appalachian State Teachers College 
and Mr. Glenn Tucker of Flat Rock. Dr. Elmer T. Cook spoke 
to the Association on the material assembled at Lake Juna- 
luska by the Association of Methodist Historical Societies. 
Dr. William S. Hoffmann of Appalachian State Teachers Col- 
lege read a paper, "Western North Carolina Adopts Whig- 
gery." Mr. George W. McCoy presided at a short business 
session. 



Historical News 275 

The Wake County Historical Society held its annual meet- 
ing in the Assembly Room of the Department of Archives 
and History in the Education Building in Raleigh on March 
11. The following officers were re-elected for the coming 
year: Mr. William A. Parker, President; Dr. Christopher 
Crittenden, Vice-President; Mrs. Bruce R. Carter, Secretary; 
and Mr. Richard Seawell, Treasurer. The original nine mem- 
bers of the executive committee were retained and the society 
voted to add six additional members. Chairmen of the var- 
ious committees were appointed with Mr. Armistead J. 
Maupin appointed to head the committee on the preserva- 
tion of historic landmarks. Mr. John Y. Jordan, Jr., is chair- 
man of the program committee; Mrs. R. N. Simms, projects 
chairman; and Mrs. Earl T. Wilborn, membership chairman. 
Highlight of the meeting was a talk by Mr. Richard Walser, 
author, critic, and Professor of English at North Carolina 
State College, who spoke on "The Poets and Writers of 
Wake County." Charter membership certificates were award- 
ed to 174 charter members. There were approximately 100 
members and guests present with four new members joining 
at the meeting. 

The Carteret County Historical Society held its winter 
meeting on February 22 at the Civic Center in Morehead 
City. Mrs. E. G. Phillips read a paper on the early history 
of the Phillips family, one of the first to settle in Morehead 
City. Mr. and Mrs. F. C. Salisbury gave a slide-illustrated 
program, "A Ramble through Carteret County," which was 
followed by a short business session over which Mr. Salis- 
bury, who has been re-elected President of the society, 
presided. 

On February 23 the Joseph McDowell Chapter of the 
Daughters of the American Revolution held a commemora- 
tive service at the Henderson County Courthouse dedicating 
a monument which they are placing on the grounds of the 
courthouse. The monument has a plaque bearing the names 
of all the Revolutionary War veterans who are buried in the 



276 The North Carolina Historical Review 

county. Descendants of the soldiers' families were invited to 
be present at the ceremony. 

The February issue of the Lower Cape Fear Historical 
Society, Inc., Bulletin has a message from the mayor of 
Wilmington, Mr. James E. L. Wade, urging all citizens of 
the area to support the efforts of the society and of the South- 
eastern North Carolina Beach Association to save what re- 
mains of Fort Fisher. These two groups are assisting the Fort 
Fisher Preservation Society which was formed in March, 
1931, in a revival of restoration plans for the fort. The Bulle- 
tin also contained an article on Rose O'Neal Greenhow, Con- 
federate spy, who is buried in Oakdale Cemetery in Wilming- 
to; a list of gifts to the sociey; and several items relative to 
the meetings of the group. 

The Memoirs of Daniel Branson Coltrane, Co. I, 63rd 
Regiment, North Carolina Cavalry, C.S.A. have been pub- 
lished and a copy of the book has been presented to the De- 
partment of Archives and History. The 64-page book is 
prefaced with comments by Stuart Chevalier and a foreword 
by Mrs. Inglis Fletcher. These memoirs, written by Coltrane 
in his ninety-second year, are a personal account of the War 
between the States as recalled by an enlisted man who makes 
no effort in his storv to present his service and experiences 
as heroic, but contents himself with reminiscing in a rambl- 
ing narrative style. His service with J. E. B. Stuart's cavalry 
troops as a commissary sergeant during the "Beef Raid" and 
his adjustment to civilian life after peace as a banker in 
Missouri are described in his brief story. An editorial tribute 
which was paid him at the time of his death, and the copy of 
an article on the Salisbury Prison (during the Civil War), 
both of which were originally published in the Charlotte 
Observer, complete the book. 

Dr. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., Professor of History at 
Harvard University, was awarded the Francis Parkman Prize 
for 1957 by the Society of American Historians for his book, 



Historical News 277 

The Crisis of the Old Order, 1919-1933, which was published 
by Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston, Mass. Dr. Nicholas 
B. Wainwright, Editor of The Pennsylvania Magazine of 
History and Biography, was awarded a special citation by the 
society for the "high standard of scholarship and readability 
which the magazine has sustained under his editorship." 
Both of these prizes will be awarded at a dinner of the society 
in April. 

Radcliffe College and the Department of History of Har- 
vard University announce the Fifth Annual Summer Institute 
on Historical and Archival Management beginning on June 
23 and ending on August 1, 1958. Designed for college grad- 
uates who are interested in a career in archival, museum, or 
historical society work, the course is also open to employees 
of institutions in these related fields. The staff will consist of 
eighteen or more experts in these fields and Dr. Lester J. 
Cappon, Director of the Institute of Early American History 
and Culture, and Archival Consultant at Colonial Williams- 
burg, will again direct the institute. Two full-tuition scholar- 
ships of $200 each are available. Inquiries should be address- 
ed to the Institute, 10 Garden Street, Cambridge 38, Mass. 

The committee of the Albert J. Beveridge Award in Ameri- 
can History which is awarded annually by the American His- 
torical Association announces that manuscripts which are to 
be considered as eligible for the 1958 competition should be 
submitted before May 1. The subject range covers the history 
of the United States, Latin America, and Canada from 1492 
to the present. One half of the award, $500, will be payable 
upon announcement of the award and the remainder will be 
payable upon acceptance of the manuscript in its final form. 
Complete rules for the competition may be obtained from Dr. 
Frederick B. Tolles, Chairman, Committee on the Albert J. 
Beveridge Award, Friends Historical Library, Swarthmore 
College, Swarthmore, Penna. The winner of the award will 
be announced at the annual meeting of the association in 
December. 



i 



i 



278 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Books received during the quarter include: Vergilius Ferm, 
Pictorial History of Protestantism. A Panoramic View of 
Western Europe and the United States (New York: The 
Philosophical Library, Inc., 1957); William D. Miller, Mem- 
phis during the Progressive Era, 1 900-1 91 7 (Madison, Wis- 
consin: The American History Research Center, 1957); 
Howard W. Floan, The South in Northern Eyes, 1831 to 
1861 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1958); Charles 
Crossfield Ware, Kentucky's Fox Creek: Vignettes of the 
Village Church and of the R. H. Crossfield Heritage (Wilson, 
N. C: Privately published, 1957 [apply to the author]); 
Desmond Clarke, Arthur Dobbs, Esquire, 1689-1765, Sur- 
veyor-General of Ireland, Prospector and Governor of North 
Carolina (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina 
Press, 1958); Mitchell B. Garrett, Horse and Buggy Days 
on Hatchet Creek (University: University of Alabama Press, 
1957 ) ; The Memoirs of Daniel Branson Coltrane, Co. I, 63rd. 
Regiment, North Carolina Cavalry, C.S.A. (Raleigh: Ed- 
wards and Broughton, 1956); Louis B. Wright and Marion 
Tingling, William Byrd of Virginia. The London Diary (1717- 
1721), and Other Writings (New York: Oxford Univer- 
Press, 1958); Weymouth T. Jordan, Ante-Bellum Alabama: 
Town and Country (Tallahassee: The Florida State Univer- 
sity, 1957, Florida University Studies, No. 27 ) ; Horace Mont- 
gomery, Georgians in Profile. Historical Essays in Honor of 
Ellis Merton Coulter (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 
1958); Bill Sharpe, A New Geography of North Carolina, 
Volume II, Twenty-five Counties (Raleigh: The Sharpe Pub- 
lishing Company, 1958); Jay Luvaas, The Civil War: A 
Soldiers View. A Collection of Civil War Writings, by Col. 
G. F. R. Henderson (Chicago, 111.: The University of Chicago 
Press, 1958); Noble E. Cunningham, Jr., The Jeffersonian 
Republicans: The Formation of Party Organization, 1789- 
1801 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 
published for the Institute of Early American History and 
Culture at Williamsburg, 1957 ) ; William P. Cumming, The 
Southeast in Early Maps, with an Annotated Check List of 



Historical News 279 

Printed and Manuscript Regional and Local Maps of South- 
eastern North America during the Colonial Period (Prince- 
ton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1958); William 
S. Powell, North Carolina Fiction, 1734-1957. An Annotated 
Bibliography (Chapel Hill: The University of North Caro- 
lina Library [Library Study, Number 21, 1958); Bell Irvin 
Wiley, Recollections of a Confederate Staff Officer, By 
General G. Moxley Sorrel (Jackson, Tenn.: McCowat-Mercer 
Press, Inc., 1958); H. H. Cunningham, Doctors in Gray. The 
Confederate Medical Service (Baton Rouge, Louisiana: State 
University Press, 1958); Robert Moats Miller, American 
Protestantism and Social Issues, 1919-1939 (Chapel Hill: 
The University of North Carolina Press, 1958); and Louis 
R. Harlan, Separate and Unequal: Public School Cam- 
paigns and Racism in the Southern Seaboard States, 1901- 
1915 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 
1958). 



THE 
NORTH CAROLINA 
HISTORICAL REVIEW 




JULY 1958 



Volume XXXV 



Number 3 



Published Quarterly By 
State Department of Archives and History 

Corner of Edenton and Salisbury Streets 
Raleigh, N. C. 



THE NORTH CAROLINA HISTORICAL REVIEW 



Published by the State Department of Archives and History 

Raleigh, N. C. 



Christopher Crittenden, Editor 
David Leroy Corbitt, Managing Editor 

ADVISORY EDITORIAL BOARD 
Frontis Withers Johnston Hugh Talmage Lefler 

George Myers Stephens 



STATE DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY 

EXECUTIVE BOARD 

McDaniel Lewis, Chairman 

James W. Atkins Josh L. Horne 

Gertrude Sprague Carraway William Thomas Laprade 

Fletcher M. Green Herschell V. Rose 

Christopher Crittenden, Director 



This revieiv was established in January, 1924, as a medium of publica- 
tion and discussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other 
institutions by exchange, but to the general public by subscription only. The 
regular price is $3.00 per year. Members of the North Carolina Literary and 
Historical Association, Inc., for which the annual dues are $5.00, receive 
this publication without further payment. Back numbers may be procured 
at the regular price of $3.00 per volume, or $.75 per number. 



Cover: The Kivett Building of Campbell College (originally 
Buie's Creek Academy) is presently used as a science classroom 
and student supply store. This was the first building erected 
after the fire in 1900 and served as the administration building 
until 1926. It was named for Z. T. Kivett, who burned the bricks 
bought with "nickels and dimes." The photograph is by the cour- 
tesy of Mr. Claude F. Gaddy, Baptist State Convention. For a 
further study of early Baptist high schools and academies see 
pages 316-327. 



The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXXV July, 1958 Number 3 

CONTENTS 

THE WARRENTON FEMALE ACADEMY OF 
JOSEPH MORDECAI, 1809-1818 . 281 

Stanley L. Falk 

JOHN BRANCH AND THE ORIGINS OF THE 
WHIG PARTY IN NORTH CAROLINA 299 

William S. Hoffmann 

EDUCATIONAL ATTITUDES OF NORTH 
CAROLINA BAPTISTS 316 

David L. Smiley 

THE ERA OF THE OPERA HOUSE IN 
PIEDMONT NORTH CAROLINA 328 

Donald J. Rulfs 

A LETTER CONCERNING A VISIT 
TO OCRACOKE . 347 

C. A. Weslager 

BOOK REVIEWS 353 

Clarke's Arthur Dobbs, Esquire, 1689-1765: Surveyor- 
General of Ireland, Prospector, and Governor of North 
Carolina — By C. N. Evanson ; Sharpe's A New Geog- 
raphy of North Carolina, Volume II — By H. G. Jones ; 
Powell's North Carolina Fiction, 1734-1957. An Anno- 
tated Bibliography — By Charles Raven Brockmann; 
Washburn's The Governor and the Rebel. A History of 
Bacon's Rebellion in Virginia — By Robert E. Moody; 
Ware's Kentucky's Fox Creek — By Daniel J. Whitener ; 

Entered as second class matter September 29, 1928, at the Post Office at 
Raleigh, North Carolina, under the act of March 3, 1879. 

[i] 



Garrett's Horse and Buggy Days on Hatchet Creek — 
By Rosser H. Taylor; Jordan's Ante-Bellum Alabama: 
Town and Country — By Mitchell B. Garrett; Smith's 
Magnificent Missourian: The Life of Thomas Hart 
Benton — By William Nisbet Chambers; Montgomery's 
Georgians in Profile. Historical Essays in Honor of Ellis 
Merton Coulter — By William Bailey Williford; Cum- 
ming's The Southeast in Early Maps: With an Anno- 
tated Check List of Printed and Manuscript Regional 
and Local Maps of Southeastern North America during 
the Colonial Period — By Paul M. McCain; Cunning- 
ham's Doctors in Gray. The Confederate Medical Serv- 
ice — By Marshall W. Fishwick; Luvaas's The Civil 
War: A Soldier's View. A Collection of Civil War 
Writings by Col. G. F. R. Henderson — By Don E. Feh- 
renbacher; McWhiney's Lee's Dispatches , Unpublished 
Letters of General Robert E. Lee, C.S.A., to Jefferson 
Davis and the War Department of the Confederate 
States of America, 1862-65. From the Private Collection 
of Wymberley Jones de Renne. . . . Edited with an In- 
troduction and Notes by Douglas Southall Freeman — 
By Carrol H. Quenzel; Wiley's Recollections of a Con- 
federate Staff Officer, by G. Moxley Sorrel — By H. H. 
Cunningham; Alden's The South in Revolution, 1763- 
1789. Volume III of A History of the South — By Hugh 
F. Rankin; Davidson's A Crossroads of Freedom: The 
1912 Campaign Speeches of Woodrow Wilson — By 
George C. Osborn; and Ferm's Pictorial History of 
Protestantism — By W. N. Hicks. 

HISTORICAL NEWS 377 



[ii] 



The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXXV July, 1958 Number 3 

THE WARRENTON FEMALE ACADEMY OF 
JACOB MORDECAI, 1809-1818 

By Stanley L. Falk* 

In the period between the American Revolution and the 
middle of the nineteenth century, the town of Warrenton, 
North Carolina, was one of the smaller but brighter lights in 
the state's informal educational system. Incorporated in 1779, 
Warrenton grew slowly at first, but quickly developed a repu- 
tation for excellent schools, both male and female, that 
attracted students from all over the State as well as from other 
parts of the South. In 1786, only seven years after William 
Christmas had laid out the streets, lots, and public squares of 
Warrenton, the townspeople prevailed on the General As- 
sembly to pass an act for the establishment of an academy in 
Warrenton "to hold forth every possibility, opportunity, and 
encouragement to liberal education." Named the Warrenton 
Academy— but later called officially the Warrenton Male 
Academy— this school was one of several that were to bring 
educational repute to the small town of Warrenton. Almost 
as famous as the Male Academy was the Falkener School for 
girls, founded in 1802. In 1809 a third important school was 
opened in Warrenton. This was the Warrenton Female Acad- 
emy ( or Seminary, as it sometimes appears ) , a private school 
founded by Jacob Mordecai. These three institutions were the 
largest and most influential schools in early Warrenton, and 



* Mr. Stanley L. Falk is a Historian, Historical Section, Joint Chiefs of 
Staff, Department of Defense, Washington, D. C. Some of the material in 
this article will be included in his doctoral dissertation, a study of the 
military career of Major Alfred Mordecai, son of Jacob Mordecai. 

[281] 



282 The North Carolina Historical Review 

of the three the Warrenton Female Academy is in many ways 
the most interesting. 1 

Jacob Mordecai was born on April 11, 1762, in Philadel- 
phia, the eldest son of a German-Jewish immigrant. His early 
formal education was slight, but it was well supplemented by 
what he learned at home or in the synagogue and what he 
taught himself as he grew older. He quickly earned a well- 
deserved reputation for being a studious and highly literate 
scholar. A deeply religious man as well, he became well- 
versed in the Hebrew language and literature and in later 
years was considered an authority on Judaism and biblical 
interpretations. In 1792, after attempting business ventures 
in New York and various parts of Virginia, Mordecai moved 
to Warrenton with his wife and children. He was to make his 
home here for more than a quarter of a century. 2 

Warrenton at this time, although the seat of Warren Coun- 
ty, was little more than a small cluster of unpretentious homes 
built around a few larger ones and a courthouse. There were 
no sidewalks and the dirt streets were red mud in winter and 
stifling dust in summer. While only a few miles from the 
Richmond-Columbia stage route, the town was fairly isolated 
and communication with the outside world was available 
only by private means. 3 Mordecai bought a home in the 
center of Warrenton, and, next to his dwelling, opened a 
store where he sold tobacco, cotton, grain, and other items. 4 

1 Lizzie Wilson Montgomery, Sketches of Old Warrenton, North Carolina 
(Raleigh: Edwards and Broughton, 1924), 7, 12, 111-170, hereinafter cited 
as Montgomery, Old Warrenton. 

2 Gratz Mordecai, "Notice of Jacob Mordecai, Founder and Proprietor 
from 1809 to 1818 of the Warrenton (N.C.) Female Seminary," Publications 
of the American Jewish Historical Society, VI (1897), 40-42, hereinafter 
cited as G. Mordecai, "Jacob Mordecai"; Herbert T. Ezekiel and Gaston 
Lichtenstein, The History of the Jews of Richmond from 1769 to 1917 
(Richmond, Va.: H. T. Ezekiel, 1917), 25; Montgomery, Old Warrenton, 133. 

3 Montgomery, Old Warrenton, 1, 10; Blackwell P. Robinson (ed.), The 
North Carolina Guide (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 
1955), 421. 

4 G. Mordecai, "Jacob Mordecai," 42; Alfred Mordecai, "Personal Memo- 
randa," 2, Alfred Mordecai Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, D. C, 
hereinafter cited as A. Mordecai, "Memoranda," and as Alfred Mordecai 
Papers. Alfred Mordecai (1804-1887), one of Jacob Mordecai's six sOns 
and seven daughters, was graduated from West Point in 1823 and served 
as an officer in the United States Army until 1861, when he resigned. His 
"Personal Memoranda" have been published as James A. Padgett (ed.), 
"The Life of Alfred Mordecai as Related by Himself," The North Carolina 
Historical Review, XXII (January, 1945). References in this article are to 
the manuscript in the Library of Congress. 



Female Academy of Jacob Mordecai 283 

His business flourished, and he and his wife soon earned a 
prominent position in the town. Although Mordecai was the 
only Jew in Warrenton, and indeed one of the few in North 
Carolina, as well as a strict observer of the laws and customs 
of his religion, he encountered no slights or discrimination 
and was a popular and respected member of the community. 5 
In 1797 he became Master of the Masonic Lodge in War- 
renton, a post he held for at least three years. 6 

Jacob Mordecai's first fifteen years in Warrenton were 
happy and, on the whole, uneventful. His business flourished 
and his family increased. In 1807 Mordecai, his wife, and 
their ten children enjoyed a prominent and pleasant position 
in the life of the Warrenton community. "Time," wrote 
Rachel, the eldest girl, "thus passed gaily and thoughtlessly 
away." That year, however, Mordecai was suddenly con- 
fronted with misfortune when heavy losses in tobacco specu- 
lations reduced him to almost complete poverty. To pay his 
creditors he was forced to give up his business, sell his house, 
and find other means of supporting his wife and the eight 
children still living at home. 7 

These means, fortunately, were not far off. In 1805 a series 
of improvements and additions had been made in Warrenton. 
A new market and several two-story houses were b"ilt, the 
town spring was "handsomely improved," public wells were 
dug, and work was begun on a new "Steward's House," or 
dormitory, with boarding facilities, for the Warrenton Male 
Academy. "Our Town is so much improved," wrote Rachel 
Mordecai to a brother then living in Richmond, "that you 



5 A. Mordecai, "Memoranda," 3; Montgomery, Old Warrenton, 133; Leon 
Huhner, "The Jews of North Carolina Prior to 1800," Publications of the 
American Jewish Historical Society, XXV (1925), 137-148, passim; Abram 
Vossen Goodman, American Overture: Jewish Rights in Colonial Times 
(Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1947), 153, 221. 

6 Samuel Oppenheim, "The Jews and Masonry in the United States Before 
1810," Publications of the American Jeivish Historical Society, XIX (1910), 
74. 

7 "Memoir of Rachel Mordecai," quoted in Caroline Cohen, Records of the 
Myers, Hays and Mordecai Families from 1707 to 1913 (Washington: pri- 
vately published, n. d. [1913]), 34, hereinafter cited as "R. Mordecai 
Memoir," and as Cohen, Myers, Hays and Mordecai Families; Montgomery, 
Old Warrenton, 133-134. Many of the selections from Rachel Mordecai's 
memoir quoted by Miss Cohen are also found in G. Mordecai, "Jacob 
Mordecai." Miss Cohen's selections are fuller, however, and they have been 
used for this article. 



284 The North Carolina Historical Review 

would scarcely know it for the same." 8 On the completion of 
the steward's house in 1807, the trustees of the Male Academy 
asked Mordecai to take charge of it and board the students. 
The position provided a rent-free home for his family as well 
as whatever profit Mordecai could make from his boarders. 
Although he did not relish the job, his financial situation left 
him little choice, and Mordecai accepted the post. 

With heavy hearts, the family left their old home and took 
up their residence at the Academy. They found their new 
circumstances uncomfortable and humiliating, and, since 
the number of students was not as large as expected, the work 
was as unremunerative as it was unpleasant. 9 However, they 
made the best of it. "We are proceeding much after the old 
sort," noted Rachel, "sometimes merry, and never very sad— 
for what with talking, laughing, eating, drinking, working, 
visiting, reading, and dancing we contrive to pass our time, 
without being at all conscious of its weight." 10 

One of their more merry occasions was the next Fourth of 
July, which Warrenton turned out to celebrate with even 
more than the usual fervor that characterized such events. 
The men of the town were formed into a company, uniformed 
in olive coats and pantaloons, with white vests, and with 
Jacob Mordecai as their chosen captain. After opening the 
day with the usual salute of seventeen guns, the company was 
drawn up before the courthouse to hear a reading of the 
Declaration of Independence by Kemp Plummer, a lawyer 
and leading citizen, and a patriotic oration by another equally 
outstanding member of the community. Then followed "a 
tremendous salute," three ringing cheers, and a general re- 
tirement by the gentlemen to drink the several toasts of the 
day. Like many a modern gathering of this sort, the program 
was temporarily halted by a sudden thunderstorm, but con- 

8 Rachel Mordecai to Samuel Mordecai, Feb. 9, 1805, Jacob Mordecai 
Papers, The George Washington Flowers Collection, Duke University, 
Durham, hereinafter cited as Jacob Mordecai Papers. See also Montgomery, 
Old Warrenton, 121-122. 

9 "R. Mordecai Memoir," 34 ; Montgomery, Old Warrenton, 134. 

10 Rachel Mordecai to Samuel Mordecai, Feb. 12, 1808, Mordecai Papers, 
Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, 
hereinafter cited as Mordecai Papers, 



Female Academy of Jacob Mordecai 285 

eluded in the evening with a merry supper and ball for every- 
one. u 

A few weeks after this joyous occasion, a group of influ- 
ential townspeople called on Jacob Mordecai to present him 
with a tempting request. Knowing his reputation as a scholar 
and considering his respected position in the community, 
they proposed that he establish a boarding school for girls. 
Mordecai was to run the school entirely by himself, assisted 
as might be necessary by members of his family. It is not 
unlikely that he was also offered some financial backing. 
Since Warrenton already had, in the Falkener School, an ex- 
cellent institution for young women, the reasons behind this 
proposal are not readily apparent. Presumably, however, they 
were sufficient for Jacob Mordecai and, after carefully turn- 
ing the matter over in his mind, he agreed to open a school. 12 
Shortly thereafter, he published the following advertisement: 

Female Education in Warrenton 

In conformity to the wishes of some respectable patrons in 
this place and its vicinity, I propose to open an instruction for 
female improvement, on the 1st day of January next. The course 
of instruction intended to be pursued is the result of observation 
and some experience, and will be adapted to the varied disposi- 
tion and genius of my pupils, not losing sight of systematic 
arrangement and progression, my object, not merely to impart 
words and exhibit things, but chiefly to form the mind to the 
labor of thinking upon and understanding what is tauorht. 
Whether my plan is judicious, a short experience will decide, 
and by the event I am content to be judged. The domestic ar- 
rangement for an efficient accommodation of my scholars will be 
an object of primary concern, and placed under the immediate 
inspection of Mrs. Mordecai. Believing it to be no small part of 
the education bestowed on females to cultivate a taste for neat- 
ness in their persons and propriety of manners, they will be 
placed under a superintendence calculated as much as possible 
to alleviate the solicitude of parents. In my Seminary will be 
taught the English language, grammatically; spelling; reading; 
writing; arithmetic; composition; history; geography, and the 
use of the globes ; the plain and ornamental branches of needle- 



u Rachel Mordecai to Samuel Mordecai, July 13, 1808, Jacob Mordecai 
Papers. 
12 "R. Mordecai Memoir," 35; Montgomery, Old Warrenton, 134, 



286 The North Carolina Historical Review 

work; drawing; vocal and instrumental music, by an approved 
master of distinguished talent and correct deportment. 

Terms for board, washing, lodging and tuition, (drawing and 
music excepted) $105 per annum; an additional charge will be 
made for necessary books, paper, quills and ink. 

Jacob Mordecai 

Warrenton, August 18, 1808 
N.B. Parents are requested to furnish a pair of sheets, a blanket, 
counterpane, and hand-towels; which without inconvenience to 
them will render the accommodation of their daughters more easy 
and comfortable. 13 

The chief instructor of the Warrenton Female Academy 
would be, of course, Jacob Mordecai himself. His first assist- 
ant was his daughter Rachel. Just turned twenty, and looking 
even younger, her greatest concern was that she might be un- 
able to command the respect her position required. Still, with 
the same quiet determination that characterized her father, 
she decided, in her own words, "that zeal at least should not 
be wanting," and that she would do her "very best." To pre- 
pare for her duties, she subjected herself to a course of 
anxious and intensive study, devoting to it whatever time she 
could spare from assisting her mother in the care and rearing 
of the large Mordecai family. In this preparation she was 
assisted by her younger brother Solomon, then a student at 
the Male Academy, who passed on to his sister the lessons 
which he himself had just received. By the end of the year, 
Rachel Mordecai accounted herself ready for her new 
position. 

The new Academy opened according to schedule on New 
Year's Day, 1809. The family had moved back into its former 
residence and the old store was fitted up as a schoolroom. On 
Jacob Mordecai and his daughter fell the task of teaching 
almost everything. A certain Miller, however, had offered 
to take over the music department, and his assistance was 
readily accepted. Moreover, since Miller had had some aca- 
demic experience, he was also of great help in forming the 
necessary rules and regulations for guiding the manners and 
conduct of the young ladies. It was fortunate that he could 
provide such aid, for Rachel Mordecai found that governing 



13 



Quoted in Montgomery, Old Warrenton, 134-135. 



Female Academy of Jacob Mordecai 287 

the deportment of a large number of girls easily provided as 
many difficulties as she had foreseen. Realizing that her 
youthful age and appearance would not readily induce the 
respect necessary for good discipline, she attempted to mix 
kindness and sympathy with justice in her attitude toward 
her charges, and soon won the confidence and affection of 
the girls. 14 

Outside the classroom, the job of boarding and caring for 
the students and seeing that they washed and dressed prop- 
erly, did their hair neatly, ate what they should, went to bed 
on time, and performed all those countless other tasks which 
girls are required to undertake fell almost entirely on Jacob 
Mordecai's wife, Rebecca. She was not a very strong woman, 
but was ably assisted in her task by eighteen-year-old Ellen 
Mordecai, as well as by the indefatigable Rachel. With these 
helpers, her burden was somewhat eased. 15 

Two of the many customs and rules that Rebecca Mordecai 
enforced daily are interesting to note. In the morning each 
girl would go to the well in the yard with her tin pan and 
towel to wash herself. This was a custom strictly held to, no 
matter how cold the weather, and in winter it was not unusual 
for the water to freeze on the well top where it had been 
splashed by some hurrying child. From here, the girls would 
go to visit "Mammy," an old slave woman, who had the job 
of combing; and dressing their hair. Each girl carried her 
comb and brush and also a small wooden block which bore 
her name. When "Mammy" had quickly but carefully combed 
and arranged the child's hair, she dropped the block into a 
box, later to be opened by Ellen Mordecai. Any delinquents 
from this daily ritual were quickly discovered and shown the 
error of their ways. 16 

Still another of Tacob Mordecai's children to participate in 
the affairs of the Female Academy was his son Samuel, two 
years Rachel's senior. Samuel Mordecai was just beginning 

14 "R. Mordecai Memoir," 35-36. The date given in this source for the 
opening of the Female Academy is 1810, but the overwhelming* weight of 
evidence shows this to be misquoted. See, for instance, the same quotation 
in G. Mordecai, "Jacob Mordecai," 43. 

15 A. Mordecai, "Memoranda," 3; "R. Mordecai Memoir," 36. 
18 Montgomery, Old Warrenton, 141. 



288 The North Carolina Historical Review 

his own business as a cotton broker in Richmond, after several 
years of working for a merchant uncle in that city. He now 
became the school's purchasing agent, providing his father 
with supplies and also financial advice. Except for two inter- 
ruptions when his business took him abroad, and on another 
occasion when he served for a few months in the Virginia 
militia, he appears to have continued at this task during the 
ten years of his father's ownership of the school. 17 

The size of the student body attending the first term of the 
Warrenton Female Academy cannot be determined from 
available sources. 18 It could not, however, have been greater 
than fifty— including a few of Jacob Mordecai's own sons and 
daughters— if indeed it was that large. But whatever the 
number of pupils, the teachers at least were satisfied that 
their efforts were producing excellent results. In Richmond, 
Samuel Mordecai received glowing reports that spring. 19 

The first concrete trial of the Female Academy would come 
in the June examinations, which would test the teaching 
ability of Jacob and Rachel Mordecai. Since the livelihood of 
the Mordecai family rested in good part on the results of 
these examinations, all looked forward to June "with the 
greatest anxiety." Although "conscious of having to the 
utmost fulfilled our duty," wrote Rachel, "we were still doubt- 
ful of success." 20 Her fears, however, were groundless. The 
examinations showed that she and her father had done their 
work well, for their pupils rose to the occasion in a manner 
that far exceeded the most hopeful expectations of the fac- 
ulty. The young schoolmistress wept for joy as she received 
the thanks and praise of grateful parents. The Warrenton 
Female Academy was now a confirmed success and its staff 
prepared for the renewal of their labors with fresh zeal and 

17 Alexander Wilbourne Weddell, "Samuel Mordecai, Chronicler of Rich- 
mond, 1786-1865," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, LIII (Octo- 
ber, 1945), 273, 275. See also scattered letters in the Mordecai Papers for- 
tius period. 

w None of the family letters gives a figure at this time, nor is the answer 
to be found in any available secondary work. 

19 Samuel Mordecai to Rachel Mordecai, May 4, 1809, Mordecai Papers. 

80 "R. Mordecai Memoir," 36. 



Female Academy of Jacob Mordecai 289 

courage. Jacob Mordecai promptly advertised for students 
for the next semester. 21 

The success of the first term gave the Female Academy an 
enviable reputation, which soon spread over a wide area. 
Almost all the girls who had studied at the Mordecai school 
planned to return, and their number was increased by new 
students, attracted by the growing distinction of the Acad- 
emy. 21 The school's success, however, was not universally 
applauded. It had, wrote Rachel to her brother, "awakened 
the unprovoked malice of those who are more in favor of the 
other institution"— presumably the Falkener School for girls. 
Consequently, "many reports unfounded as they are ridicu- 
lous" had been spread to the detriment of the Female Acad- 
emy. Rachel and the others, however, had "every reason to 
hope and believe that their purpose will defeat itself," and 
the rumors did nothing but "create a momentary smile at 
their futility." Apparently such malicious tales had little or 
no ill effect on the Mordecai undertaking, for the next term 
of the Warrenton Female Academy began on schedule and 
the school continued to improve its standing. 23 

Because of the increase in the student body, sixteen-year- 
old Solomon Mordecai was called on to leave his studies at 
the Warrenton Male Academy and take on the role of in- 
structor at his father's institution. Rachel had opposed this 
change, feeling it unfair to remove Solomon from his own 
schooling and force him to spend important years at an occu- 
pation from which she thought he could gain little. But 
Jacob Mordecai believed his son's assistance was necessary, 
and the boy himself jumped at the opportunity to contribute 
to the family's livelihood. So, in Samuel Mordecai's words, 
Solomon was "translated from Pupil to Preceptor." 

The second term began in July, and Solomon quickly 
proved his ability to perform his new duties. Notwithstanding 
the fact that many of his students were older than he, the boy 

21 "R. Mordecai Memoir," 36; Samuel Mordecai to Rachel Mordecai, July 
14, 1809, Mordecai Papers. 

^Rachel Mordecai to Samuel Mordecai, Aug. 19, 1809, Mordecai Papers; 
"R. Mordecai Memoir," 36. 

28 Rachel Mordecai to Samuel Mordecai, Aug. 19, 1809, Mordecai Papers. 

24 Samuel Mordecai to Rachel Mordecai, July 14, 1809, Mordecai Papers; 
"R. Mordecai Memoir," 36-37. 



290 The North Carolina Historical Review 

soon gained their respect and obedience with his mild manner 
and moderate approach and a thorough grounding in the sub- 
jects he taught. Jacob Mordecai, relieved of some of his 
work, now began to take real pleasure in what had before 
been in large part a heavy task. Moreover, disliking the 
details of business, he turned over care of the school's ac- 
counts to his new assistant, who proved as capable an 
accountant as he did a teacher. 25 

Another female member of the faculty was also needed, 
and Rachel wrote to her Richmond purchasing agent to see 
if he could assist in hiring one. She had in mind a certain 
Miss Hodgson, who, she wrote, "if she is still single," would 
be perfect for the post, since "nothing is requisite but a 
knowledge of Embroidery," which Miss Hodgson was known 
to have. Samuel was to make enquiry about her. However, if 
Miss Hodgson was not available, she had several sisters, and 
perhaps he might find one of the others "as well qualified for 
the place." By such means was the faculty slowly enlarged. 26 

The second semester of the Female Academy passed with- 
out incident, the school's enlarged student body and faculty 
continuing the fine work of the previous spring. Shortly before 
the end of the term, the students were required to write, 
apparently as a final exercise, an essay entitled, "On the close 
of the year 1809." 27 Then on the last two days of school, 
early in December, the girls underwent their final examina- 
tion. The more advanced pupils were tested on the history 
of England and the geography of Europe, and, noted Solo- 
mon Mordecai, "in the former they were very perfect, and in 
the latter so Capital, that all were astonished." Other girls 
showed a satisfactory understanding of English grammar, 
indicating "they had committed nothing to memory, that 
they did not understand." While the examination was not as 
"strict" as the faculty could have wished, it nevertheless was 
sufficiently difficult to indicate that the girls had progressed 

25 Cohen, Myers, Hays and Mmdecai Families, 33, 40; "R. Mordecai 
Momoir," 37; Rachel Mordecai to Samuel Mordecai, Aug. 19, 1809, Mordecai 
Papers. 

20 Rachel Mordecai to Samuel Mordecai, Aug. 19, 1809, Mordecai Papers. 

27 Two examples, one by fifteen-year-old Caroline Mordecai and another 
by a fellow student, A. G. Silgreaves, are to be found in the Mordecai 
Papers. 



Female Academy of Jacob Mordecai 291 

well in their studies. For the next term— possibly in anticipa- 
tion of more students— Samuel Mordecai was directed to buy 
his father a dozen volumes of Snowden's History of North 
and South America, from its discovery to the Death of Genl. 
Washington. From Solomon, he received a request for a pen 
knife— to be used, presumably, for sharpening pencils— as well 
as for any of "the outcasts" of his wardrobe, which would be 
put to immediate and "essential" use. Such were the demands 
of the teaching profession in 1809. 28 

The enrollment for the term beginning in January, 1810, 
was so large that Jacob Mordecai was forced to seek another 
location for his school. He bought a large lot with an unfin- 
ished building on it and by about April 1 had put it into 
condition to receive the Female Academy. 29 The move was 
a wise one, for the reputation of the school had spread so 
far that, when the July term began, the new building was 
almost immediately filled to capacity. By the end of that 
month there were a total of eighty students, of whom fifty-five 
were boarders. As he would do in every subsequent year in 
which he ran the Female Academy, Jacob Mordecai was now 
forced to advertise that he could take no more students. 30 

This practice of taking no more students than the school 
could comfortably handle was perhaps one reason for the 
success of the Academy. For one thing, it showed plainly that 
the lure of extra income was not sufficient to induce Jacob 
Mordecai to lower his standards or risk devoting insufficient 
attention to each pupil entrusted to his care. This, of course, 
impressed parents, and made them even more anxious to 
enter their daughters in the school. A second advantage to 
limiting registration was the degree of independence thus 
allowed Mordecai, for there were always more students to 
be had. 31 Nor did the Academy's director hesitate to show 
his independence. On one occasion, a parent visited Warren- 
ton to investigate a report by his two daughters that the food 
served at the school was so bad they could not eat enough to 



28 Solomon Mordecai to Samuel Mordecai, Dec. 12, 1809, Mordecai Papers. 

29 "R. Mordecai Memoir," 37; A. Mordecai, "Memoranda," 2. 

30 Rachel Mordecai to Samuel Mordecai, July 15 and 27, 1810, Mordecai 
Papers; "R. Mordecai Memoir," 37. 

81 "R. Mordecai Memoir," 37. 



292 The North Carolina Historical Review 

live on. Arriving just at noon, the dissatisfied father was in- 
vited to dinner, where an ample and delicious meal was 
served him. He then explained to Mordecai the reason for 
his visit, but added that, having sampled the food, he was 
convinced his daughters had not told the truth and he no 
longer intended removing them from school. Much to the 
chagrin of the father, Mordecai promptly replied that the 
girls would have to go, since he did "not care to have such 
girls" in his school. 32 

The degree of importance Mordecai placed on truth and 
honor, as evidenced by this incident, was typical of the man 
and the way in which he conducted the Female Academy. 
His moral standards were the highest, and he enforced them 
strictly. An extremely religious man, who constantly sought 
to confirm and reaffirm his faith in Judaism, he nevertheless 
felt the religious concerns of his students should be their 
own, and he taught no dogma. Yet he conceived it his "duty" 
to see that the girls attended the church preferred by their 
parents, and each Sunday conducted them "to preaching." 3B 
Despite this stern moral and religious atmosphere, there were, 
as always, a few students "whose manners, dispositions and 
capacities," in Rachel's words, "defied the arts of culture, I 
may almost say of civilization." In such instances the harried 
instructress could only hope these girls would not return for 
another term. 34 

The semester that began in January, 1811, opening the 
third year of the Warrenton Female Academy, brought with 
it a greater number of pupils than ever. Six new students 
came all the way from Wilmington and several applications 
arrived from Petersburg, Virginia. There were more than 
sixty boarding students, with girls still arriving, and many 
day students also attending. Even more convincing evidence 
of the school's growing reputation was the fact that the 
parents of most of the girls had chosen to pay in advance! 
Ellen Mordecai and her sister Carolina may have joined the 
teaching staff at this time, although the greater part of their 

M Quoted in Montgomery, Old Warrenton, 142. 

33 Jacob Mordecai to Samuel Mordecai, Nov. 29, 1810, Mordecai Papers; 
Cohen, Myers, Hays and Mordecai Families, 33. 

M Rachel Mordecai to Samuel Mordecai, Jan. 27, 1811, Mordecai Papers. 



Female Academy of Jacob Mordecai 293 

efforts was undoubtedly still devoted to aiding their mother 
in caring for the less academic needs of the students. The 
faculty was also increased by the addition of a certain Darrac, 
who taught the children "to dance scientifically"* 5 Despite 
this extra help, the burden still fell on Jacob, Rachel, and 
Solomon Mordecai, who spent most of the day teaching and 
then worked late into the evening to prepare the next day's 
lessons. With the school still growing and expanding, they 
had not as yet achieved that point in their activities when 
such intense preparation and effort would no longer be 
needed. Moreover, with few textbooks readilv available, 
Mordecai and his son undertook to make their own compen- 
diums from works such as Brooke's Gazetteer, Guthrie's 
Grammar of Geography, and Tooke's Pantheon™ "All this 
fatigue," noted Rachel, "we bore with cheerfulness, and 
buoyed by youthful enthusiasm, we found pleasure in the 
task." 37 

Meanwhile, work had been continuing on the physical 
plant of the Academy. Workmen finished the building bought 
by Jacob Mordecai and also erected one or two more on the 
school property. On one occasion they were interrupted by 
a violent wind and rain storm that blew down one of the 
buildings and unroofed another. By April 27, 1811, however, 
their work was completed. 38 But that night there occurred 
what one of the neighbors called a "dreadful catastrophe." 39 
which undid all their labor. 

Each night, when it was time for the students to go to bed, 
a slave woman would go from room to room and collect the 
candles. On this particular evening, however, one of the girls 
decided to do some sewing after the candles had been re- 
moved. She lit an extra candle she had concealed and, having 
no candlestick, fixed it in a hole in the wall between the laths. 



86 Emphasis in original. Ellen Mordecai to Samuel Mordecai, Feb. 4, 1811. 
and Rachel Mordecai to Samuel Mordecai, Jan. 27, 1811, Mordecai Papers; 
Cohen, Myers, Hays and Mordecai Families, 33, 39. 

88 "R. Mordecai Memoir," 37-38; Cohen, Myers, Hays and Mordecai 
Families, 33. 

87 "R. Mordecai Memoir," 38. 

38 A. Mordecai, "Memoranda," 2-3; Montgomery, Old Warrenton, 135-136. 

39 Elizabeth B. Kennon to Samuel Mordecai, June 3, 1811, "Kennon 
Letters," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, XXXII (October, 
1924), 344. 



294 The North Carolina Historical Review 

As luck would have it, the girl fell asleep, the candle burned 
down, and the wall caught fire. Just as the Mordecai family- 
was retiring, someone noticed that the whole wing was sud- 
denly ablaze. Rachel or one of her sisters ran to the nearby 
Male Academy to ring the schoolbell there and raise the 
alarm. The whole town turned out, but there was not enough 
water to save the building, or indeed any of the other newly 
constructed buildings, and all were burned to the ground in 
a matter of hours. The citizens of Warrenton opened their 
homes to take in the students, and the girls were scattered 
amongst the neighbors for the night. Fortunately, with the 
help of the boys from the Male Academy, much of the furni- 
ture was saved, including the desk in which the school records 
were kept. The weary and anxious Jacob Mordecai went from 
house to house, checking off names on the school roll, until 
all the girls were accounted for. 40 

Aside from the obvious and immediate effects of the fire, 
the event caused no major interruption in the routine of the 
Warrenton Female Academy. Much of the loss may have 
been redeemed, since Mordecai carried insurance. Moreover, 
a prominent member of the community, a widower named 
Oliver Fitts who himself had two daughters at the school, 
offered his large residence for Mordecai's use. An order for 
more supplies was apparently sent off to Samuel Mordecai 
in Richmond, and within two days the regular work of the 
school was resumed at the Fitts house. 41 The examination at 
the end of the term showed that, despite the fire, the faculty 
of the Female Academy had done its work in the usual skillful 
manner. "The children acquitted themselves as well as we 
could have wished," reported Rachel, "and the audience 
seemed highly pleased." She felt that the girls had "never 
passed a better examination, and it is equally certain that 
they never underwent a worse one." 42 Jacob Mordecai, mean- 
while, had received an offer from Fayetteville to move his 
school there. But in the belief that Warrenton was a more 

40 "R. Mordecai Memoir," 38; A. Movdecai, "Memoranda," 2; Montgomery, 
Old Warrenton, 136-137. 

41 Samuel Mordecai to Rachel Mordecai, May 27, 1811, Mordecai Papers; 
Montgomery, Old Warrenton, 137; "R. Mordecai Memoir," 38; A. Mordecai, 
"Memoranda," 2-3. 

"Rachel Mordecai to Samuel Mordecai, June 28, 1811, Mordecai Papers. 



Female Academy of Jacob Mordecai 295 

healthful location, and possibly because of his many friends 
and his standing in the Warrenton community, Mordecai 
declined the offer. He purchased the Fitts home and this 
became the permanent location of the school. 43 

The Warrenton Female Academy was now well-estab- 
lished. Within a year or so its fame and repute had spread 
across much of the country. The student body numbered 
more than 100, including girls from Virginia, North and 
South Carolina, and Georgia, as well as other states in the 
South. In all of these states, one of Jacob Mordecai's sons was 
to write in 1879, "there still remain Elderly women who retain 
grateful recollection of the benefit derived from the moral 
and intellectual instruction imparted to them at this Acad- 
emy. 

With the growth of the school, the size of the faculty also 
increased. The principal instructors remained, as before, 
Jacob, Solomon, and Rachel Mordecai, assisted more and 
more by Ellen and Caroline Mordecai. A certain Miller, of 
the original staff, taught drawing and music, and occasionally 
tried his hand at giving dancing lessons. He accompanied 
singing or dancing on the violin, and appears to have been 
fairly ambitious in his attempts to make skillful artists of his 
pupils. 45 Two other instructors also taught music, although 
their main effort appears to have been devoted to teaching 
French. These were Achilles Plunkett and his son, from Santo 
Domingo. A native uprising on that island had forced them 
to flee their plantation, and they escaped with a few faithful 
slaves and some of the family silver. Men of culture and edu- 
cation, they were a worthy addition to the Academy staff. 46 
Darrac, the dancing teacher with the scientific method, does 
not appear to have remained too long— perhaps he was some- 
what ahead of his time— for in 1814 Achilles Plunkett began a 
course in dancing. His approach was somewhat different from 
Darrac's and apparently one which emphasized the ease with 



48 Montgomery, Old Warrenton, 138. 
**A. Mordecai, "Memoranda," 3. 



45 Cohen, Myers, Hays and Mordecai Families, 32-33 ; Rachel Mordecai to 
Samuel Mordecai, July 27, 1810, Mordecai Papers. 

46 Cohen, Myers, Hays and Mordecai Families, 32; Rachel Mordecai to 
Samuel Mordecai, July 29, 1812, Mordecai Papers; Montgomery, Old War- 
renton, 139-140; A. Mordecai, "Memoranda," 5. 



296 The North Carolina Historical Review 

which the skill might be acquired. As one of the younger 
Mordecai children explained to a more reluctant brother, 
"Why . . . you will just have to put out your foot and then 
put it back again and hop, and knock it on the floor, and 
that's all." 47 Another teacher from Santo Domingo, La Taste, 
also gave dancing lessons and served occasionally as drawing 
or music master. 48 An instructor named Edwards did some of 
the teaching of classical languages, and a Mrs. Jenkins may 
have been responsible for lessons in sewing and embroidery. 49 
The major subjects of history, geography, reading, writing, 
arithmetic, and, in good part, Latin and Greek, were appar- 
ently taught by members of the Mordecai family. For these 
they used the texts compiled by Jacob and Solomon Mordecai, 
as well as whatever other books they could obtain. For his- 
tory, Goldsmith's England and Greece and Snowden's History 
of North and South America were used. The students also 
read the Roman historian, Eutropius, but probably more as a 
textbook in Latin than in history. They also studied the writ- 
ings of Erasmus and probably of other humanists and philos- 
ophers. Geography was taught with maps as well as volumes 
called Principal Place Books, which described the geograph- 
ical, historical, or legendary backgrounds of their subjects. 
The children memorized large portions of Murray's Gram- 
mar, Blair's Rhetoric, and other books by rote, although their 
teachers tried to insure that nothing was committed to mem- 
ory without comprehension. In the field of literature, the 
students read the novels and poetry of Sir Walter Scott, the 
Arabian Nights, the works of Virgil ( which undoubtedly also 
served as Latin texts), the novels of Maria Edgeworth, and 
other prominent examples. By the time a girl was graduated 
from the Academy, she had received a thorough and lasting 
education. 50 



47 Rachel Mordecai to Ellen Mordecai, March 14, 1814, Mordecai Papers. 

48 A. Mordecai, "Memoranda," 5; Cohen, Myers, Hays and Mordecai 
Families, 32-33. 

"Alfred Mordecai to Ellen Mordecai, Dec. 3, 1813, Alfred Mordecai 
Papers. 

60 Cohen, Myers, Hays and Mordecai Families, 33 ; A. Mordecai "Memo- 
randa," 3-5; Alfred Mordecai Examination Card, Nov. 25, 1813, and Alfred 
Mordecai to Ellen Mordecai, Dec. 3, 1813, Alfred Mordecai Papers; Rachel 
Mordecai to Samuel Mordecai, Dec. 12, 1809, and George Mordecai to Samuel 
Mordecai, Oct. 22, 1810, and Aug. 4, 1811, Mordecai Papers. 



Female Academy of Jacob Mordecai 297 

One of Jacob Mordecai's sons, whose early education was 
received at the Female Academy, noted that when he left 
Warrenton at the age of fifteen he "was well versed in the 
English language and literature, in geography and history 
and arithmetic, knew something of geometry and trigonom- 
etry, and had completed a great part of the collegeate course 
of Latin and Greek; having read in the latter language the 
whole of the Iliad." He could also "read French fluently and 
write it pretty well." 51 

The years passed easily at the Warrenton Female Academy. 
Nor does the War of 1812 appear to have interrupted the 
by-now smooth functioning of the school. Pupils entered and 
were graduated, and the reputation of the Academy con- 
tinued at a high level. By 1818 Jacob Mordecai had amassed 
a moderate fortune, and he concluded that ten years' success- 
ful managing of his school had provided him with enough 
funds on which to retire. Fifty-six years old and beginning to 
weary of his arduous life, Mordecai determined to give up 
the Female Academy and settle on a farm. During the year 
1818 he and his sons searched for the right type of property. 
At the same time they offered the school with all its furniture 
and equipment for sale, and in December it was purchased 
by Joseph Andrews and his son-in-law, Thomas P. Jones, of 
Philadelphia. The Mordecai family had not yet found a new 
home, however, so its members moved temporarily to a 
smaller house in Warrenton. By February Samuel Mordecai 
had discovered a satisfactory farm a few miles north of 
Richmond and in April, 1819, the purchase accomplished, the 
family moved to Spring Farm, as it was called. 52 Jacob Mor- 
decai's career as the director of the Warrenton Female 
Academy was now over. He lived on at Spring Farm and 
later in Richmond until his death on September 4, 1838, at 
the age of seventy-six. 53 



51 A. Mordecai, "Memoranda," 5. 

53 A. Mordecai, "Memoranda," 6; miscellaneous letters, 1818, and George 
Mordecai to Rachel Mordecai, Feb. 1, 1819, Rachel Mordecai to Caroline 
Mordecai, April 8, 1819, Mordecai Papers; Solomon Mordecai to Samuel 
Mordecai, March 23 and April 21, 1819, Jacob Mordecai Papers; Mont- 
gomery, Old Warrenton, 140. 

63 A. Mordecai, "Memoranda," 6-26, passim; "Mordecai Family Register," 
23, Alfred Mordecai Papers. 



298 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Andrews and Jones, the purchasers of the Warrenton Fe- 
male Academy, continued the school and enjoyed excellent 
patronage. They hired five teachers, as well as other instruc- 
tors for music, drawing, and dancing. In 1822, however, they 
were unable to meet their payments on the property and 
were forced to close the Academy and surrender it to Jacob 
Mordecai. While they opened another school nearby, Mor- 
decai turned the property over to Achilles Plunkett, who had 
married Caroline Mordecai, and the Plunketts reopened a 
school there in December. After a successful year, however, 
Plunkett died early in 1824 and his widow and her stepson 
continued the school until the end of the year. They then 
sold the property to the Reverend Elijah Brainerd and the 
Reverend C. C. Brainerd. After the death of the latter in 
1827, Mrs. Plunkett once more took over the property and re- 
opened the school in 1829. After a year of teaching, she 
offered it for sale again in 1830, but it was not until 1834 
that it was finally purchased for a residence. 54 

This was the end of the Warrenton Female Academy. 
Indeed, in a sense it had ceased to exist when Jacob Mordecai 
left Warrenton, for it was he and his children who gave the 
school its character and reputation and who made it one of 
the outstanding institutions of its type in the Old South. 



64 



Montgomery, Old Warrenton, 133-134. 



JOHN BRANCH AND THE ORIGINS OF THE 
WHIG PARTY IN NORTH CAROLINA 

By William S. Hoffmann* 

"It was thought I durst not change my cabinet, because if 
I did it would arouse . . . Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and 
Georgia against me," wrote Andrew Jackson. 1 The fiery chief 
executive had just asked for the resignations of John Branch, 
Samuel Ingham, and John Berrien from his cabinet and was 
explaining his action. "Old Hickory" bitterly hated the three 
secretaries. He regarded them as "tools of John C. Calhoun" 
involved in a plot to drive War Secretary John Henry Eaton 
from the president's side by slandering Eaton's wife. Jackson 
explained that a dismissal of Branch and Ingham would 
cause his party to lose the election in their states, but by re- 
organizing the whole cabinet he was tricking them into 
resigning and thereby retaining the support of their followers. 
Neither Ingham nor Berrien had the power seriously to harm 
the president, but in the case of John Branch, Andrew Jackson 
had not overestimated his enemy. 

John Branch was one of the shrewdest and most successful 
politicians in the nation. The son of a sheriff he learned local 
politics from childhood, and at an early age he entered the 
General Assembly of North Carolina and immediately made 
himself leader of a powerful faction. In 1814 Branch failed in 
a bid for the United States Senate, but three years later he 
became governor and twice won re-election. In 1822 he de- 
feated two of the state's most powerful politicians and 
entered the Senate. 2 As a senator Branch was a popular figure 

* Dr. William S. Hoffmann is Assistant Professor of History at Appala- 
chian State Teachers College, Boone. 

1 Andrew Jackson to John Coffee, May 13, 1831, John Spencer Bassett 
(ed.), The Correspondence of Andrew Jackson (Washington, D. C: Carne- 
gie Institute of Washington; 7 volumes and index, 1931), IV, 281-282. 
Hereinafter cited as Bassett, Jackson Correspondence. 

a Marshall Delancey Haywood, "John Branch, Secretary of the Navy in 
the Cabinet of President Jackson, etc.," The North Carolina Booklet, XV 
(October, 1915), 50-61; Duncan Cameron to Archibald D. Murphey, Novem- 
ber 27, 1816, William H. Hoyt (ed.), The Papers of Archibald D. Murphey, 
(Raleigh, North Carolina Historical Commission, 1914), I, 74-75, 77; William 
Omer Foster, "The Life of Mont^ort Stokes" (unoublished thesis. Univer- 
sity of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, 1939), 44-45; Delbert H. Gilpatrick, 
Jeffersonian Democracy in North Carolina, 1789-1816 (New York, 1931), 
214. 

[299] 



300 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and a brilliant speech maker. He constantly expressed devo- 
tion to "Republican principles," and his ardent appeals 
against all internal improvement measures— except improving 
North Carolina's Dismal Swamp Canal— won wide approval. 3 
In 1824 Branch deserted William H. Crawford to support 
Jackson, and after Congress elected John Quincy Adams 
president, Branch became one of the New Englander's most 
vitriolic opponents. 4 In 1828 Branch won re-election to the 
Senate without opposition. The North Carolina Senator had 
flattered Jackson excessively, even naming his son for him, 
and when "Old Hickory" chose his cabinet he made the pop- 
ular North Carolinian Secretary of the Navy. 5 

Although very popular, Branch was not the leader of the 
strongest political faction in the Tar Heel state. This domi- 
nant group called itself "Old Republicans," and rather con- 
sistently followed a policy of opposing almost all federal 
expenditures. Its most outspoken statesman was United 
States Senator Nathaniel Macon, and at the state level Bart- 
lett Yancey, speaker of the state senate, was the recognized 
head. In 1828, after Yancey's death, the faction's leadership 
fell to Richard Dobbs Spaight. 6 Romulus M. Saunders, Jesse 
Bynum, Hutchins G. Burton, Weldon Edwards, and Bedford 
Brown were other leaders in the "Old Republican" group. 
The second strongest faction was led by Westerners Charles 
Fisher and Montfort Stokes. Branch was a political friend of 
Fisher and the group frequently supported him. 7 There were 
many former Federalists within the state, who had a ten- 
dency to think and vote alike, and they frequently won 



3 Register of the Debates in Congress, II, Part 1, (Serially numbered 44), 
712-714, 720. 

4 Speech of [John] Branch on the Resolution to Instruct Senator Mangum, 
Miners and Farmers Journal (Charlotte), March 15, 1835, Charles Francis 
Adams (ed.), Memoirs of John Quincy Adams (Philadelphia, J. B. Lippin- 
cott and Company, 12 volumes, 1875), VII, 96, 99; Register of the Debates 
in Conaress, II, Part 1 (Serially numbered 44), 385-389. 

5 Andrew Jackson to John Branch, Hermitage, March 3, 1826, December 
11, 1827, March 3, 1828, William H. Branch Papers, Southern Historical 
Collection, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, hereinafter cited 
William H. Branch papers; John Branch to Andrew Jackson, December 11, 
1827, Bassett, Jackson Correspondence, III, 403. 

8 New Bern Spectator and Literary Journal, November 29, 1828, herein- 
after cited New Bern Spectator. 

7 "Native Citizen" in Star and North Carolina State Gazette (Raleigh), 
October 8, 1829, hereinafter cited as the Star. 



John Branch and the Whig Party 301 

important posts. There was also a large number of inde- 
pendent Republicans who sometimes looked to Branch for 
leadership. 

From 1823 to 1828 North Carolina politics was unique. 
In 1824 the Old Republicans supported William H. Crawford 
for president. The Western Republicans organized a "Peo- 
ple's party" and supported John C. Calhoun. Federalist 
William Polk and some independent Republicans praised 
Andrew Jackson but failed to put up an electoral ticket. After 
Branch joined the Jackson movement he served as a liaison 
between Fisher's People's party and the original Jacksonians. 
When Calhoun withdrew from the presidential race and 
sought the vice-presidency, the People's party formed a 
Jackson-Calhoun ticket. Jackson carried North Carolina. In 
the election, by the House of Representatives, North Caro- 
lina's delegation, most of them Old Republicans, voted for 
Crawford. 8 Instead of denouncing the "corrupt bargain" 
between Henry Clay and John Quincy Adams the press of 
the People's party group bitterly denounced the Crawford 
men, and for at least three years its main effort was devoted 
toward discrediting Crawford's former supporters. 9 Branch 
warned Jackson against the "Crawford party" in the state. 10 
The Crawford men retained leadership in North Carolina and 
showed no haste to jump on the Jackson band wagon. They 
talked of standing aloof, waiting for Crawford to re-emerge, 
and even considered supporting some third candidate such 
as DeWitt Clinton. 11 Yet they opposed everything Adams 



8 Albert R. Newsome, The Presidential Election of 1821+ in North Caro- 
lina, The James Sprunt Studies in History and Political Science, XXIII 
(Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1939), 46-61, 83-101, 
156, 170. 

9 Star, February 18, June 24, 1825; Western Carolinian (Salisbury), 
March 1, 1825, hereinafter cited as Western Carolinian. 

10 John Branch to Andrew Jackson, December 11, 1827, Bassett, Jackson 
Correspondence, III, 403. 

11 Lewis Williams to Bartlett Yancey, April 4, 1825, J. G. de R. Hamilton 
(ed.), "Letters to Bartlett Yancey," The James Svrunt Historical Publica- 
tions, X (Chapel Hill, The University, 1911), 52; Willie P. Mangum to 
Bartlett Yancey, January 15, 1826, Henry T. Shanks (ed.), The Papers of 
Willie Person Mangum (Raleigh, State Department of Archives and His- 
tory, 5 volumes, 1950-1956), I, 231. hereinafter cited Shanks. Mangum 
Papers; Romulus M. Saunders to Bartlett Yancy, April 7, 1826, A. R. 
Newsome (ed.), "Letters of Romulus M. Saunders to Bartlett Yancy, 1821- 
1828," The North Carolina Historical Review, VIII (October, 1931), 457, 
hereinafter cited Newsome, "Letters of Saunders." 



302 The North Carolina Historical Review 

stood for and declared that if "they could get no better" they 
would take up Jackson. 12 By 1828 they were reluctantly sup- 
porting Jackson as the lesser evil. Some wanted to run Martin 
Van Buren for vice-president, but when the New Yorker 
declined to enter the race they accepted Calhoun. 13 In the 
election of 1828 they co-operated with the Fisher group, and 
together they easily carried the state for the Hero of New 
Orleans. 

Following his election the Old Republicans became more 
pleased with Andrew Jackson. The Maysville veto made them 
delirious with joy. 14 The President in his siding with Georgia 
during the quarrel with the Cherokees, his questioning the 
constitutionality of the national bank, and the use of state's 
rights phraseology in almost all of his messages showed them 
that he spoke their language. Occasionally the state press 
found nice things to say about the economical way in which 
Branch was handling the Navy Department, and Branch's 
personal popularity also increased. 15 

Yet those close to John Branch knew that the North Caro- 
linian was no longer in the President's good graces. After 
the announcement of Branch's appointment, but before he 
took office, Branch had tried to persuade Jackson to demote 
Eaton to postmaster general and elevate John McLean to the 
position of secretary of war. 16 Branch's extreme rudeness 
toward the Eatons irritated Jackson greatly. One very pointed 
insult in January of 1830 caused Jackson to request Branch's 
resignation. Samuel Carson, an independent Republican and 
a partisan of Calhoun, wrote Branch: "Be cool and let noth- 
ing goad you to resign. They must consummate the design by a 
removal." 17 Branch refused to resign, and Jackson did not 

12 Willie P. Mangum to Charity Mangum, April 8, 1826, Shanks, Mangum 
Papers, I, 268. 

13 Star, February 23, 1827; Romulus Saunders to Bartlett Yancy, Febru- 
ary 12, 1827, Newsome, "Letters of Saunders," 460-461. 

14 William D. Moseley to James K. Polk, December 1, 1830, Elizabeth G. 
McPherson, "Unpublished Letters of North Carolinians to James K. Polk," 
The North Carolina Historical Review XVI (January, 1939), 63, herein- 
after cited McPherson, "Letters to Polk." 

15 Halifax Minerva, March 5, 26, 1829, July 15, 1830; Free Press (Tar- 
boro), March 3, 1831, hereinafter cited as Free Press. 

"John Henry Eaton, "A Candid Appeal to the People of the United 
States," New Bern Spectator, September 23, 1831. 

17 Samuel Carson to John Branch [Washington], January 30, 1830, 
William H. Branch Papers. 



John Branch and the Whig Party 303 

yet dare remove the powerful North Carolinian. For another 
fifteen months Branch retained the post. 

It was not until April 19, 1831, that "Old Hickory," after 
first accepting resignations from Van Buren and Eaton, finally 
demanded Branch's resignation. Branch replied with a note 
stating, "It was your wish that I retire." 18 Jackson denied 
that he had specifically requested Branch's resignation. 19 The 
North Carolinian answered that he had not intended to quote 
the president's words but merely to give the "substance" of 
his meaning. 20 Jackson accepted the resignation and praised 
Branch's service as navy department head. 21 

Branch wrote several identical letters to North Carolina 
leaders explaining that his "dismissal" was due to a "malign 
influence." According to Branch, base intriguers had pre- 
vailed on Jackson to discard "old and long tried supporters" 
and to place himself in the hands of "persons whose cold 
hearted selfishness and artifices were played off upon him 
for true and faithful service." 22 Branch gave permission for 
his letter to be published and it made the rounds of the press. 
Although Martin Van Buren was not mentioned by name 
Branch made it crystal clear that the New Yorker was the 
"malign influence" that had caused his ouster. 

Branch's letter produced a furore. The Raleigh Star, recog- 
nized organ of the Jackson party in North Carolina, regretted 
that Jackson had been deprived of Branch's service. 23 Only 
one of the State's twenty-odd papers denounced Branch, and 
the National Republican press was loudest in defending 

18 John Branch to Andrew Jackson, April 19, 1831, Bassett, Jackson 
Correspondence, IV, 266. 

19 Andrew Jackson to John Branch, April 19, 1831, Bassett, Jacksovi 
Correspondence, IV, 266. 

90 John Branch to Andrew Jackson, April 19, 1831, Bassett, Jackson 
Correspondence, IV, 266. 

21 Andrew Jackson to John Branch, April 20, 1831, James Parton, Life of 
Andrew Jackson (New York, Mason Brothers, 3 volumes, 1861), III, 
355-356. 

22 John Branch to James Iredell, Washington, May 3, 1831, Charles Earl 
Johnson Collection, State Department of Archives and History, Raleigh; 
John Branch to Charles Fisher, Washington, May 3, 1831, Fisher Papers, 
Southern Historical Collection; John Branch to "A Gentleman in This 
City," New Bern Spectator, May 21, 1831. 

83 Star, May 26, 1831. 



304 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Branch and condemning Jackson for the "indignity" to North 
Carolina. 24 

Branch desired vindication and found it immediately. His 
friends rushed to the press and praised Branch highly. Typi- 
cal letters declared: 

Mr. Branch still retains our affection and confidence. . . . We 
have not become so depraved to denounce a man . . . because he 
will not compromise his honor and dignity at the shrine of des- 
potism and power ... or surfer himself to be hemmed to the 
petticoat of a modern Cleopatra. Mr. Branch has not forsaken 
his principles. He is still pertinaciously clinging to those prin- 
ciples which first induced him to espouse the Jackson cause. 25 

In Branch's Congressional district the former Congressman 
resigned, and the ex-Navy Secretary entered the race. He 
twice publicly promised to support the administration, and 
the other candidates withdrew from the contest. 26 

With the contest over, Branch declared all out war on the 
Van Buren wing of the party. He wrote Edward Freeman, 
editor of the Roanoke Advocate, a public letter giving the 
"true reason" for his "dismissal." He gave his version of the 
social war and denounced Van Buren for disrupting the 
party. 27 Other letters followed all bearing the same anti- 
Van Buren theme. 28 

Branch lost some friends as he attacked Van Buren, but 
he had many allies who followed his lead. James Iredell, 
former governor and senator and an ex-Federalist, was his 
main lieutenant. William Polk, another ex-Federalist, who 
had directed Jackson's campaigns in 1824 and 1828 was a close 
friend of Branch and joined the ex- Secretary in the war on 
Van Buren. Charles Fisher, Samuel Carson, Edward B. Dud= 
ley, Willis Alston, John Owen, George Outlaw, William A. 



24 North Carolina Journal ( Fayette ville), November 9, 1831, hereinafter 
cited as North Carolina Journal; New Bern Spectator, June 4, 1831. 

25 "R." to editor of Roanoke Advocate (Halifax), hereinafter cited as 
Roanoke Advocate, quoted in the Star, November 1, 1831. 

26 John Branch to George Spruill, May 10, 1831, Star, June 2, 1831, quot- 
ing Roanoke Advocate; "Report of the Friends of Mr. (Jesse) Bynum," 
Free Press, July 19, 26, 1831, quoting Roanoke Advocate. 

"'John Branch to Edward Freeman, August 22, 1831, New Bern Spec- 
tator, September 2, 1831, quoting Roanoke Advocate. 

28 John Branch to Alexander Mebane and others, August 20, 1831, Free 
Press, September 2, 1831; Raleigh Register and North Carolina Gazette, 
September 8, 1831, hereinafter cited as Raleigh Register. 



John Branch and the Whig Party 305 

Blount, Kenneth Rayner, Warren Winslow, Charles Manly, 
John Giles, and Burton Craig aligned themselves with the 
ousted navy secretary, and Willie P. Mangum was accepted 
as an ally by the group. The editors of the Star (Raleigh), 
Western Carolinian (Salisbury), Fayetteville Observer, Ox- 
ford Examiner, Washington Union, and Roanoke Advocate 
(Halifax), were allies of Branch, and National Republican 
journals followed his lead. In leadership among politicians 
and in the press Branch's group was the strongest in the State. 

Branch soon found out that merely to denounce Van Buren 
as a "malign influence" was not enough to discredit him with 
the voters, and he looked for a better issue. In March Branch 
wrote Iredell, "Our strategy is to assert we opposed the tariff 
and of course those who fostered the tariffs of '24 and '28 
upon us." 29 Iredell did his work well, and soon the press 
labeled Van Buren the "father of the tariff." 30 

Opposition to the "father of the tariff" increased, and friends 
of Branch called meetings to demand the selection of an anti- 
tariff candidate for vice-president. From Halifax County 
came a suggestion that Branch himself was a suitable candi- 
date, and a meeting in the county was called to make a nomi- 
nation. 31 In the meantime anti-Van Buren forces in Alabama 
proposed a ticket of Jackson and Philip Pendleton Barbour of 
Virginia, and Branch's followers recommended the Virginian 
as the vice-presidential candidate. 32 Barbour was popular. 
Regular Democrats, including Romulus M. Saunders, the 
Jackson-Van Buren leader, expressed a willingness to go to 
the Democratic National Convention and work for Barbour's 
nomination. 33 Yet regular Democrats made it clear that they 
would support the nominee of the convention, and everyone 
assumed that Van Buren would win the nomination. 



29 John Branch to James Iredell, Norfolk, March 31, 1832, James Iredell 
Papers, The George Washington Flowers Collection, Duke University, 
Durham. 

30 New Bern Spectator, April 20, 1832. 

31 Martin Read to Willie P. Mangum, March 2, 1832, Shanks, Mangum 
Papers, I, 500-501. 

^Joseph H. Harrison, Jr., "Martin Van Buren and His Southern Sup- 
porters," Journal of Southern History, XXII (November, 1956), 454; 
Western Carolinian, April 9, 1832. 

^Romulus Saunders to Willie P. Mangum, February 4, 1832, Shanks, 
Mangum Papers, I, 550. 



306 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The strategy of Branch's group next turned to discrediting 
the Baltimore Convention. In almost every issue of the jour- 
nals that followed the ousted secretary's lead, columns were 
filled with bitter attacks on the Baltimore "caucus." 34 When 
Jackson- Van Buren men called a meeting in Halifax to name 
delegates to the Baltimore convention, the Branch men at- 
tended and disrupted the assembly. Ex-congressman Willis 
Alston led the anti-Van Buren forces to a separate gathering, 
denounced the Baltimore Convention, urged voters to select 
delegates to a state convention, and personally recommended 
Jackson and Barbour. They insisted that only through a state 
convention could a Republican nomination be made. 35 

Branch's allies in the press created the illusion of a real 
grass roots movement. The papers filled their columns with 
accounts of "large and respectable" crowds meeting, de- 
nouncing the Baltimore "caucus", and selecting delegates to 
a state convention. Some meetings passed resolutions calling 
Van Buren a "political juggler," "father of the American 
System," "Federalist," and "abolitionist." 36 Inspired letters to 
the editors expressed disgust because there were a few peo- 
ple base enough to meet in a "caucus" at Baltimore and tell 
the American people that they must vote for Van Buren. 37 
Occasional reports declared that a few office holders had met 
and promised to support the nominee of the Baltimore con- 
vention. Branch's allies proclaimed all Republicans except 
selfish office-holders would support the nominee of a state 
convention. On June 18 the state convention assembled, con- 
demned Van Buren and the Baltimore "caucus," praised Bar- 
bour for his anti-tariff stand, and named Jackson and Bar- 
bour as candidates. 38 Wide publicity resulted from the nomi- 
nation, and even the Washington Globe, organ of the Nation- 
al Democratic party, asked, "if John Branch really thought 
(he) could upset Van Buren in North Carolina?" 39 



84 New Bern Spectator, May 16, 1832. 

35 Western Carolinian, May 7, 1832, quoting Roanoke Advocate. 
86 Address and Resolutions of Pitt County Meeting, New Bern Spectator, 
May 16, 1832. 

37 "Jackson Man," in Free Press, May 23, 1832. 

38 Free Press, July 3, 1832. 

"North Carolina Journal, July 14, 1832, quoting Globe (Washington, 
D. C). 



John Branch and the Whig Party 307 

Until August Barbour's chances in North Carolina appear- 
ed excellent. The National Republicans were supporting his 
ticket and making no effort to select electors pledged to Clay. 
This led to some peculiar inconsistencies, and Democrats 
noted that a "lot of Clay-Adams Federalists had suddenly 
found hidden virtues in . . . Judge Barbour." 40 Even when 
Jackson vetoed the recharter of the national bank, most of 
them ignored the fact that Barbour was an ardent enemy of 
the bank and found this another reason to vote against Van 
Buren, whom they blamed for the veto. 41 

Not until South Carolina called a convention to nullify 
the tariff did the National Republicans take action. Since 
Branch's followers had held their first meeting, regular Dem- 
ocrats had denounced them as nullifiers, but they and their 
National Republican allies had ignored or denied the 
charge. 42 James Iredell and a few other allies of Branch did 
voice approval of nullification. 43 Democrats called mass meet- 
ings to denounce the nullifiers and public sentiment strongly 
opposed the South Carolina doctrine. 44 National Republicans 
too could recognize the ground swell, and almost all of them 
sincerely opposed nullification. In September and October 
they hastened to form an electoral ticket urging voters to sup- 
port Henry Clay and save the Union. 45 

Van Buren supporters hoped that Barbour would avow 
support of nullification. 46 They wrote identical letters to the 
Virginia judge and to Van Buren asking them to state their 
views on various issues. 47 Barbour answered condemning 

40 North Carolina Journal, May 23, 1832. 

u North Carolina Journal, July 5, 1832, quoting Fayetteville Observer; 
Lewis Williams to William Lenoir, Washington, January 12, 1832, Lenoir 
Family Papers, Southern Historical Collection; Neiv Bern Spectator, July 
6,1832. 

42 North Carolina Journal, May 9, 1832. 

^William Haywood, Jr., to Willie P. Mangum, Raleigh, June 22, 1832, 
Shanks, Mangum Papers, I, 558; Western Carolinian, March 11, 1832; 
Miners and Farmers Journal (Charlotte), hereinafter cited as Miners and 
Farmers Journal, December 15, 1832, quoting Roanoke Advocate. 

** North Carolina Journal, August 22. 

46 Raleigh Register, October 8, 1832; New Bern Spectator, September 19, 
1832. 

46 James Grant to Martin Van Buren, August 30, 1832, Elizabeth G. 
McPherson, "Unpublished Letters of North Carolinians to Martin Van 
Buren," The North Carolina Historical Review, XV (January, 1938), 56, 
hereinafter cited McPherson, "Letters to Van Buren." 

"Free Press, September 11, 1832. 



308 The North Carolina Historical Review 

both the protective tariff and nullification, but declaring that 
a state could secede from the union. 48 Van Buren, too, con- 
demned nullification. To the horror of the regulars who had 
warned him not to reply if an "honest answer" would hurt in 
New York, Van Buren also admitted his belief in a protective 
tariff. 49 Branch's candidate got the better of the exchange, 
but the anti-nullification feeling would not die down. As the 
Carolina Watchman (Salisbury) explained, it made no dif- 
ference "whether Mr. Barbour is a nullifier or not, . . . That 
party ... is supporting him" and people will not "afford the 
disunionists even the semblance of a triumph." 50 

The Watchman's prediction appeared right. A large num- 
ber of politicians jumped off the Barbour bandwagon. A 
Person County wag wrote, "We have only one nullifier and 
he is trying to work out of former opinions." 51 Chameleon- 
like Willie P. Mangum publicly denounced nullification and 
reluctantly voted for Van Buren. 52 Edward J. Hale forgot his 
championship of the National Bank and his hatred of Van 
Buren and took his paper into the Jackson- Van Buren camp. 53 
The politicians were deserting Branch in order to follow the 
lead of the people. 

A further blow to Branch's cause occurred shortly before 
election. The press repeated rumors that Barbour had with- 
drawn, and on October 14, he did withdraw from the race in 
Virginia urging his friends to vote for Jackson and Van Buren 
electors. 54 The leading paper of the Branch group in North 
Carolina declared that it "was evident Barbour intends it to 
apply to his own state alone; yet we cannot see how it can 
operate otherwise than a total withdrawal." 5 " 

48 Philip Pendleton Barbour to Joseph H. Bryan and others, Carolina 
Watchman (Salisbury), October 13, 1832. 

49 Martin Van Buren to Joseph H. Bryan and others, Free Press, Octo- 
ber 31, 1832; James Grant to Martin Van Buren, August 30, 1832, McPher- 
son, "Letters to Van Buren," 56. 

60 North Carolina Journal, August 22, 1832, quoting Carolina Watchman. 

51 Spivey McKissick to James K. Polk, January 18, 1833, McPherson. 
"Letters to Polk," 76. 

52 Mangum's Speech, Orange County Union Meeting, North Carolina 
Journal, September 26, 1832; Mangum's Speech in Senate, Miners and 
Farmers Journal, March 1, 1834. 

53 Western Carolinian, October 1, 1832, quoting Fayetteville Observer. 

54 Western Carolinian, October 13, 1832; P. P. Barbour to Thomas W. 
Gilmer, October 14, 1832, Free Press, November 6, 1832. 

55 North Carolina Journal, November 7, 1832, quoting the Star. 



John Branch and the Whig Party 309 

The Virginia withdrawal weakened Branch's candidate, 
and on election day only about three-fifths of the number 
that had voted in 1828 came to the polls. The Jackson- Van 
Buren ticket received 21,007 votes, Clay and Sergeant re- 
ceived 4,563 votes and only 3,855 people cast ballots for 
Jackson-Barbour electors. 56 The result was a personal victory 
for Jackson and a triumph of unionism over southern nation- 
alism. 

The specter of nullification that proved so disastrous to 
John Branch's party did not end with the election. Men and 
women continued to gather in courthouses to declare solemn- 
ly their devotion to the Union and condemn the "mad 
policy" of John C. Calhoun. 57 In November, 1832, the legis- 
lature convened and rejected the quests for office of several 
members of the Branch group. The Jackson-Barbour men 
wanted to elect Branch governor, and about fifty-five of his 
followers had won election to the legislature the previous 
August. Regular Democrats supported Richard Dobbs 
Spaight while most National Republicans first voted for 
Thomas Polk. The National Republicans regarding Branch 
as a nullifier, refused to support him, while Branch's faction 
would not support Polk, who had offended the nullification 
sympathizers in their midst. Polk's friends withdrew their 
candidate and nominated David L. Swain. After the fifth 
ballot Branch's friends withdrew his name, threw their sup- 
port to Swain, and Swain won the election. 58 The election 
showed that the coalition of Branch's friends and National 
Republicans could still function, but now Branch's allies had 
to follow the lead of the Nationals or face defeat. 

Democrats and National Republicans were united in their 
disapproval of nullification. The General Assembly by a vote 
of approximately five to one declared that nullification was 
"revolutionary . . . subversive . . . and leads to a destruction 
of the Union." The resolution stated that a majority of North 
Carolinians considered the tariff unconstitutional and all con- 
demned it as "unjust and oppressive." 50 

"Free Press, November 27, 1832. 

57 New Bern Spectator, November 17, 1832. 

58 Free Press, December 11, 1832. 
50 Free Press, January 8, 1833. 



310 The North Carolina Historical Review 

National Republicans almost unanimously upheld Jack- 
son's demand for coercive action. They voiced their regret 
because the resolution did not contain an approval of the force 
bill. 60 

Regular Democrats divided over this issue, but almost 
none of them broke with Jackson because of it. Jesse Speight 
was one of the few who took a strong stand in favor of the 
force bill, and he conceded that coercion, although necessary, 
was wrong in principle. 61 Three other of the state's Democrats 
voted for the bill in Congress as did Branch's friend Augus- 
tine H. Shepperd and all three of North Carolina's National 
Republicans. Thomas Hall and Henry W. Connor, who re- 
mained loyal Democrats, joined with two of Branch's allies, 
Samuel Carson and Abraham Rencher, in opposing the bill. 
Branch himself did not vote. 62 From the Senate floor loyal 
Democrat Bedford Brown apologized for opposing the ad- 
ministration. He attacked nullification as "unsound Federal- 
ist doctrine," but he stated that he had instructions to work 
for peaceable reconciliation and declared that the force bill 
made bloodshed likely. 63 Willie P. Mangum also spoke against 
the bill, but at that time he did not break openly with Jack- 
son. Even the editor of the Constitutionalist, the short-lived 
organ of the Jackson-Van Buren men, asserted, "Blood can 
never cement the Union." 64 Typical of the Democrats was 
Nathaniel Macon. He declared, "I am for Union, no nullifier, 
nor an approver of the ( anti-nullification ) Proclamation," but 
he excused Jackson's action because of the "very hot time" 
in which he acted. 65 As Macon declared, "It is the great error 
of the administration, which, except that, had been satis- 
factory in a high degree." 66 Almost no regular Democrat 
broke with the party over nullification. 

After the passage of Henry Clay's compromise tariff ended 

""New Bern Spectator, January 18, 1832. 

81 Jesse Speight's Circular, Free Press, January 22, 1833. 

63 Free Press, March 8, 1833. 

w Brown's Speech in Senate, Star, March 1, 1833. 

M Free Press, January 1, 1833, quoting Constitutionalist and People's 
Advocate (Raleigh). 

86 Nathaniel Macon to Andrew Jackson, August 26, September 25, 1833, 
Bassett, Jackson Correspondence, V, 181, 208-209. 

w Nathaniel Macon to Samuel Carson, February 12, 1833, Raleigh Reg- 
ister, August 13, 1833. 



John Branch and the Whig Party 311 

the crisis, Branch toasted Clay and Calhoun as the two 
patriots who had given the great gift of low tariff to the na- 
tion. 67 This symbolized his desire of re-establishing the coali- 
tion of his own group of Calhoun partisans with supporters 
of Henry Clay. In the Spring of 1833 feelings were too strong 
for National Republicans to return to an alliance with nulli- 
fies, and some of their spokesmen even expressed regret that 
"traitors" were not to be hung. 68 

The policies of Calhoun had brought the nation to the 
brink of war. The peace-loving people of North Carolina felt 
nothing but contempt for the South Carolinian and his parti- 
sans, and Branch's faction suffered serious political setbacks. 
Samuel Carson, an avowed nullifier, decisively lost his bid 
for re-election to Congress, and Branch, facing similar pros- 
pects, did not stand for re-election. 69 Gradually the feelings 
of the people concerning the issue died down, and North 
Carolinians became interested in other matters. 

While North Carolinians were forgetting nullification, 
Andrew Jackson was making another of his major decisions. 
He decided to transfer the government's money from the 
national bank, and the people's interest again turned to na- 
tional politics. National Republicans, including those who 
had supported Jackson and Van Buren as a lesser evil than 
nullifiers, attacked "Old Hickory'' for his action. 70 In spite of 
a long record of opposition to the national bank, members of 
Branch's group joined in the cry and denounced the re- 
movals. 71 Even those like Willie P. Mangum who had de- 
serted Branch's ill-fated Barbour movement, raised their 
voices to shout out against Jackson's latest policy. 72 

Some recrimination occurred between National Republicans 
and Branch's nullification sympathizers, but uniting on the 
phony issue of "resistance to executive tyranny" of "King 

67 Free Press, July 13, 1833. 

68 New Bern Spectator, March 8, 1833. 
99 Raleigh Register, March 20, 1833. 

70 Raleigh Register, October 1, 22, 1833; Lewis Williams to Edmund 
Jones, Washington, December 8, 1833, Edmund Jones Papers, Southern 
Historical Collection; Hugh Waddell to William A. Graham, [Hillsboro], 
December 5, 1833, William A. Graham Papers, State Department of 
Archives and History. 

71 Star, September 27, 1833. 

78 Mangura's Speech in Senate, Raleigh Register, March 18, 1834. 



312 The North Carolina Historical Review 



Andrew I" they forgot their past differences and merged to 
form the Whig party. 78 

With the support of a unified Whig party, Branch sought to 
enter the United States Senate, and his followers tried des- 
perately to embarrass and unseat Democratic Senator Bed- 
ford Brown. Branch s friend, Samuel Carson, called a public 
meeting and arranged for a petition to be sent to the Senate 
"instructing" the senators to restore the deposits. When 
Brown refused the Whigs denounced him and made his re- 
fusal to obey "instructions" or resign a key issue in the 1834 
legislative elections. 74 Whig leaders urged voters to cast bal- 
lots for legislators who would refuse to support the re-elec- 
tion of Brown, and many Whig legislators had promised to 
vote for Branch. 75 Democrats won the election, but Whig 
hopes did not die. 76 Branch agreed to stand aside and allow 
his friends to support David L. Swain. 77 Although Swain's 
chief support in his election for governor two years before had 
come from National Republicans and his closest political 
friends were of that faction, he posed as a non-partisan cham- 
pion of internal improvements and constitutional revision. 78 
Some western Democrats placed these objectives above parti- 
san politics and admired Swain highly. Whigs believed that 
they would support Swain for senator. As a reward for stand- 
ing aside in favor of Swain, Whigs hoped to give Branch 

78 Western Carolinian, October 11, November 1, 1834; "Sidney" in 
Raleigh Register, December 23, 1834. 

7i Miners and Farmers Journal, March 1, 1834; Raleigh Register, Feb- 
ruary 25, March 18, April 15, 1834; Western Carolinian, March 7, 1834; 
cow of Burke County Resolutions, March 27, 1834, Shanks, Mangum 
Papers, II, 127-130. 

15 Miners and Farmers Journal, July 12, 1834; John Owen to David L. 
Swain, Bladen County, September 8, 1834, David L. Swain, Epistolary 
Correspondence (on loan from Needham Cobb), University of North Caro- 
lina, Chapel Hill, IV; William S. Hoffmann, "Willie P. Mangum and the 
Whig Revival of the Doctrine of Instructions," The Journal of Southern 
History, XXII (August, 1956), 338, 354. 

76 Bedford Brown to Martin Van Buren, September 24, 1834, McPherson, 
"Letters to Van Buren," 63. 

"John Owen to David L. Swain, Bladen County, September 8, 1834, 
David L. Swain, Epistolary Correspondence, IV. 

78 "One of the People" in North Carolina Standard (Raleigh), November 
21, 1834. 



John Branch and the Whig Party 313 

the governorship. 79 The plan failed when western Democrats 
implied that they would not support Swain for a federal office 
unless he voiced approval of Jackson's removal of the de- 
posits. 80 Swain, realizing that he could not become senator, 
expressed a desire to remain as governor and continue his 
state program. 81 Branch again stepped aside, and although 
Democrat Brown retained his Senate seat, Whig Swain de- 
feated eastern Democrat William B. Moseley for the governor- 
ship. 82 Branch had failed in his attempt to regain high elec- 
tive office. 

Although defeated in his aspirations Branch remained a 
leader in the Whig party. He had won election to the state 
senate and cast vitriolic abuse on "the party" as Whigs re- 
ferred to the Democrats. During the debate concerning in- 
structing senators to support a resolution expunging a censure 
of Jackson from the records of the Senate, Branch delivered a 
two-day tirade filled with bitter invective. 83 Branch had gone 
too far, and even Whig supporters felt that his abuse of Demo- 
crats had done more harm than good. 84 

Branch temporarily left the State to speculate in Florida 
land, but the Whig coalition which he had forged remained 
as a strong integrated party. It gained great popularity by 
championing annual distribution of the proceeds of public 
land sales. 85 In 1836 in the first popular election for governor 
its candidate, Branch's friend, Edward B. Dudley, carried 
the state while Whigs won half the seats in the state legis- 

79 David L. Swain to William Gaston, Raleigh, September 19, 1834, Wil- 
liam Gaston Papers, Southern Historical Collection; John Owen to David 
L. Swain, Bladen County, September 8, 1834, Richmond Pearson to David 
L. Swain, Mocksville, October 18, 1834, David L. Swain, Epistolary Cor- 
respondence, IV. 

80 James W. Gwinn to David L. Swain, Franklin, September 11, 1834, 
David L. Swain Papers, Southern Historical Collection, hereinafter cited 
as Swain Papers. 

81 David L. Swain to William Gaston, Raleigh, September 19, 1834, Wil- 
liam Gaston Papers; David L. Swain to James W. Gwinn, [Raleigh], Sep- 
tember 23, 1834, copy Swain Papers. 

83 Raleigh Register, November 25, 1834, January 2, 1835. 

83 John Branch's Speech, Miners and Farmers Journal, March 5, 1835. 

81 James Graham to William A. Graham, Washington, December 20, 1834, 
William A. Graham Papers, Southern Historical Collection. 

^William S. Hoffmann, "The Downfall of the Democrats: The Reaction 
of North Carolinians to Jacksonian Land Policy," The North Carolina 
Historical Review, XXXIII (April, 1956), 166-182. 



314 The North Carolina Historical Review 

lature. 86 By 1838 Branch had returned to North Carolina and 
wanted to be his party's candidate for governor. Dudley re- 
fused to withdraw and Branch entered the race against him. 
Democrats named no candidate and some voted for the ex- 
Navy Secretary, but again John Branch suffered defeat. 87 
Branch's desertion of the Whigs occurred at about the same 
time that Calhoun shifted back to the Democrats, but these 
events failed to weaken appreciably the strength of North 
Carolina Whiggery. 88 Although Branch had done more than 
any single man to build the Whig party in North Carolina, 
few Whigs followed him in his attempt to disrupt the new, 
but by 1838 completely victorious, party. 

It is hard to evaluate the motivation of John Branch. The 
former Navy Secretary was very ambitious, but unlike Willie 
P. Mangum, Branch deserted the Democratic party before 
he felt it was politically expedient to do so. His actions can- 
not be explained primarily as the attempt of a politician to 
gain or retain power or public office. Unlike William A. Gra- 
ham or Edward J. Hale, Branch was no believer in the new 
order of federal aid to the states or a champion of the national 
bank, so his opposition to Jackson cannot be placed on eco- 
nomic grounds. One cannot accept Branch's own statement 
that he held steadfast to principles and Jackson deserted him. 
Although Branch undoubtedly favored Calhoun, unlike 
Charles Fisher, it seems inadequate to explain Branch's ac- 
tions as a result of fanatical devotion to the South Carolinian. 
Since Branch began his movement before the nullification 
crisis, his opposition could not have resulted from Jackson's 
militant stand against the nullifiers. Branch's feeling of per- 
sonal mistreatment and his desire for revenge were the main 
driving forces behind his action. Branch was playing personal 
politics. 

The result of Branch's efforts was the formation of a highly 



86 Raleigh Register, November 22, 1836; Free Press, August 23, 1836, 
William S. Hoffmann, "The Election of 1836 in North Carolina," The 
North Carolina Historical Review, XXXII (January, 1955), 31-51. 

87 J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton, Party Politics in North Carolina, 1835- 
1860, The James Sprunt Historical Publications, XV (Durham [The North 
Carolina Historical Society?], 1916), 45-49. 

88 Charles G. Sellers, "Who Were the Southern Whigs?" The American 
Historical Review, LIX (January, 1954), 339-340. 



I 



John Branch and the Whig Party 315 

disciplined political party which dominated North Carolina 
for fifteen years. The Whigs were more partisan than the 
Democrats, and would not follow the personal whims of the 
former Navy Secretary as many of the pre- 1832 Jacksonians 
had done. Branch failed to receive high office from the Whigs, 
and he died an embittered man. 



EDUCATIONAL ATTITUDES OF 
NORTH CAROLINA BAPTISTS 

By David L. Smiley* 

In the past, North Carolina Baptists have been accused of 
fundamental hostility to education. Representing lower in- 
come groups, farming and rural people, and those living be- 
yond the pale of the established denominations, Tar Heel 
immersionists were widely regarded as bumpkins with no 
interest in intellectual development. But the stereotype did 
not fit the facts, either as represented by Baptist educational 
institutions, or by their statements of principles. North Caro- 
lina Baptists may have been ignorant, but they were not 
ignorant of their plight, and they worked to improve their 
educational status. Wake Forest College was established by 
the Baptist State Convention in 1834 to produce an educated 
ministry, and Baptist associations organized some of the earli- 
est schools in the State. The fight for a basic education for 
all children was waged in large part by Baptist leaders. But 
wherever competition developed between church-supported 
schools and colleges, and state-supported educational institu- 
tions, Baptists staunchly opposed the encroachments of the 
State. In their efforts to make the schoolhouse identical with 
the church-house, they opposed public schools in favor of 
the voluntary principle in education. In thus supporting the 
free-enterprise system, they stood out against the increasing 
socialization of essential public services. 

At no time did any Missionary Baptist group in the State 
oppose the principle of universal education. The Baptist atti- 
tude toward education was expressed in an associational re- 
port for 1889: "Education is power. Proper education is power 
for good, a power which cannot be over-estimated. . . . This 
will apply to denominations as well as individuals. We, as 
Baptists, must not ignore the education of our people if we 



* Dr. David L. Smiley is Assistant Professor of History, Wake Forest 
College, Winston-Salem. 



[316] 



Educational Attitudes of N. C. Baptists 317 

would expect the greatest power in uplifting the masses and 
aggressively prosecute the work assigned us." * 

With that attitude Baptists organized academies in all parts 
of the State. Though some schools were established before 
the Civil War, 2 most of them opened their doors in the two 
decades following 1890— the heyday of private high schools 
in North Carolina. Until 1907, when the first effective public 
high school law was passed, there was no real competition 
from the state or from local governmental agencies. Most 
preparatory training, especially in rural areas, was provided 
by free-enterprise instructors operating their own schools 
with whatever support they could muster from the com- 
munity. In 1907, more than seventy of these schools were 
operated and controlled by Baptists in North Carolina. 

Until the first decade of the twentieth century, then, the 
State was not seriously involved in pre-collegiate education. 
But it did maintain a university at public expense, and this 
the Baptists criticised. Every appropriation was met by reso- 
lutions at associational meetings, as in 1885, when the South 
Yadkin Association protested against "the unfriendly attitude 
and action of the last Legislature towards the interests of the 
denominational schools." 3 But the main blast against the Uni- 
versity was a series of articles published in 1893 by Dr. 
Charles E. Taylor, President of Wake Forest College. The 
articles appeared originally in the Biblical Recorder and were 
later reprinted in a pamphlet and widely circulated under the 
title, How Far Should a State Undertake to Educate? or, A 
Plea for the Voluntary System in Higher Education. Dr. Tay- 
lor's article was a scholarly summation of the arguments 
against public taxation to support higher education, and it 
was never really answered except by the passage of time. 

1 Report on Education, Atlantic Baptist Association, Minutes, October 31, 
1889, 15-16. These minutes and all others, unless specified, are located in the 
Wake Forest College Library, Winston-Salem. 

2 George W. Paschal, "Baptist Academies in North Carolina," North 
Carolina Historical Review, XXVIII (January, 1951), 52-53; and his 
History of Wake Forest College (Wake Forest: Wake Forest College, 3 
volumes, 1935-1943), I, 336-340. See also Edgar W. Knight, "The Academy 
Movement in the South," pamphlet reprinted from The High School Journal, 
II, No. 7 and 8, and III, No. 1; and his Public School Education in North 
Carolina (Boston, New York, and Chicago: Houghton Mifflin, 1916), 44-62. 

3 Report on Education, South Yadkin Baptist Association, Minutes, Sep- 
tember 11, 1885, 6. 



318 The North Carolina Historical Review 

In arguments logically organized and buttressed by appeals 
to authorities, Dr. Taylor undertook to establish three conten- 
tions: that the "desirable" education must contain religious 
elements; that the state was prevented by its "fundamental 
law" from furnishing religious instruction; and that therefore 
the state was unable to provide the "desirable" education. Dr. 
Taylor quoted a minister as saying that "the public schools 
have no more right to teach religion than has the Military 
Academy or the Coast Survey." 4 

Dr. Taylor devoted approximately one-third of the pamph- 
let to a survey of elementary and preparatory schools in North 
Carolina. His purpose was to show that basic education for 
all children was much more important than tax-supported 
higher education for the few. It was also his aim to save the 
free-enterprise schools from state competition. "Either this 
claim as to the functions of a State in education must be 
repudiated by the people, or else very many private enter- 
prises must die," he warned. "If the people of any State decide 
to accept the whole work of education, the higher as well as 
the lower, as one of the functions of their State, then those 
who control the majority of the colleges and academies for 
both sexes within that State may expect ... in the course of 
time, to close their institutions entirely . . . their ultimate 
doom is sealed. They may struggle on for a few years, but 
the end will be only a question of time." 5 

Under the impact of Taylor's impassioned paragraphs and 
gloomy forebodings, the State Baptist Convention at its meet- 
ing in December, 1893, appointed a committee of five to me- 
morialize the Legislature on the "friction and competition 
between the State schools and the denominational schools," 
and also to secure, if possible, "such arrangements as will 
enable the schools founded and conducted by citizens to do 

* How Far Should a State Undertake to Educate? or, A Plea for the 
Voluntary System in the Higher Education. By a Citizen of North Caro- 
lina (C. E. Taylor). (Raleigh: Edwards and Broughton, 1894), herein- 
after cited as Taylor, How Far Should a State Undertake to Educate? 
The minister quoted is the Rev. Howard Crosby, on page 6. The "desirable" 
education is from 29. 

5 Taylor, How Far Should a State Undertake to Educate?, 6. 



Educational Attitudes of N. C. Baptists 319 

their work without unnecessary competition with the State 
schools." 6 

Dr. Taylor's articles also provided the ammunition for a 
continuing skirmish with the State. In the fall of 1894, Bap- 
tist associations all over the State adopted resolutions con- 
demning public appropriations to the University and request- 
ing further contributions to the State's elementary schools 
instead. Most of the resolutions closely resembled each other 
and were probably copied from the same document. All of 
them noted that the public free schools provided a term of 
only about three months and paid the teachers $22.00 a 
month, while for 1893 and 1894 the Legislature had ap- 
propriated $148,000 for higher education. Many resolutions 
concluded with the statement that "the appropriation of the 
taxes of the people to higher education does, in our opinion, 
hinder rather than help the educational interests of the 
State." 7 

Within a few years after the publication of Dr. Taylor's 
pamphlet, the voice of Baptist protest against the inroads of 
Caesar grew stronger and associational education committees 
vied with each other in the preparation of bombastic and 
florid pronouncements. One associational report in 1896 de- 
clared that "the future civilization of America depends . . . 
on the extent to which distinctively Christian education shall 
be encouraged. The State has no more right to supply it on 
Wednesday in a college, male or female, than it has to provide 
it in a church on Sunday." Indeed, the report went on, "to 
submit without protest to what we believe to be unjust and 
wrong, and to allow the efficiency of our institutions to be 
impaired without seeking to defend them is neither manly, 
Baptistic, nor Christian." 8 Baptists would not turn the other 

a Action of Baptist State Convention, December, 1893, in Taylor, How 
Far Should a State Undertake to Educate?, 47. See also George W. Paschal, 
"The Truth as to the Public School Advancement in North Carolina," 
Wake Forest Student, XLVII (November, 1929), 31-61, especially pages 
41-43, and 55. 

7 Report on Education, Caldwell County Baptist Association, Minutes, 
September 7, 1894, 5; Report on Education, Brier Creek Baptist Association, 
Minutes, October 13, 1894, 7. The same resolution was copied into Elkin 
Baptist Association, Minutes, 1894, 5, and South Yadkin Baptist Associa- 
tion, Minutes, 1894, 8. 

8 Report on Education, Yadkin Baptist Association, Minutes, August 15 4 
1896, 14-15. 



320 The North Carolina Historical Review 

cheek to the State; instead, one group demanded that the 
University be thrown to the lions: "As the disestablishment 
of the Church was for the welfare of Christianity," the Atlan- 
tic Association announced in 1897, "so we believe that the 
disestablishment of schools for higher education would result 
in good." 9 

While the criticism of state aid to higher education gained 
adherents among Baptists, the number of church- and asso- 
ciation-supported academies grew rapidly. In the decade of 
the 1890's, Baptist associations and churches founded more 
than twenty preparatory schools in North Carolina, and in the 
single year of 1900, eight more opened their doors to students. 
Baptist organizations supported these enterprises, and many 
welcomed the educational emphasis of their people. "Bap- 
tists seemed a century ago to despise education almost," 
Bladen Association's education committee said. "Now they 
are among the most earnest and successful promoters of real 
christian education. . . . They have made wonderful progress 
in private schools and academies." 10 In 1903 the Mecklenburg 
and Cabarrus Association declared that a "tidal wave of in- 
terest in the subject of education" was "sweeping over the 
State," and the Tar River Association found "Baptists in the 
forefront" of it. 11 Caldwell County Association said that "our 
people" had "discovered their real enemies— Illiteracy and 
Isolation— and will overthrow the first with better schools and 
the last with better roads and telephone." 12 

But not all Baptists were agreed on the value of education. 
The committee on education at the Alexander Association's 
1900 meeting stated cautiously that "this experiment" of edu- 
cation "has developed certain dangers which we cannot too 
carefully guard." The church, the report asserted, "must resist 
the growing sentiment that to preach the Gospel successfully 
a man must have all the polish of the schools. The Church 

9 Report on Education, Atlantic Baptist Association, Minutes, October 
14, 1897, 13-14. 

10 Report on Education, Bladen Baptist Association, Minutes, November 6, 
1901, 6. 

11 Report on Education, Mecklenburg and Cabarrus Baptist Association, 
Minutes, August 21, 1903, 10; Report on Education, Tar River Baptist 
Association, Minutes, October 7, 1902, 9. 

12 Report on Education, Caldwell County Baptist Association, Minutes, 
September 30, 1905, 10. 



Educational Attitudes of N. C. Baptists 321 

must insist upon a religion of the heart as opposed to a more 
intellectual Christianity." But these words were intended as 
a warning against overemphasizing education at the expense 
of religious faith; the association did not oppose literacy and 
universal education. 13 

Generally, however, in the years before 1907 Baptists ad- 
vocated public taxation and support for elementary education 
while remaining adamant on the issue of public support to 
institutions of higher learning. "The tide of infidelity and 
skepticism which has swept over from Germany and has laid 
its hold upon some of our colleges and universities," said the 
Tar River Association in 1899, "must be met by a counter- 
acting influence which can only arise from Christian educa- 
tion." 14 The Baptists made heroic efforts to provide religious 
and academic instruction for the thousands of youths who 
had no other medium of high school education. "The State 
is largely and rightly in the ascendency in the sphere of pri- 
mary education," the Robeson Association reported in 1901, 
"private individuals and corporations have long occupied the 
field of secondary educational effort, but are now fast giving 
way, in cities and large towns, to the State, and elsewhere to 
the denominations." Robeson Baptists predicted that "within 
a few years a genuine private high school in this State will be 
a rarity as is the case now in States having a large public 
school fund— even in South Carolina." 15 

But with the Public School Law of 1907, authorizing the 
establishment of rural high schools with an annual appro- 
priation from the state government of $45,000 to support 
them, the process of socializing education was accelerated. 
In the same year, county commissioners were authorized ( in- 
deed, the Supreme Court interpreted the law to be oblig- 
atory) to levy an additional tax to bring the school term in 
each district up to four months, and the Assembly passed a 
compulsory school attendance law, though it was not en- 



18 Report on Education, Alexander Baptist Association, Minutes, October 

5, 1900, 5. 

14 Report on Education, Tar River Baptist Association, Minutes, October 
3, 1899, 5. 

16 Report on Education, Robeson Baptist Association, Minutes, November 

6, 1901, 11. 



322 The North Carolina Historical Review 

forced. It was these laws, more than any of the others relating 
to public education, which made the rural public high school 
possible, and that brought the State into competition with 
church-supported education at another point— the association- 
al academies. 16 

The new threat to their educational institutions quickly 
aroused North Carolina Baptists. In their meetings in 1908, 
many associational education committees warned of the dan- 
ger. "We recommend that our Baptist people stand by our 
Baptist High Schools and place them on a more permanent 
basis," the Yadkin Baptist Association said. "We believe it 
would be a fatal mistake to allow our denominational schools 
to be crushed out by the present system of State High 
Schools." 1T Liberty Association, which sponsored the Liberty- 
Piedmont Academy in Davidson County, was more explicit in 
its concern. Denominational academies, it said, were feeders 
for denominational colleges as state high schools would be 
feeders for the state university. "A determined purpose on the 
part of the State to put our High Schools out of business must 
be apparent to all. State High Schools are being established 
in close competition with these denominational institutions 
that have been built with so great sacrifice; and in some cases 
they have overwhelmed our academies and taken the field for 
themselves." Liberty Association was not ready to surrender 
to the state; it appealed for support and referred to the strug- 
gle as a fundamental one. "Once more we are face to face 
with the time worn problem," it concluded; "shall the denomi- 
nation or the State educate our children?" 18 

The Caldwell County Baptist Association echoed the appeal 
for support, and admitted that its own school at Lenoir had 
closed down. "The public school . . . cannot take the place 
of the secondary denominational school," its report somewhat 



ie 



J. Y. Joyner, Biennial Report, State Superintendent of Public In- 
struction (Raleigh: E. M. Uzzell, State Printer, 1908), 16, hereinafter 
cited Joyner, Biennial Report, 1908; State Superintendent of Public In- 
struction, The Public School Law of North Carolina . . . (Raleigh: State 
Superintendent of Public Instruction, 1913), 37-83, especially Sec. 4115, 50- 
52. 

17 Report on Education, Yadkin Baptist Association, Minutes, August 7, 
1908, 10. 

"Report on Education, Liberty Baptist Association, Minutes, August 19, 
1908, 8. 




Courtesy of Claude F. Gaddy, North Carolina Baptist State Convention 

This composite reproduction depicts the expansion of the first building of Buie's 
Creek Academy (now Campbell College). Note the additions to the original structure 
which was begun in 1887. On December 20, 1900, this entire building was destroyed 
by fire. 



Educational Attitudes of N. C. Baptists 323 

illogically read. "We must maintain these schools, if for no 
other reason, for the sake of the denominational Colleges." 10 
In the Eastern Baptist Association, the warning was sounded 
by Principal CM. Beach of the academy at Delway. He re- 
ported that since the passage of the Public School Law in 
1907, the State had established more than 150 schools with 
free tuition in 86 different counties. "This means, brethren, 
that our Denominational High Schools must receive more 
loyal support by our Baptist people, or they must lose out in 
this unequal contest," he warned. 20 Piedmont Association 
agreed. "The situation in the educational life of our denomi- 
nation is becoming acute. The state is undertaking to cover 
the whole field, from the public school in the remote districts 
to the university." 21 The Baptists in Allegheny Association 
also called for a renewal of interest in face of the crisis. "Shall 
we falter because the State is competing for the boys and 
girls? If we expect to keep pace with our work and have 
strong aggressive leaders they must be trained in Baptist 
schools. Let there be a great educational awakening among 
our folks. . . ." 22 

But not all Baptists joined the swelling ranks of the mourn- 
ers. As before, spokesmen for the Alexander Association dif- 
fered with their fellows. "State High Schools and local tax 
districts have rapidly taken the place of private academies 
and high schools," they said in 1911. "Education is, therefore, 
becoming more and more a public concern and less and less 
a private business. This, we think, is well because it gives alia 
better opportunity to acquire a good education." 23 The Rev. 
J. E. Lineberry, Educational Secretary of the State Baptist 
Convention, who was specially charged with the responsibil- 
ity of saving as many of the denominational academies as 

19 Report on Education, Caldwell County Baptist Association, Minutes, 
September 25, 1908, 10. 

20 Report on General Education, Eastern Baptist Association, Minutes, 
October 8, 1908, 16. Beach did not have his data altogether accurate. The 
Biennial Report, State Superintendent of Public Instruction for 1907-1909 
listed 156 high schools in 81 counties with a total enrollment of 3,949. 

21 Resolution on Schools and Colleges, Piedmont Baptist Association, 
Minutes, August 13, 1909, 15. 

22 Report on Education, Allegheny Baptist Association, Minutes, 1909, 
6-7. 

23 Report on Education, Alexander Baptist Association, Minutes, October 
6, 1911, 4. 



324 The North Carolina Historical Review 

possible, would not admit to the crisis. Baptist academies, 
he said, were in no danger from the "multiplication" of the 
rural high schools by the State, "which cannot approach 
them in standards and equipment, and can never supply what 
is in truth the fundamental need of the high school youth, 
namely, sympathetic, personal Christian guidance and teach- 

• yy 24 

Aside from these minor disagreements, Baptists generally 
continued to warn of impending doom to denominational 
academies, and to seek support by emphasizing the values of 
a religious bias in education. That argument was expressed 
in many ways by education committees of Baptist associa- 
tions in their annual meetings. "Schools as well as churches 
should be evangelistic," a spokesman for Transylvania Bap- 
tist Association declared in 1917. "The Bible should go hand 
in hand with history, mathematics, the classics. . . . Christian 
education is the correct education; the State cannot give it; 
evangelical churches must." 25 At a gathering of Tuckaseigee 
Association in 1918, a report read by J. C. Ingram of Sylva 
Collegiate Institute, a Baptist Academy in Jackson County, 
revealed prevailing war attitudes in defending religious edu- 
cation. German atrocities in the war, Professor Ingram said, 
arose out of a failure of moral instruction: ". . . if there had 
existed in the German government, for the past generation, 
Christian schools of the equivalent of Baptist schools now 
under the Southern Baptist Convention, this war could never 
have occurred. . . ." 26 

Another factor which enhanced the church-supported 
schools, in the opinion of Baptist spokesmen, was the church's 
position in the evolution controversy which invaded the South 
in the 1920's. Stanly Association's meeting for 1924 considered 
the advantages of maintaining Baptist academies, and pointed 
out the efforts of scientists "to attack the Bible from the stand- 
point of science." In the face of that threat, the associational 



21 Report on Education, Stanly Baptist Association, Minutes, October 25, 
1912, 10-12. 

25 Report on Education, Transylvania Baptist Association, Minutes, Oc- 
tober 17, 1917, 7. 

M Report on Education, Tuckaseigee Baptist Association, Minutes, August 
15, 1918, 9. 



Educational Attitudes of N. C. Baptists 325 

report declared, "we must train our God-fearing men and 
women to meet these scientists on their own ground and while 
pursuing all knowledge in all realms, to relate all science and 
all knowledge to Almighty God." 27 Nine years later the same 
association reiterated its view. "The rationalists of the past 
century succeeded in mowing down the world with their at- 
tacks upon the Bible, their sneering disbelief in the super- 
natural and their open effort to discount the history of the 
Bible narratives. . . . The battle is on in the schools between 
a materialistic and a spiritual interpretation of life." 28 

But the most audacious reason given for supporting the 
Baptist educational institutions was expressed in the report on 
Christian education at the Stanly Association meeting in Octo- 
ber, 1929. "The day we surrender the teacher's chair to other 
than Christians, that day our nation is doomed," the edu- 
cation committee declared. "If the Baptists are to dominate 
the South and the South is to dominate America and America 
is to dominate the world, then we must redouble our efforts 
to strengthen and encourage the teaching of the Christian 
religion as the Baptists understand it. . . ." 29 

But despite the varied claims of church-supported high 
schools and the zealous and sacrificial efforts of Baptists, tax- 
supported educational institutions inexorably displaced the 
academies. Some of the Baptist schools continued as junior 
colleges, and in the mountains, where basic education was 
still a luxury, Baptist academies held out against the State 
until the depression decade of the 1930's. The state of literacy 
in the mountain section of the State was reflected in the 
printed minutes of the 1919 meeting of Liberty and Duck- 
town Association, where the secretary reported that "the re- 
port on Christian Education was so written that the clerk 
could not read it." 30 

Aside from the mountains and the few junior colleges, the 

"Report on Education, Stanly Baptist Association, Minutes, November 
6, 1924, 9. 

28 Report on Education, Stanly Baptist Association, Minutes, October 25, 
1933, 7. 

29 Report on Education, Stanly Baptist Association, Minutes, October 31, 
1929, 8. 

80 Liberty and Ducktown Baptist Association (North Carolina and Ten- 
nessee), Minutes, 1919, 5. 



326 The North Carolina Historical Review 

academies could not compete with the state schools, with 
their free tuition, their generous building program which 
brought the schools close to the people, and their ever-in- 
creasing budgets. Basically, too, it was a conflict between two 
philosophies of education, and not even the majority of Bap- 
tists supported the views expressed by their leaders. Many 
accepted the arguments of J. Y. Joyner, State Superintendent 
of Public Instruction, as expressed in his report for 1909. 
Only the public high school could meet the needs of the 
masses, he argued. No church high school could expect the 
patronage of more than the children of families accepting 
its doctrines; a high school system based on denominational 
support that would reach all the children would require that 
each denomination maintain its own school system over the 
entire State. If the task of education were to be done at all, 
Joyner said, it would have to be done by taxation; only the 
resources of the State were sufficient to operate free schools, 
open to rich and poor, regardless of creed or condition, and 
thus afford an equal educational opportunity to all, which 
should be a basic principle in a republic. North Carolinians, 
fiercely democratic, generally accepted Joyner's arguments, 
particularly when he disclaimed any conflict with religiously- 
supported education: "God speed the work of the church and 
the private high school in this common battle against ignor- 
ance and illiteracy," he said. 31 Also, North Carolinians gener- 
ally acclaimed the statement of Governor Charles B. Aycock 
in his message to the General Assembly at the opening of the 
session in 1903: "Education is a governmental function. The 
right to collect taxes for that purpose is based on the duty of 
the State to educate its citizens." 32 

In their extended struggle with the State over the nature 
of the education their children would get, Baptists lost out; 
the church-supported academy is an all-but-forgotten thing. 
The arguments Baptists employed in the defense of their edu- 
cational institutions, however, revealed the concern they felt 
for the issue. The expansion of the State into the field of high 

81 Joyner, Biennial Report, 1908, 16-18. 

83 Gov. Charles B. Aycock, Biennial Message . . . to the General Assembly, 
Session, 1903 (Raleigh: Edwards and Brcughton, State Printers, 1903), 10. 



, 



Educational Attitudes of N. C. Baptists 327 

school education came as a result of public demand, and that 
after years of widespread shame over the State's unusually 
high rate of adult illiteracy. Efficiency, economy, and public 
honor were all served by the State's entry into the field of high 
school education operation, but it also meant the end of the 
free enterprise principle in an important area of human ac- 
tivity. Public education is therefore a chapter in the story of 
the creation of the compromise between individual initiative, 
however inefficient, and the principle of state-supported and 
state-directed enterprise, based upon efficiency and equality. 
The Baptist schools served well in their day; they left the 
mark of their character-building efforts upon the thousands 
of children who attended them. They provided a high school 
education to those in rural areas who would not otherwise 
have gotten more than a few months' formal schooling. For 
that task in turn-of-the-century North Carolina, a missionary 
spirit was needed. That, the churches were able to provide, in 
full measure. 



THE ERA OF THE OPERA HOUSE 
IN PIEDMONT NORTH CAROLINA 

By Donald J. Rulfs* 

In his Official Theatrical Guide for 1904-1905, (New York, 
1904), Julius Cahn listed thirty-nine North Carolina towns 
that had opera houses. Piedmont towns represented on the 
list were the following: Burlington, Charlotte, Gastonia, 
Greensboro, Mount Airy, Randleman, Salisbury, Statesville, 
and Winston-Salem. The purpose of this survey is to examine 
the eleven opera houses in Charlotte, Greensboro, Salisbury, 
and Winston- Salem during the years of their splendor and 
during their decline. In instances when an opera house was 
active over a period of several decades, one season in each 
decade will be presented in some detail in order to indicate 
trends in theatrical production. 

The earliest of the eleven opera houses was Meroney's 
Hall in Salisbury. During the early 1870s theatrical produc- 
tions had been offered in Salisbury at Town Hall and at Mc- 
Neely's Hall. 1 However, on May 29, 1873, the Salisbury 
Carolina Watchman announced that T. J. Meroney was ". . . 
repairing and fitting up his large Hall, recently purchased 
from the town, in regular theatrical style. . . ." The building 
purchased was the Market House, a structure erected in 1860- 
1861 at 119 North Main Street on a lot seventy-one feet by 
one hundred and sixteen feet. 2 The Meroney Brothers, T. J. 
and P. P. Meroney, transformed the Market House into a well- 
equipped, second-story theatre with modern gas lighting; 
a seating capacity of 1,200; and a proscenium opening thirty- 
two and one half feet wide and twenty-five feet high. 3 

* Dr. Donald J. Rulfs is an Associate Professor of English at North 
Carolina State College, Raleigh. The research for this article was made 
possible by a grant from the North Carolina State College Faculty Re- 
search and Professional Development Fund. 

1 Carolina Watchman (Salisbury), November 10, 1871, March 1, 1872, 
and April 5, 1873, hereinafter cited as Carolina Watchman. 

2 Salisbury City Records, City Office, Salisbury, May 26, June 23, and 
July 28, 1860; January 3 and July 29, 1861. 

3 Julius Cahn, Official Theatrical Guide for 190A-1905 (New York: 
Publishing office, Empire Theater Building, 1904), 608, hereinafter cited 
as Cahn, Theatrical Guide. 

i 328] 



The Opera House in Piedmont North Carolina 329 

The opening night of Meroney Hall was November 17, 
1873, when the Tremain Brothers Company offered an even- 
ing of variety and burlesque entertainment. The Carolina 
Watchman for November 20 reported that the troupe played 
". . . to a large and appreciative audience. The actors all did 
well. The music was good, and the performance chaste, but 
laughable." During the remainder of the first season there 
were the well-known Berger Family of Swiss Bell Ringers 
on December 18 and the Thespian Dramatic Company with 
Ten Nights in a Bar Room on February 19. 

During the next decade, the season of 1882-1883 at Mero- 
ney Hall opened on October 13 with the Armstrong Brothers 
Minstrels and Brass Band. 4 Within the same month, the Caro- 
lina Watchman for October 26 reported that the Madison 
Square Theatre Company "by some accident" played Es- 
meralda on October 21, and that although the town had only 
two hours' notice, there was a large audience. The only other 
performance during the season was the Representative Pan- 
tomime Company with Robert A. Hewlette's Humpty-Dump- 
ty on March 29. The season 1893-1894 at Meroney Hall wit- 
nessed more amateur than professional entertainment. First, 
the Charlotte Dramatic Club presented Dollars and Cents on 
November 17, and on January 5 the newly organized Salis- 
bury Dramatic Club produced The Love Chase, the proceeds 
of which were to go to the fund for the erection of a monu- 
ment in Raleigh to the Confederate dead. 5 On February 5 
the Salisbury Dramatic Club presented The Tourist Ticket, 
and the season ended with the professional performance of 
the Gruber Family in a concert on June 21. 

The final season at Meroney Hall was that of 1904-1905, 
which opened on October 13 with Miss Bob White, a comic 
opera starring Mae Phelps. This was followed on October 21 
with another comic opera, Dolly Varden, featuring Rena 
Aubrey, and within the same month Helen Grantley appeared 
in Her Lord and Master, a comedy, on October 31. The last 
performance in Meroney Hall after thirty-two years of rather 
limited activity was the appearance of Thomas Jefferson, son 

4 Carolina Watchman, October 12, 1882. 
B Carolina Watchman, January 4, 1894. 



330 The North Carolina Historical Review 

of Joseph Jefferson, in the ever popular Rip Van Winkle on 
March 13, 1905. After the closing of this theatre, the Salis- 
bury Evening Post, which had begun on January 9, 1905, 
moved into the building according to a full-page advertise- 
ment in the Post for September 8, 1905. The building was 
eventually destroyed by fire in 1912. 6 

With the closing of the old Meroney Hall, two members 
of the next generation of the Meroney family, Dr. LeRoy 
Meroney and his sister, Miss Lena Meroney, built a new 
Meroney Opera House at 213 South Main Street. 7 William 
Taylor deeded the land to the Meroneys in May, 1904. 8 The 
theatre was opened on November 20, 1905, with A Madcap 
Princess starring Sophie Brandt. Almost immediately theatri- 
cal entertainment for Salisbury improved, and the reason was 
plainly stated in the Salisbury Evening Post for November 
18, 1905: "Heretofore Salisbury has failed to secure the best 
attractions that have come for the all sufficient reason that it 
had no theatre of sufficient proportions to admit the produc- 
tions that passed the city by." 

After the opening of the new Meroney Opera House, the 
next attraction was the popular musical comedy Breezy Time 
on January 23, 1906, followed by John Philip Sousa's Band 
on the afternoon of January 26. The next two highlights of 
the first season were the Countess Olga van Hatzfeldt in The 
Little Duchess on March 3, followed by Master Gabriel in 
Buster Brown on March 5. Within the same month, one of the 
most famous performers ever to appear in North Carolina 
came to the new opera house. On March 10 Sarah Bernhardt 
played Camille in French to a capacity house. The Post for 
March 12 reported as follows upon her performance: "Her 
first and every movement were poems, and her bell-like voice 
was electrifying. ... A glance of the eye or a movement of the 
body was as clear as the spoken word could have been." 
Outstanding productions during the remainder of the first 
season were Dora Thome on March 28, The Mummy and the 

9 J. M. McCorkle's column "Yesteryears" in the Salisbury Evening Post, 
September 26, 1948, hereinafter cited as McCorkle, "Yesteryears." 

7 McCorkle, "Yesteryears." 

8 Book 101, 100, Book of Deeds, Register of Deeds Office, Rowan County, 
hereinafter cited as Book of Deeds. 



The Opera House in Piedmont North Carolina 331 

Humming Bird with Henry Carl Lewis on April 3, and a 
concert by Lillian Nordica, the noted operatic soprano, on 
May 17. 

In 1911 the Meroney Opera House was sold by the 
Meroneys to H. Clay Grubb, 9 and the name of the building 
was changed to the Grubb Theatre. A full-page advertise- 
ment in the Post for July 12, 1911, announced the opening of 
the Grubb Theatre on July 13 with vaudeville and two thou- 
sand-foot motion pictures. The theatre offered continuous 
vaudeville and pictures for the entire season of 1911-1912, 
with a change of bill on Thursdays. During the season, how- 
ever, fourteen touring hit attractions appeared at the theatre 
as well as one stock company, the Bullock Company, which 
played from November 30 through December 2. Among the 
better touring attractions were F. Marion Crawford's The 
White Sister with Lillian Rhodes on October 25; Edgar 
Selwyn's The Country Boy with Grace Campbell on Novem- 
ber 8; Eugene Walter's Paid in Full on January 26; Jumping 
Jupiter, a musical comedy with Richard Carle and Edna Wal- 
lace Hopper, on February 7; and Charles Klein's The Third 
Degree on February 21. 

According to an advertisement for B. F. Keith Vaudeville 
in the Post for April 30, 1914, the name of the Grubb Theatre 
was changed to the Colonial Theatre. In 1915 the estate of 
H. Clay Grubb sold the theatre to T. E. Witherspoon, who 
immediately sold it to Pete B. Beard within the same year. 10 
At present the building is owned by the descendants of 
Beard. On November 21, 1918, the theatre assumed the name 
of the Strand 11 and continued to offer vaudeville and motion 
pictures with occasional appearances of touring attractions. 
By the season 1922-1923, however, there were only four tour- 
ing productions: Eve, a musical comedv with Nyra Brown 
and Johnny Getz, on January 16; Shuffle Along, a colored 
revue, on January 26; Listen to Me, a musical, on February 
6; and John Willard's The Cat and the Canary, a thriller, on 
March 19. Subsequently the theatre was named the State, and 



8 Book 121, 530, Book of Deeds, Register of Deeds Office, Rowan County. 
10 Book 140, 178, Book of Deeds, Register of Deeds Office, Rowan County. 
n Salisbury Evening Post, November 21, 1918. 



332 The North Carolina Historical Review 

at the present it goes under the name of the Center, a motion 
picture theatre. 

The first opera house in Greensboro was Benbow Hall 
located at 222 South Elm Street 12 and built by Dr. D. W. C. 
Benbow. On May 1 and 9, 1874, the second-story Hall was 
opened for public inspection, and the Greensboro New North 
State for May 6 reported as follows: "It is not entirely com- 
pleted, but enough is done to show that it will be magnificent 
when finished. It is lighted with gas, and will seat seven 
hundred and fifty people." A week later the same newspaper 
added that the central gas burner is "brilliant and elegant" 
and the stage "large and well adapted for the purposes for 
which it was intended." The first performance in Benbow 
Hall followed on June 9 when Mr. Leo P. Wheat of Richmond 
gave a concert assisted by his church choir. 13 The first profes- 
sional performance was a lecture by Miss Lillian Edgarton 
entitled "Fashion— Its Follies and Changes" on October 13, 
1874. 

During the fifteen years that Benbow Hall was in operation, 
a great variety of professional entertainment was offered. 
Among the outstanding plays were the following: The Two 
Orphans, starring Emma Pierce and Ada Gilman on Novem- 
ber 5, 1875; The Old Curiosity Shop with Katie Putnam on 
December 30, 1875, and December 18, 1878; Fanchon the 
Cricket with Katie Putnam on January 10, 1876; and Col. 
Mulhery Sellers with George T. Ulmer on November 13, 1888. 
Musical productions of all kinds far outnumbered the plays, 
however, as indicated by the following popular performances: 
Blind Tom, the famous Negro pianist, on February 8, 1876; 
Madame Rentz's Female Minstrels on October 17, 1876; the 
New Orleans Jubilee Singers on February 23 and 24, 1877; 
Ford's Juvenile Opera Company with fifty children in H. M.S. 
Pinafore on September 29, 1879; Baird's New Orleans Min- 
strels on March 17, 1880; and the Swiss Bell Ringers on April 
6, 1888. Among the novelty and variety entertainments were 
the popular Sol Smith Russell, humorist, on September 19, 



12 



Ethel Stephens Arnett, Greensboro, North Carolina (Chapel Hill: 
University of North Carolina Press, 1955), 293, hereinafter cited Arnett, 
Greensboro. 

™New North State (Greensboro), June 3, 1874. 



The Opera House in Piedmont North Carolina 333 

1877, and October 17, 1879; Arthur L. Butt's Panorama Illus- 
trating the Book of Revelation on March 5, 1880; and Zera 
Semon, magician and ventriloquist, on September 28, 1881, 
and September 24, 1883. The last performance in Benbow 
Hall was on April 12, 1884, when John Wild appeared in the 
New York hit musical entitled Running Wild. 

The second opera house in Greensboro was Bogart's Opera 
House, located on the corner of Greene and West Market 
streets 14 and equipped by Dick Bogart. The Greensboro 
Patriot for January 18, 1889, carried the following infor- 
mation: "We learn that Mr. Dick Bogart contemplates trans- 
forming what is now known as Bogart's Hall into Bogart's 
Opera House. It is his intention to put in a stage that will be 
15 feet wide and 12 feet deep, with 11 feet in the wings on 
each side of the drop curtain." A stage of such small dimen- 
sions was not attractive to the average touring companies, and 
the companies that did attempt to perform in Bogart's Opera 
House must have done so under difficulties. The first perform- 
ance was a production of Olivette by the Templeton Comic 
Opera Company on April 12, 1889, before a large audience. 15 
Some of the other performances attempted were as follows: 
Uncle Tom's Cabin by the Frank F. Griswold Company on 
January 5, 1895; Miller's Opera Company with Girolfe 
Girofla, The Chimes of Normandy, and The Bohemian Girl 
on March 1 and 2, 1895, with a matinee on March 2; and 
Richards and Pringle's Minstrels on October 25, 1897, the last 
performance in Bogart's Opera House. 

The third opera house in Greensboro was the Academy of 
Music, which was the West Market Street Methodist Church 
converted into a theatre by Calvin N. McAdoo, Jr., T. J. 
McAdoo, and J. W. Blackburn. 16 The seating capacity was 
900. Among the earliest productions at the Academy was a 
week of stock plays by the Stamford Dramatic Company, be- 
ginning on November 9, 1896. 17 At this time the stock com- 
panies were becoming popular, and all of them had certain 
features in common. Engagements were usually by the week, 

"Arnett, Greensboro, 293. 
^Greensboro Patriot, April 18, 1889. 
16 Arnett. Greensboro, 293. 
17 Greensboro Patriot, November 4, 1896. 



334 The North Carolina Historical Review 

during which the hard-working actors offered eight perform- 
ances, including matinees on Wednesdays and Saturdays, 
with a change of bill every day. Most of the presentations 
were melodramas of some vintage, but a few companies also 
attempted musical comedy and light opera. Prices of admis- 
sion for the plays were always 10, 20, and 30 cents, while 
musical productions demanded 15, 25, and 35 cents. The 
Cora Van Tassel Company played at the Academy for a half 
or "split" week beginning November 1, 1897; The Merry- 
makers for a "split" week, November 25, 1897; the Woodward 
Warren Company for a week, November 29, 1897; the Lillian 
Tucker and Charles C. Vaught Comedy Company for a week, 
January 3, 1898; and the Frank Adams Company for a "split" 
week, February 25, 1901. 

Among the touring hit plays to appear at the Academy 
were the following: Gus Thomas' comedy The Burglar with 
Horace Mitchell on November 8, 1897; Mark Twain's Pudd'n 
Head Wilson with Theodore Hamilton and Joseph Jefferson, 
Jr., on January 6, 1898; Augustin Daly's comedy A Night Off 
on February 25, 1898; Louis James in Julius Caesar and 
Spartacus, matinee and evening, on March 14, 1898; and 
Edwin A. Davis in the comedy His Excellency on March 23, 
1898. Popular musical hits also played at the Academy: Wang, 
starring Dan Packard, on January 29 and April 4, 1898; Old 
Times Down South, starring Polk Miller, on February 28, 
1898; Blatchford Kavanaugh and Roneys Boys on January 
18, 1901; and Barlow's Minstrels on February 2, 1901. The 
last performance in the Academy was the melodrama, Pearl 
of the Sierras, presented by the Frank Adams Stock Company 
on February 27, 1901. In December, 1901, the Academy of 
Music property was sold at auction to Col. W. H. Osborn and 
Seymour Kirkman, who planned to tear the building down. 18 

Replacing the Academy was the fourth opera house in 
Greensboro, the new combined City Hall and Grand Opera 
House on the northwest corner of North Elm and Gaston 
streets. When the Grand Opera House was opened on Sep- 
tember 3, 1901, it was only on the second floor with the City 
Market on the first floor. In 1913 the Market was moved, and 

18 Greensboro Patriot, December 11, 1901. 



21 



The Opera House in Piedmont North Carolina 335 

the theatre was enlarged to occupy both floors. 19 In 1901 the 
Grand Opera House had a seating capacity of 1,000; gas and 
electricity; a distance of fifty-five feet between side walls; 
and a proscenium opening thirty-two feet wide and thirty- 
eight feet high. 20 The interior was first painted a dull red color 
but this was replaced with a decoration in white and gold. 
The opera house was leased for two years by the city to the 
S. A. Schloss Theatre Circuit of Wilmington, which operated 
fourteen opera houses in North and South Carolina. 22 The 
annual rent was $750, with the City of Greensboro reserving 
the right to use the theatre for public meetings. 23 

The Greensboro Grand Opera House was opened on Sep- 
tember 3, 1901, with a performance of the popular Al. G. 
Fields Minstrels. There was no further entertainment during 
the first season until February 6, 1902, when John Philip 
Sousa's Band played at a matinee to a crowded house. The 
only other engagement during the first season was a week of 
stock by the Spooner Dramatic Company, beginning on May 5. 

After the lapse of a decade, however, the season 1911-1912 
found the Greensboro Grand Opera House in full operation 
with a total of seventy-two performances. Touring hit plays 
offered were Thomas Dixon's The Clansman on September 
27; Anthony Mars' The Girl in the Taxi on September 28; 
Neil Twomey's dramatization of Augusta Evan's novel St. 
Elmo on October 13; George Barr McCutcheon's Beverly of 
Graustark on October 17; Henry Bernstein's The Thief on 
November 2; Paul M. Potter's The Girl from Rectors on 
November 29; Frances Hodgson Burnett's The Dawn of To- 
morrow on December 30; Clyde Fitch's The Blue Mouse on 
January 8; George M. Cohan's Get Rich Quick Wallingford 
on February 7; Charles Klein's The Third Degree on February 
20 with Grace Lord; Charles Klein's The Lion and the Mouse 
on March 16; and Margaret Mayo's Baby Mine on March 28. 

19 Greensboro Daily News, January 7, 1913, and March 18, 1928. 

20 Cahn, Theatrical Guide, 605. 

21 Greensboro Patriot, August 28, 1901. 

22 Advertisement of S. A. Schloss Theatre Circuit in the Charlotte Daily 
Observer, February 14, 1911. This paper was published under a number 
of titles and is cited according to the title on the date mentioned, 

28 Greensboro Patriot, January 16, 1901 t 



336 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Outstanding musical events of the season were the following: 
The United States Marine Band on September 26; Creatore's 
Band on October 2; The Metropolitan Quartette on Novem- 
ber 4; Naughty Marietta with music by Victor Herbert on 
December 15; The Kilties, consisting of Scotch dancers and 
pipers, on January 17; Madame Sherry, a musical comedy, 
on March 5; The Spring Maid, a musical comedy starring 
Gene Luneska, on March 5; and a concert on April 10 fea- 
turing Vera Curtis, soprano, with the Russian Symphony 
Orchestra, Modist Altschuler conducting. 

After another decade, the season 1920-1921 at the Greens- 
boro Grand Opera House witnessed a sharp decline in touring 
hit productions but a decided increase in the popularity of 
B. F. Keith Vaudeville. Of the thirty-two touring productions, 
these were noteworthy: Mrs. Minnie Maddern Fiske in Laur- 
ence Eyre's comedy Mis' Nelly of N' Orleans on September 
18; The Girl in the Limousine, a comedy with Emma Bunt- 
ing, on September 28; Irene, a musical comedy starring Cat- 
herine Mulqueen, on October 23; Jules E. Goodman's The 
Man Who Came Back, a thriller, on December 8; Robin Hood, 
De Koven's operetta, on January 12; Raymond Hitchcock's 
musical comedy Hitchy-Koo on February 2; Lou Tellegen 
in Blind Youth on February 23; Alma Gluck, operatic soprano 
with the Greensboro Concert Course, on April 11; and the 
Greensboro Music Festival, May 13-14, featuring Geraldine 
Farrar and other artists with the Philadelphia Symphony 
Orchestra. Beginning on December 27 and continuing through 
April 27, Keith Vaudeville was offered on every day that a 
touring production did not play. There were two changes of 
the vaudeville bill per week. The last performance at the 
Grand Theatre, the name for the opera house in the 1920's, 
was a production of Balfe's The Bohemian Girl by the Valen- 
tine Comic Opera Company on January 23, 1926. Thereafter, 
touring hits appeared at the National Theatre, which had 
been opened in 1921. The Greensboro Grand Opera House 
and City Hall was demolished in 1928. 24 

Concerning the building of the Charlotte Opera House, 
the Daily Charlotte Observer for May 8, 1874, states that 

24 Greensboro Daily News, March 18, 1928. 



The Opera House in Piedmont North Carolina 337 

George Welch of New York sent to the editor of the Observer 
a copy of the trade magazine The American Builder for May, 
1874, which contained an account of the new Charlotte Opera 
House. A portion of the account, which appears in the May 
8, 1874, issue of the Observer, reads as follows: 

Charlotte, N. C, April 20th, 1874 
To the Editor of the American Builder : 

A theatre is erected here from designs by Mr. G. Welch, of 
New York, and the finishing touches are nearly completed. It is 
a very substantial brick building, 50 feet wide and 100 feet 
deep; the lower part, or ground story, is made into two large 
stores. The theatre is approached by two wide staircases of easy 
ascent, one being used for entering, with a ticket office at head 
of stairs ; but both to be thrown open for exit. The auditorium is 
70 feet deep, and the stage is thirty ft. A large balcony of a 
graceful line is formed, and returns against the side-walls before 
reaching the proscenium. 

The account continues to the effect that there are two boxes 
on each side, a balcony front of cast iron in "a rich design," 
nine hundred crimson plush seats, a proscenium opening 
twenty-five feet wide and twenty-two feet high, and all de- 
corations "of a bright and cheerful character." R. C. Carson 
and L. W. Sanders were the owners. 25 The opera house was 
located on the east side of South Tryon Street, the second 
building south of Fourth Street. 26 

The first performance in the Charlotte Opera House oc- 
curred on September 16, 1874, when Silvano, a magician, and 
Professor Maurice with his seventeen marionettes from the 
Theatre Royal, London, appeared for four nights. Silvano's 
tricks were found to be "marvelous and inexplicable" and his 
ventriloquial powers "excellent." 2T The opera house was well- 
attended during the next few years, and the season 1880-1881 
offered thirty-seven performances, some of the more typical 
being the following: Adele Belgarde in Twelfth Night with 
the H. J. Sargent Dramatic Company on October 21; Carrie 
Walker in The Two Orphans with the Ford Dramatic Com- 
pany on November 5; Gus Williams in the comedy Our Ger- 

25 Daily Charlotte Observer, May 28, 1874. 

28 Charlotte City Directory for 1879-1880 (Charlotte: Charles Emerson 
and Co., 1879), 80. 

27 Daily Charlotte Observer, September 17, 1874. 



338 The North Carolina Historical Review 

man Senator on November 12; Annie Pixley in M' Liss, Child 
of the Sierra on January 5; Oliver Doud Byron in the comedy 
Across the Continent on January 10; the D'Oyly Carte Lon- 
don Opera Company in Pirates of Penzance on February 10; 
Katie Putnam in Lena, the Madcap and Old Curiosity Shop 
on February 19 and 21; R. E. J. Miles' Juvenile Opera Com- 
pany in The Chimes of Normandy on March 31; and Blind 
Tom, the pianist, on May 31. 

During the early 1890's the Charlotte Opera House en- 
countered some difficult years. Notices of performances ceased 
to appear in the Observer, and the issue for September 9, 
1893, states that President Carson of the Charlotte Dramatic 
Club says that his father, R. C. Carson, is allowing him with 
reluctance to use the Opera House for an amateur production 
of Dollars and Cents. The same account continues: "It will 
be useless for any person or organization to apply for it, as 
permission to use it would be refused." A few months later 
the Observer for December 12 states that R. C. Carson will 
close the Opera House after the play of that evening, the 
Dramatic Club's production of Miriam's Crime, "for reasons 
best known to himself." In the meantime, touring attractions 
were appearing in a hall at the City Hall and at the Charlotte 
Auditorium, a large wooden frame building covered with 
corrugated iron. On March 7, 1894, the Observer states that 
the Dramatic Club will not play in the Opera House for some 
time and adds: "Mr. Carson had to close the house in order 
to make insurance rates with Mr. McCausland, who occupies 
a store room therein." Eventually the insurance problem was 
settled, and the Opera House was reopened on January 1, 
1895, with Uncle Tom's Cabin by the Frank F. Griswold Com- 
pany. The reviewer for the Observer said that the production 
was poor but that seeing the Opera House filled again ". . . 
looked like the days of long ago. . . ." 

The last season of the Charlotte Opera House was that of 
1901-1902, when there were eighty-three performances. Some 
of the highlights of the season were Charles B. Hanford and 
Helen Grantley in The Taming of the Shrew on October 25; 
R. D. MacLean and Odette Taylor in The School for Scandal 




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The City Hall and Opera House of Greensboro (about 1904). This building is typical of the 
opera houses of that era. The photograph is reprinted from Greensboro, 1808-1904, Facts, Fig- 
ares, Traditions, and Reminiscences by James W. Albright (Greensboro; Jos. J. Stone & Company, 
1904.) 



The Opera House in Piedmont North Carolina 339 

on October 31; Augustin Daly's A Runaway Girl with Arthur 
Dunn on December 2; E. J. Carpenter's production of Quo 
Vadis on December 3; R. D. MacLean and Miss Tyler 
in King John on February 19; and Adelaide Thurston and 
Otis B. Thayer in Sweet Clover on February 25. The last 
performance in the Charlotte Opera House was a production 
of the Pearl Lund Company on December 17, 1902, the end 
of a "split" week of 10, 20, and 30 cents drama. 

The Opera House was replaced by the Charlotte Academy 
of Music, which was opened on September 29, 1902, with 
Mrs. Clarence Brune in F. Marion Crawford's Unorna, which 
had an East Indian setting. Before the opening, an Observer 
reporter had inspected the theatre and had stated on Septem- 
ber 27 that he ". . . found the new theatre to be a very com- 
modious and handsome place. The interior has a metropoli- 
tan tone and bears no visible blemish." The Academy had 
a seating capacity of 1,350; gas and electricity; a distance 
between the side walls of fifty-eight feet; and a proscenium 
opening thirty-two feet wide and twenty-six feet high. 28 The 
Academy was located in the six-story Trust Building erected 
by the Piedmont Realty Company at 212 and 214 South Try on 
Street. 

The first season at the Charlotte Academy of Music, 1902= 
1903, was the fullest that Charlotte audiences had ever expe- 
rienced. There were ninety-five performances, of which 
twenty-six could be classed as superior. Of this number, 
fifteen of the very best should be cited: Charles B. Hanford 
and Mrs. Marie Drofnah in Much Ado About Nothing on 
October 8; Paul Gilmore in Haddon Chambers' comedy The 
Tyranny of Tears on October 14; Frank Deshon in The Mes- 
senger Boy, a musical comedy, on November 3; Kate Klaxton 
in The Two Orphans on November 11; Rose Coghland in 
Pinero's The Second Mrs. Tanqueray on December 3; Mrs. 
Lemoyne in Glen McDonovan's Among Those Present on 
December 11; Howard Kyle in Clyde Fitch's Nathan Hale 
on December 22; Otis Skinner in Lazarre on January 12; 
Kathryn Kidder in Alexander Dumas' An Eye for an Eye on 



28 



Cahn, Theatrical Guide, 603. 



840 The North Carolina Historical Review 

January 21; James O'Neill in Hall Caine's The Manxman 
on January 23; Lewis Morrison in Goethe's Faust on Febru- 
ary 18; Richard Mansfield in Julius Caesar on March 11; Fred 
Niblo in George M. Cohan's musical comedy, The Governors 
Son, on March 12; Joseph Jefferson in his perennial Rip Van 
Winkle on April 29; and the Carolina May Music Festival, 
on May 4, starring Lillian Nordica, soprano, and Edouard 
De Reszke, basso, with the Metropolitan Opera House Or- 
chestra, John S. Duss, conductor. 

Eight years later the season 1910-1911 was also very full 
under S. A. Schloss management with a total of seventy-eight 
performances at the Academy, exclusive of three weeks of 
first class vaudeville and motion pictures beginning on May 2. 
Twenty-seven of the touring productions could be classed as 
superior, and of this number fourteen are worthy of mention; 
Dustin Farnum in Booth Tarkington and Harry L. Wilson's 
Cameo Kirby on September 15; Jefferson De Angelis in the 
musical comedy The Beauty Spot on October 1; the Aborn 
English Grand Opera Company in matinee and evening per- 
formances of The Bohemian Girl and II Trovatore on October 
24; Lew Fields' musical comedy The Midnight Sons, starring 
Alma Youlin, on November 30; Clyde Fitch's comedy The 
Bachelor, starring Paul Gilmore, on December 8; Alia Nazi- 
mova in Ibsen's Little Eyolf on December 29; The Merry 
Widow with Gertrude Hutcheson and George Dameral on 
January 9; Dorothy Lethbridge, pianist, on January 23; Viola 
Allen and James O'Neill in The White Sister on January 26; 
Blanche Ring in George V. Hobart and Silvio Hein's musical 
comedy, The Yankee Girl, on February 13; De Wolf Hopper 
and Louise Dresser in the musical comedy, A Matinee Idol, 
on March 23; Mary Garden, soprano, in concert on April 6; 
James K. Hackett in George B. Seitz's comedy, The King's 
Game, on April 22; and Grace Drew and Hon Bergere in the 
musical comedy, The Chocolate Soldier, on May 10. 

Ten years later the Academy opened for the season 1920- 
1921 on Labor Day, September 6, with B. F. Keith Vaudeville 
and short motion pictures. Road shows and concerts were 
being offered at the Charlotte Auditorium. Vaudeville con- 






The Opera House in Piedmont North Carolina 341 

tinued at the Academy through April 30. Beginning on 
May 2, the Jack X. Lewis Stock Company offered two plays 
per week through June 30. The last week of Keith Vaude- 
ville ended on December 16, 1922. On the next day, Sunday, 
December 17, fire broke out about 4:30 A.M. and destroyed 
the Academy. 29 

The first opera house in Winston-Salem was Brown's 
Opera House, which was opened as a second-story theatre 
at Main and Fourth Streets on April 23 and 24, 1880, with 
Hayes Juvenile Opera Troupe presenting Pinafore. Before 
the opening the Western Sentinel for April 22 had stated that 
"The hall has been fitted up in 'city style,' and the performers 
to occupy the stage for the first time [are] highly recom- 
mended by our State press/' A week later the same paper 
announced the following: "The opening of the new Opera 
Hall Friday night was a perfect success in every way. The 
hall is a beautiful one. The acting was splendid and reflected 
great credit on both the children and director.'' The first 
season actually began the next fall, on September 11, 1880, 
when the Fay Templeton Star Alliance Company opened 
with two short comic operas, Maritina or the Gypsy and the 
King and Chou-Fluiri. During the season there were thir- 
teen notices of performances in the Western Sentinel, a 
weekly newspaper, although there were probably more than 
thirteen. On October 6 there was Professor Willoughby 
Reade in a humorous lecture similar to Sol Smith Russell's. 
Then on December 9 there was a concert by the Salem Phil- 
harmonic Society with Professor Jameson, a tenor from New 
York, assisting the local talent. On January 7 and 8, 1881, 
there was professional entertainment again with Ada Gray 
supported by the Watkins Fifth Avenue Company in 
East Lynne and Lady Audleys Secret. During the next 
month the Eleanor Calhoun Company offered Romeo and 
Juliet on February 11 and Sardou's Daniel Rochet on Febru- 
ary 12. On February 28 there were the Berger Family of 
Swiss Bell Ringers, followed on March 17 by the Arlington 
Minstrels. On March 23 and 24 the Agnes Herndon Com- 



28 



Charlotte Observer, December 18, 1922. 



342 The North Carolina Historical Review 

pany was at Brown's Opera House, but no titles of plays were 
advertised. The highlight of the season was March 25 when 
Blind Tom, the pianist, drew a house of about six hundred. 30 
The last event of the season was the appearance of Master 
J. Harry Shannon, a boy orator who gave a rendition of the 
recent Senate debate between Ben Hill and Mahone. 

During the season 1890-1891 the editor of the Western 
Sentinel, J. O. Foy, evidently became indifferent to theatrical 
events and abandoned reporting them after December 15, 
1890. The first four months of the season were reported, 
however, and the notices began with Three Fast Men, a 
comedy, at Brown s Opera House on September 18, 1890. 
This was followed by Hettie Bernard Chase in Uncle's Dar- 
ling on September 29 and Hi Henry's Minstrels on November 
3. The last two performances were Little Lord Fauntleroy 
with children named Ada and Arthur on November 16 and 
the Boston Symphony Orchestral Club on December 15. 

Brown's Opera House was used through November, 1895, 
when it was apparently closed permanently. In 1897 the 
Y.M.C.A. moved into the building. 31 The next theatre to 
be used was the Armory Opera House, which was equipped 
in the Armory, the meeting place of the Forsyth Rifles. An 
advertisement in the Winston-Salem Twin City Daily Sentinel 
for November 2, 1897, for a production at the Armory Opera 
House indicates that the theatre was located on the City Hall 
corner of Courthouse Square, the site of the present court- 
house. The first notice in the press of a performance at the 
Armory appeared in the Winston-Salem Western Sentinel 
for March 12, 1896, and stated that Polk Miller would be at 
the Armory on Thursday of next week. After that perform- 
ance, however, there was no more professional entertainment 
at the Armory until December 19, 1898, when the Peruchi- 
Beldini Stock Company offered a week of plays. There- 
after professional entertainment appeared irregularly at the 
Armory. 

The season of 1901-1902 at the Armory consisted of seven- 



30 Western Sentinel (Winston-Salem), March 31, 1881. 
81 Adelaide L. Fries (ed.), Forsyth, a County on the March (Chapel 
Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1949), 105. 



The Opera House in Piedmont North Carolina 343 

teen performances, beginning with a week of stock by the 
Lillian Tucker Company. Other plays were The Deemster, 
Charles W. Chase's dramatization of Hall Cane's novel, on 
December 12; The Real Widow Brown, a comedy, on De- 
cember 19; Verna Marie, a child actress, in Ten Nights in a 
Bar Room on February 20; and The Rivals by the A. and M. 
Dramatic Club from North Carolina State College of Agri- 
culture and Mechanic Arts on April 29. Musical engagements 
were A Breezy Time, a musical comedy, on January 11; the 
Fannie Hill Vaudeville and Burlesque Company on February 
19; and the local Elks' Burlesque Circus on February 25. 
The last performance in the Armory Opera House was a con- 
cert by Mary Dean Wheeler, a contralto, on April 29, 1903. 

The Armory was replaced by the new Elks' Auditorium 
at the corner of West Fifth and North Liberty streets. The 
theatre was opened on September 24 and 25, 1903, with the 
Elks' Minstrel, consisting of local talent. Similar to the opera 
houses in Greensboro and Charlotte, the Elks' Auditorium 
was under the management of the S. A. Schloss Theatre 
Circuit of Wilmington. 32 A general statement concerning the 
new theatre appeared in the Twin City Daily Sentinel a month 
after the opening: "Members of every company that has been 
in Winston-Salem this fall have been most lavish in their 
praise of the Elks' Auditorium. They say that it is a gem— 
a model, modern theatre— not only one of the best in the 
South, but superior to many in large cities in the North and 
West," 33 The theatre had a proscenium opening thirty feet 
wide and thirty feet high and a distance between side walls 
of sixty feet. 34 In the early morning of April 27, 1916, the Elks' 
Auditorium was destroyed by fire. However, the theatre was 
rebuilt on the same site by A. F. Sams and A. F. Moses, who 
reopened the theatre in 1917 under the name of The Audi- 

32 Twin City Daily Sentinel (Winston-Salem), September 28, 1903, here- 
inafter cited as Twin City Daily Sentinel. This paper was issued under 
various titles, the Sunday edition entitled, Journal and Sentinel. 

83 Twin City Daily Sentinel, October 24, 1903. 

84 Cahn, Theatrical Guide, 609. 



344 The North Carolina Historical Review 

torium. 85 The new theatre had a balcony and gallery and a 
seating capacity of 2,300. 36 

During the season 1910-1911, the Elks' Auditorium opened 
early on August 16 with a musical comedy, The Smart Set, 
and closed on June 3 after a week of stock by the Mullen 
Comedy Company. There were one hundred and one per- 
formances during the season, of which twenty-seven could be 
classed as superior. Some of the more outstanding attrac- 
tions during 1910-1911 were as follows: Janet Waldorf in 
the serious drama Beulah, concerning the ante-bellum South, 
on September 23; Thomas Dixon's The Sins of the Father on 
October 5; Lew Fields' musical comedy, The Girl Behind the 
Counter, starring Dick Bernard and Lottie Fremont, on 
October 6; Hal Stephens and Harry Linton's musical comedy, 
My Wife's Family, featuring Myrtle Bigden, on October 21; 
Alexander Bisson's emotional drama Madam X with Deida 
Doyle on November 9; the Bostonia Sextette Club with Kath- 
erine Milley, soprano, on November 18; Florence Larabee, 
pianist, and Florence Hardeman, violinist, on December 14; 
the English Grand Opera Company with Cavalleria Rusticana 
on December 27; Edward Sheldon's race problem play The 
Nigger on January 13; Grace Van Studdiford in The Paradise 
of Mohamet, a light opera, on February 27; and Virginia 
Harned in Herbert Bashford's serious drama. The Woman 
He Married, on April 5. 

By the opening of the season 1920-1921 on August 23, the 
Auditorium management had developed a curious policy of 
booking by the week musical comedy and vaudeville combi- 
nation companies that offered three performances a day con- 
sisting of vaudeville acts interspersed with numbers by a 
chorus of usually six or eight girls. The name of the company 
usually derived from the chorus, and some of the names were 
decidedly quaint: Jack Gerard's Honey Moon Girls, begin- 
ning on August 30; Red Walters and the Dancing Demons, 
September 6; Hughie Mack and His Fashion Brides, Septem- 

35 Twin City Sentinel (Winston-Salem), September 19, 1956. 

30 Personal interview on June 3, 1957, with John B. Mickey of Winston- 
Salem, who was stage manager of both the Elks' Auditorium and the 
Auditorium and is at the present stage manager of the Carolina Theatre 
in Winston-Salem. 



The Opera House in Piedmont North Carolina 345 

ber 27; Thomas and Bundy's California Blossoms, October 11; 
and the Teddy Bear Girls, October 18. One of the companies, 
the Chandler Brothers' Broadway Follies, February 28, ad- 
vertised itself as "A Tabloid Musical Comedy Company of 
Vaudeville Stars," which seems to be as satisfactory a defini- 
tion as any. 

During the season 1920-1921, twenty-eight of the above 
companies were booked by the week, but any touring hit 
attraction was booked for any one night of the week con- 
venient to the touring production. The season lasted for 
almost an entire year, from August 23, 1920, to August 6, 
1921, with some kind of offering at the Auditorium every 
weekday. Some of the greatest attractions were Mrs. Minnie 
Maddern Fiske in Laurence Eyre's Mis' Nelly of N' Orleans 
on September 17; Irene, a musical comedy, on October 19; 
Eugene Walter's dramatization of John Fox's The Trail of the 
Lonesome Pine on November 16; Lada, a ballet dancer and 
company, on November 26; Lightnin, starring Milton Nobles, 
on December 15-16; Guy Bolton and George Middleton's 
Adam and Eva, a comedy, on December 29; Dardanella, a 
musical comedy, on January 4; Ernestine Schumann-Heink, 
contralto, in concert on January 12; Neil Twomey's dramati- 
zation of Gene Stratton Porter's Freckles on January 19; Lou 
Tellegen and Helen Grayce in the serious drama Blind Youth 
on February 18; Fritz Leiber with Romeo and Juliet, matinee, 
and Hamlet, evening, on March 8; and Alma Gluck, soprano, 
in a concert sponsored by the Rotary Club, on April 8. 

In the late 1920's the Auditorium became a motion picture 
theatre with vaudeville and occasional stock companies. A 
few touring hits were also playing then, such as Otto Harbach 
and Oscar Hammerstein's The Desert Song, matinee and 
evening, on November 14, 1928. However, after the opening 
of the new Carolina Theatre on January 14, 1929, touring 
productions played there and later at the new StateTheatre. 
The last week of entertainment at the Auditorium began on 
March 24, 1930, with George Clifford's Pep and Ginger 
Revue and two motion pictures. 

The Auditorium was then leased by Publix Saenger Thea- 



346 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tres of North Carolina and was completely redecorated and 
renovated as the State Theatre. 37 It was opened on April 21, 
1930, with the motion picture High Society Blues, starring 
Janet Gaynor and Charles Farrell. The State was eventually 
closed in 1952, and the building is at the present occupied by 
the State Furniture Company / 



38 



37 Journal and Sentinel, April 20, 1930. 

38 Twin City Sentinel, September 19, 1956. 



A LETTER CONCERNING A VISIT TO OCRACOKE 

By C. A. Weslager* 

The letter below was written following a trip to Ocracoke 
Island in 1949. When it was submitted for publication the 
author suggested that his observations made at the time of 
his visit might be of interest to researchers as the island would 
perhaps become less isolated as time passed. In the nine 
years since the letter was written Mr. Weslager's predictions 
have been realized to some extent. The letter as originally 
written was a personal communication between friends and 
was not intended for publication. It is printed below without 
revision or refinement. 

July 31, 1949 

601 S. Maryland Ave. 

Wilmington, Del. 

OCRACOKE ISLAND, N. C. 
Dear Willie: 

Dr. Millard Squires and I have just returned from a week on 
Ocracoke Island, N. C, and I hasten to give you a brief account 
of our visit. First, let me thank you for the second set of refer- 
ence material which arrived before we left Wilmington. This 
background material was extremely helpful, and I will explore 
the actual sources as the need requires. 

We drove on a Saturday from Wilmington to Atlantic, N. C. 
via the Delmarva Peninsula and the Cape Charles Ferry. The 
ferry was very crowded and we sweltered in a heat of more than 
100° waiting for the second boat, because the first one could not 
take all of the vehicles in line. I understand that delays of 3 
and 4 hours are not unusual on Saturdays and Sundays. The 
ferries now run all night — each one transports approximately 
60 cars. The trip to Little Creek on the Norfolk side required 
90 minutes. From Norfolk we drove to Washington, N. C, where 
we put up for the night in the Louise Hotel. We left early the 
next morning, arriving at Atlantic, N. C, at about noon in time 
for the mail boat to Ocracoke, which leaves at 1:15. En route 
we each purchased a fifth of bourbon so we would be prepared 
for snake bites ( !) and near Atlantic (despite it being Sunday) 



* Mr. C. A. Weslager is President of the Eastern States Archeological 
Federation and resides in Wilmington, Delaware. He is the author of 
seven books and numerous historical papers and essays. 

[347] 



348 The North Carolina Historical Review 

purchased a case of cans of ale, which we tied up in brown paper. 
The doctor told the ferry captain that we were taking cans of 
milk to undernourished Ocracoke babies, although this was said 
with a wink. No intoxicants are sold at Ocracoke. 

The mail boat is a small gasoline craft that makes the trip up 
and through Pamlico Sound to Ocracoke in a few minutes less 
than 4 hours. There were several other congenial passengers. 
One sits atop the boat on facing benches under a sun canopy. I 
shouldn't want to take it on a stormy day, although we were 
told : "This boat will go when you don't want to." 

At Portsmouth we were met by a skiff pulling alongside to 
get the bag of mail for that island, now reduced to 15 people. 
Similarly, at Cedar Island a small boat, poled by a native, 
pulled alongside us to get his bag of mail. I understand there 
was one envelope in the locked leather bag. This is the only con- 
tact these two islands have with the mainland, except by radio. 
All the way, we saw fish leaping from the waters, and enjoyed 
the freshness of salt water in our nostrils and the jewels glit- 
tering on the waves left in our wake. The sun shone brightly. I 
was afraid of getting seasick and the doctor had threatened to 
take shots of me on his movie camera if I did. Just what this 
threat did to my viscera I do not know, but at least I didn't get 
sick. Thus, we landed at Ocracoke in good fettle. 

During the last war, the Coast Guard erected a large depot on 
Ocracoke, brought jeeps to an island which had never seen an 
auto, and installed electricity where lamp-light had been the 
only illumination. There were several hundred sailors and their 
families stationed there, and this contact greatly modified the 
culture of the people. Many daughters married sailors who took 
them to the mainland after the war — children of these marriages 
now come to the island to vacation with their grandparents. The 
Navy filled in a gut here, built a narrow cement road to reach 
an ammunition dump, erected a radar station, constructed new 
Coast Guard quarters* and otherwise "renovated" the place. 

One building, apparently built for officers and their wives, 
although I am not sure of this, is now used as a hotel. It is not 
in the town proper (which consists of about 500 people all con- 
centrated on the south point of the island) but lies half way 
between the sound and the ocean. We lodged and had our meals 
here at a very nominal price. This hotel is operated by a one- 
armed South Carolinian from the mainland named Boyette, 
although it is owned by Stanley Wahab, the island's financier. 
The latter is said to be descended from an Arab sailor who 
allegedly was washed up on the beach a century ago and married 
into the Howard family. 

This hotel is now frequented by fishermen from southern 



A Letter Concerning a Visit to Ocracoke 349 

cities, and a few couples who are seeking rest. Some of the 
guests, with whom we became friendly, will interest you. There 
was Lester Johnston and his wife — he operates a retail grocery 
store in Bel Haven, N. C. [sic]. They came to rest. Olsen is an 
engineer with Western Electric at Winston-Salem. He and his 
wife came to fish. There was a florist from New Jersey and his 
wife, who also came to fish. There was a handsome pediatrician 
from New York City, Dr. Clement Cobb, bronzed from a two 
week exposure to the sun. (He walked nude on the beach when- 
ever he got the chance, to get the full benefit of the sun, collect- 
ing shells and making bird studies. He is a very capable orni- 
thologist.) Cobb came to rest preparatory to an operation. There 
were two spinster sisters who own a photographic business in 
Smithfield, N. C, a middle-aged librarian from Washington, 
D. C, who came alone, bringing bottled cocktails in her bag, and 
two partners who run a Buick agency in Raleigh. Finally, a 
dentist from Charleston, W. Va., his wife, their flapperish daugh- 
ter (a blonde) and her red-haired boy friend. The younger 
couple were gone off every day alone. I almost forgot an aged 
banker, who seemed near the condition known to the physician 
as "in extremis," and his wife who catered to his every want as 
one would care for a small baby. 

There is no doctor on the island — only a midwife. Our two 
physicians (who were trying to relax) were besieged by natives 
who wanted advice on various ailments. Incidentally, I was 
much impressed by the wonderful teeth these people have, al- 
though they have no regular dental attention. Perhaps their 
seafood diet plays some part in this. 

The guests themselves provided enough material for a novel, 
and our two bottles of bourbon and case of ale enabled us to 
break down any social barriers that might have otherwise exist- 
ed. The island is dry — so the possessor of spirits is indeed a man 
to have as a friend. We swam daily in the ocean, despite the 
stories told us of the sailor during the war who had his posterior 
chewed off by a shark and bled to death before they got him to 
the station. The undertow is bad, and on one occasion I was glad 
that Dr. Cobb (he is 6 feet 6) was near me to give me a helping 
hand. I was caught in what the natives call a "sea pussy" which 
is sort of a whirling undertow. I am not a strong swimmer, but 
can take care of myself in deep water without difficulty. In this 
instance I exerted all my strength fighting the undertow, which 
continued to take me out to sea. I should have allowed it to take 
me, and then when it had spent itself to swim back, but I was 
tired and was afraid I would have been unable to swim back. I 
felt I was in real danger — and I was glad that Dr. Cobb was 
able to walk to me (I was over my head, but not his) and let me 



350 The North Carolina Historical Review 

lean on him to catch my breath. This experience made all of us 
wary of the treacherous waters which the natives refuse to 
enter. 

The beach here, incidentally, is the largest I have ever seen — 
fully two miles wide, but in case of storm must be quickly de- 
serted, because the waves rise and inundate it. Sometime if you 
are at the water's edge a storm can come up so suddenly that 
you are drenched before finding shelter. 

The island is covered with heavy sand and only jeeps can 
navigate. Several natives have them and provide taxi service 
to visitors. We hired one driver to take us to Hatteras Inlet at 
the north point of the island. We went when the tide was right 
so that we could sweep up the beach as each wave washed in 
and out. The idea is to get the jeep wheels on the sand that the 
water has just laved — otherwise one either sinks, or slides, and 
the minute that happens a wave rolls over you and the jeep is 
carried away. It was a thrilling and dangerous ride. One must 
also travel fast in order to keep from sinking in the sand. There 
were four of us and the driver, and he was the only one who 
didn't seem frightened. 

Between Ocracoke village and Hatteras, the terrain is bleak — 
the sea on one side, the sound on the other, less than a mile sep- 
arating them. All along the beach are remnants of wrecks — one 
called the "ghost ship" is still partially intact. Offshore, one sees 
the masts of wreckage extending above the water level at low 
tide. The heat was terrific — no trees — just wild grass here and 
there. There was a flock of wild horses grazing on a patch of 
grass at the end of the island. We were told that they dig in the 
sand with their forepaws to expose surface water when they 
are thirsty. Each home on the island has a rain barrel under 
the eaves — their source of drinking water. The hotel had a large 
rain-water reservoir on the roof to supply drinking and sanitary 
facilities. 

The bird life between the town and Hatteras is extremely 
interesting. Large black skimmers fly parallel to the shore, 
skimming at the surf with their scooped beaks. We saw several 
flocks of the duck-like Hudsonian Curlew, and a number of 
species of terns, among which was the Royal Tern, a beautiful 
bird with a brilliant orange-red bill. There are, of course, sand 
pipers by the hundreds. We actually drove through these flocks 
of birds they are so numerous on the beach. 

The Ocracoke Coast Guard Station on the north end of the 
island at Hatteras Inlet is gradually being washed away by the 
sea. The lighthouse tower is leaning badly and waves lap at its 
base, whereas it was formerly 200 yards inland. The officer in 
charge told us that they had experienced a terrific twister the 



A Letter Concerning a Visit to Ocracoke 351 

previous night, and it took nine of them to hold the door of their 
quarters shut. I explored this end for Indian remains (as I had 
done the southern end) but found no traces of any kind. At this 
point, one has the feeling that this handful of Coast Guardsmen 
are at the end of the earth — our last frontier, so to speak. Their 
contribution to this island community is very great, as it is to 
the ships that would otherwise be driven into the treacherous 
shoals and reefs that surround Ocracoke. These men can tell 
many stories of ships in distress in these hazardous waters. 

The south point of Ocracoke near Ocracoke Inlet is less desert- 
like than the country between it and Hatteras Inlet, but there 
are a number of sand dunes. There are also large clumps of red 
and white myrtle and here and there a water oak. Fig trees are 
common, and the fruit was still green ; we were told that the figs 
ripen in August. Yucca, with large white flowers, known to the 
natives as Spanish bayonet is common, as are Eupon [sic~\ trees 
whose leaves are used to brew a medicinal tea. The only other 
blossoms of wild flowers in bloom were the Gailardia, known 
locally as "Joe Bell" flowers, from an individual who first 
brought the seeds to the island. There is also a little pink flower 
called "snake flower" (if you step on it a snake will bite you) 
which we could not identify. One of the visitors said she knew 
it as the "tidal pink." 

There is only one colored family on Ocracoke, the Bryants. 
Mrs. Bryant is aged 68, and she was born here, and so was her 
mother, she told me. She gave birth to 13 children, all but one 
son having left the island. Mr. Bryant is a grave digger among 
other things. I am told that a corpse is not embalmed — merely 
placed in a coffin and buried. Because of the extreme heat, the 
body is interred usually the day following death. 

When I showed her some tiny shell fish gathered at the water's 
edge, Mrs. Bryant said I should carry them home in a container 
of ocean water which "breathed." The "breathing," I surmised, 
referred to the ebb and flow of the tide. I bought a necklace 
from her made of these shells. Mrs. Bryant's son Julius pointed 
out to me the "pilinterry" bush, commonly called the "toothache 
tree." Its leaves are chewed to relieve an aching tooth. 

Unable to find any Indian remains, lore or tradition, on Ocra- 
coke, I began a place-name study, the results of which I enclose 
for any comments you care to make. 1 I was much interested in 
the Elizabethan-like dialect of the barefooted natives, but did 
not have sufficient time or equipment to try to get any recordings 
nor any data on the genealogies of the island folk. 



1 Subsequently published in The North Carolina Historical Review, XXXI 
(January, 1954), 41-49, under the title "Place-Names on Ocracoke Island." 



352 The North Carolina Historical Review 

My doctor friend went fishing two or three times with one of 
the native "captains" and his best morning's catch (rod and 
reel) was 90 blue fish. Other guests at the hotel brought back 
sheepshead, mullet, mackerel, drum, etc. Of course, the native 
'fishermen net these by the thousands, as they do shrimp. The 
"captains" own and operate small motor boats and can take 
visitors to the best fishing spots. 

On the return trip (also by the mail boat) we purchased 80 
pounds of shrimp at Atlantic from one of the shrimp boats, iced 
it and brought it back in the car. We iced three times en route, 
and it was in wonderful condition when we arrived home. We 
have it frozen now in a deep freeze and can eat it when we have 
the urge. These shrimp are tasty, but much smaller than the 
Gulf species. 

There is much more to tell you, but this letter is getting longer 
than I intended, and the balance of the story must wait until 
I see you. 

With best regards, 

Faithfully yours, 
C. A« Weslager 



BOOK REVIEWS 

Arthur Dobbs Esquire, 1689-1765. Surveyor-General of Ireland, 
Prospector, and Governor of North Carolina. By Desmond 
Clarke. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. 
1957. Pp. 232. Notes, appendix, bibliography, and index. 
$6.00.) 

Except for the personal and professional ethics of the 
author of this book, the eight-page final chapter entitled 
"Conclusion" might well have served as a review. 

Consequently, it should be stated that Desmond Clarke 
has written an interesting, readable, and scholarly exposition 
of the life and public career of Arthur Dobbs, Esquire. In 
this effort he has avoided the pitfall so often present in biog- 
raphy, namely of extolling the merits and minimizing the 
faults of his subject. 

While Dobbs was unusually active and prominent in Irish 
public affairs as well as in Anglo-Irish relations, especially 
in the field of more acceptable and mutually beneficial trade 
regulations, it is, quite naturally, the phase of his life which 
was spent in America as the colonial governor of North Caro- 
lina which intrigues the interest of the American reader of 
colonial history. 

During most of his colonial career (1754-1765), Britain, 
and of course her colonies, were engaged in the world strug- 
gle with France for the balance of power. It was in this 
particular area that Dobbs displayed a remarkable insight 
into the British and colonial problems attendant on such a 
struggle. Under his leadership his province acquitted itself 
consistently well in the difficult problem of furnishing money 
and men for a conflict, the importance of which in the colonial 
mind was apt to be measured in terms of distance, namely 
from the New York frontier, or even from the Ohio Country. 
His interest in defense also included adequate frontier and 
coastal protection for the colony. 

As a Protestant landowner he was alive to the importance 
of inducements to settlers and the needs of the Anglican 

[353 ] 



354 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Church, although here, as in his native Ireland, one did not 
feel that his religious zeal approached the militant, except 
as he sought to arouse colonial fear of French Catholic domi- 
nation should France emerge victorious in America. 

Dobbs, for the most part, enjoyed cordial relations with 
his colonial legislature. When clashes did occur, the author 
rightly admitted his subject's mistakes, or showed, what is 
perhaps equally significant, that the elements of time and 
distance, plus the press of more important measures on the 
home government often reflected unfavorably on the reputa- 
tions of the incumbent colonial executives. 

The author's access to colonial and family records, excerpts 
of which have been expertly placed in the text, attest to the 
authenticity of this scholarly effort. 

C. N. Evanson. 

Luther College, 

Decorah, Iowa. 



A New Geography of North Carolina. Volume II. By Bill Sharpe. 
(Raleigh: Sharpe Publishing Company. 1958. Pp. 535-1114. 
Maps, illustrations, and index. $5.00.) 

Volume II of A New Geography of North Carolina adds in 
book form twenty-five more county sketches that have ap- 
peared in Bill Sharpe's The State over the past several years. 

This projected four-volume series will be perhaps the most 
useful assembly of general information on the counties yet 
published. It will be an easy reference tool for the lay reader, 
a refreshing story of his county for the student, and a worthy 
addition for the collector of North Caroliniana. 

It will also put the professional historian into a quandary. 
Original sources are seldom cited, tradition is not always 
separated from fact, objective analysis sometimes gives way. 
to snap judgment, and history is made too simple. Yet, 
despite shortcomings that prevent the articles from becoming 
dependable, the fact remains that this is the only compilation 
of its kind in print. Furthermore, its conversational tone, 
bouncy style, and healthy outlook result in the kind of reading 
that makes history respectable among those who need it most. 



Book Reviews 355 

But A New Geography is not altogether, or even largely, 
historical. Each sketch is a racy description of a county- 
its geographical features, its settlement, its progress, its eco- 
nomic structure— all sprinkled with an assortment of tidbits 
which jack-of-many-trades Bill Sharpe has gleaned from his 
variety of interests. An over-emphasis on economics and too 
many "firsts" tend to date the sketches, and the listing of firms 
which advertised in The State when each county was featured 
is a disappointing reminder that the sketches are largely 
reprints. 

Perhaps the most regrettable shortcoming is the use of 
cut-outs from a standard highway map. Each county sketch 
deserves a more detailed map on which the reader can locate 
the many references in the article. 

Despite a reviewer's hindsight, A New Geography remains 
what its author intended: a highly readable account of the 
counties that has both usefulness and appeal. By combining 
his interest in North Carolina and his flair for press-agentry 
and salesmanship, Bill Sharpe will carry far more history 
into North Carolina homes and classrooms than will many 
historians who write for each other. 

Volume II covers the following counties: Ashe, Avery, 
Beaufort, Brunswick, Buncombe, Burke, Caldwell, Chatham, 
Cherokee, Columbus, Gaston, Granville, Guilford, Henderson, 
Hertford, Hyde, Iredell, Johnston, Onslow, Person, Pitt, Ran- 
dolph, Union, Watauga, and Wilkes. 

H. G. Jones. 

State Department of Archives and History, 

Raleigh. 



North Carolina Fiction, 1734-1957. An Annotated Bibliography. 
Edited by William S. Powell. (Chapel Hill: The University of 
North Carolina Library. 1958. Pp. xviii, 189. $3.00.) 

This book is a catalog of 696 books of fiction having a 
North Carolina setting, with evaluative annotations of about 
fifty words per title. Arranged alphabetically by authors, the 
book provides a useful list of about 433 authors, mostly 
native, who have used the state as a setting for their stories. 



356 The North Carolina Historical Review 

An excellent 17 page index facilitates the selection of titles 
according to locale. The publication is a joint project of the 
North Carolina English Teachers Association and the North 
Carolina Library Association, and was prepared by volunteers 
from both groups. Symbols under each annotation indicate 
in which of fifty-seven libraries a copy of the book may be 
found and who, of the 115 readers, supplied information 
from which the annotations were edited. 

As pointed out in a well-written preface the book is a com- 
prehensive catalog of "every known book of fiction with an 
ascertainable North Carolina setting." Since it is non-selec- 
tive the list includes the good, bad, and indifferent, mostly 
the latter. Because of this, the book will be of real value in 
preventing the waste of time which would be required to 
examine these mediocre titles to find the few with appreci- 
able merit. 

As a native North Carolinian, I naturally sought out the 
most prolific writer in the group. It was dismaying to find 
one female writer with no less than thirty-nine titles, mostly 
for children and teen-agers all of which seem to fit one 
reader's description, "unpretentious Christian fiction." The 
runner-up is a man who has thirteen titles all of which are 
paper back books of about 28 pages each written for boys. 
Might not these trivial entries better have been grouped in 
one entry per author as was done with the stories of William 
Sidney Porter, and might not reader Cathleen M. Pike, an 
authority, have been requested to point out the actual 
O. Henry stories set in North Carolina. 

Notwithstanding the few moments that users of the book 

may spend in wondering about this disparity of space allotted 

to various authors, North Carolina Fiction, 1734-1957, will 

serve well its purpose of making readily available to reference 

librarians, teachers, students, and others a one-place source 

of information about fiction with scenes laid in a specific state. 

Charles Raven Brockmann. 
Charlotte Public Library, 
Charlotte. 



Book Reviews 357 

The Governor and the Rebel. A History of Bacon's Rebellion in 
Virginia. By Wilcomb I. Washburn. (Chapel Hill: University 
of North Carolina Press. Published for the Institute of Early 
American History and Culture at Williamsburg. 1957. Pp. xx. 
248. $5.00.) 

The Berkeleyans, represented by Dr. Washburn, and the 
Baconians, represented by Professor Wertenbaker, have now 
marshaled so complete an array of facts and arguments that 
historians have no excuse for not making up their minds as 
to whether Nathaniel Bacon as the "torchbearer of the Revo- 
lution" struck the first blows for American democracy, sacri- 
ficing his life in the cause of the poor and downtrodden, or 
whether he was simply a hot-headed young aristocrat with a 
certain capacity for leadership who, capitalizing on condi- 
tions which he did not understand, had his brief day of fame 
as the champion of aggressive frontiersmen in a campaign 
to annihilate the Indians. 

Dr. Washburn s thesis in this volume is, to put it briefly, 
that Nathaniel Bacon accepted the Virginian frontiersman's 
argument that the Indians had no right whatsoever to the 
lands which they occupied and that he used his powers of 
leadership to make irresistible a movement for violence 
against them. He substantiates his thesis by pointing out that 
Bacon's campaigns resulted in the death of only friendly Indi- 
ans, that regardless of the fact that economic conditions in Vir- 
ginia were bad at the time of the rebellion, all the charges 
against Berkeley's handing of affairs date from after the end 
of the rebellion; that the so-called "Bacon's Laws" for reforms 
were passed by Berkeley's supporters; and that the later 
leaders against autocratic government in Virginia were the 
same loyalists who supported Sir William Berkeley in his 
fight against Bacon. 

The first great virtue of this thesis is, of course, that it 
seems to be substantiated by the close examination to which 
all the documents have been subjected. Further than this, 
it allows both Bacon and Berkeley to be believable, consistent 
persons. "Bacon does not change . . . from a spoiled son of 
a well-to-do country squire to a dedicated democratic frontier 



358 The North Carolina Historical Review 

hero"; "Nor does Governor Berkeley, after being the 'Darling 
of the People' for thirty-five years, suddenly reveal his true 
identity as their blackest oppressor." 

Dr. Washburn has been at pains, not only to set the record 
straight by presenting events as they happened, but also to 
explain why from the time of John Daly Burk in his History 
of Virginia (1804-1805), American historians have consist- 
ently and with increasing romanticism treated Bacon as the 
leader of "a valiant but premature attempt to overthrow an 
oppressive royal government in order to establish a just and 
democratic society." The answer, the author says, may be 
found in the fact that the justification of the American Revo- 
lution required that all rebellion against British authority be 
made respectable. It is sobering to find that the detailed 
investigation of historians into primary sources may be so 
subordinated to a conceptual scheme as to distort completely 
the meaning of their work. Dr. Washburn's first chapter, 
"The Rise of a Democratic Myth," should be clear warning, 
often given to be sure, but not always heeded, against reading 
into the past the ideas of the present. Students of economics, 
tending to determinism, and of social conditions, too often 
looking for class warfare, particularly need this warning. 

There can be no doubt that Dr. Washburn has successfully 
made his point— and that he has done so in a challenging 
manner. But is not his picture a little too sharp? Even if 
Bacon was not the champion of democracy, even if Berkeley 
was not the personification of an oppressor, what were the 
deeper causes of the rebellion? Why out of 15,000 people 
were less than 500 uncontaminated by rebellion? If we can 
accept Robert Beverley's analysis of the causes in terms of 
the frame of mind of the planters which caused them to vent 
their discontent against the poor Indians, are we not obli- 
gated to study the background further? Why were "Envy, 
Emulation, Mallice ,and Ignorance" listed as the causes by 
one group of contemporaries? These need elaboration in 
terms of social and economic conditions. 

Robert E. Moody. 

Boston University, 
Boston, Massachusetts. 



Book Reviews 359 

Kentucky's Fox Creek. By Charles Crossfield Ware. (Wilson: 
The author. 1957. Pp. viii, 72. Illustrations and index. $2.50.) 

Mr. Ware's Kentucky's Fox Creek is about a rural church 
of the Disciples of Christ situated in the Salt River Cliff in 
the Bluegrass heartland of Anderson County, Kentucky. It 
also includes a brief account of the heritage from Richard 
Henry Crossfield, a distinguished churchman and scion of 
the Fox Creek Disciples. 

Before the founding in 1841 of the Fox Creek Church, 
both Methodists and Baptists had organized congregations 
in Anderson County. Francis Asbury preached there and 
helped organize churches. Among the Baptists the anti- 
mission agitation was rife, gathering intensity with the years. 
These dissentions among the Baptists caused some of the 
churches to lose members and opened the way for the estab- 
lishment of Disciples congregations, including Fox Creek. 
Mr. Ware gives information about different congregations, 
ministers, membership and growth, revivals, and church 
discipline. 

The heritage of Crossfield includes a short account of his 
parents, relatives, and descendants. In 1885 he enrolled at 
Kentucky University. In 1900 he was awarded the Ph.D. 
degree from the University of Wooster. Crossfield was a 
teacher, minister, and college president. From the altogether 
too brief account of him, one can agree with the author that 
"a couple of books cry to be written," and one of these is 
about Crossfield. 

Kentucky's Fox Creek is a good example of writing about 
the historical wealth, yet uncovered, in local history. The 
pictures and drawings in the pamphlet are well chosen. 
Ware's research should stimulate him and others to write 
more local history. May this tribe increase. 

Daniel J. Whitener. 

Appalachian State Teachers College, 

Boone. 



360 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Horse and Buggy Days on Hatchet Creek. By Mitchell B. Garrett. 
(University: The University of Alabama Press. 1957. Pp. vi, 
233. $3.50.) 

An eminent historian, now living in retirement, addresses 
himself to the task of recapturing his observations and expe- 
riences as a boy, growing up the hard way in the foothills 
of Alabama. 

The author takes us back to the eighties and nineties of the 
nineteenth century to a rural community known as Hatchet 
Creek. Apparently, it was one of those sprawling communi- 
ties without a focus and without definite metes and bounds. 
It did, however, contain two or three churches, a postoffice, 
a school, a grist mill, a sawmill, the "Country Doctor," and 
the usual "dark corner" inhabited by Negroes, which was 
known as "the Glades." The inhabitants included the poor 
whites, living from hand to mouth, and a more enterprising 
group, the tenant farmers. A final group, firmly seated as 
first citizens who lent tone and stability to the community, 
consisted of the substantial landowning families. 

Mr. Garrett, in choice, fluid diction portrays a way of life 
which we assume was fairly typical of a large segment of the 
cotton-growing hill region of the Lower South. He describes 
with wry humor and with surprising fidelity all the major 
community customs and activities, with special emphasis on 
funerals, church services, animal husbandry, the one-teacher 
school, farming with a one-horse plow, and childhood games. 
Someone must have refreshed his memory concerning the 
details of soap-making, quilting, and "twistification," a vigor- 
ous romp which served as a substitute for dancing. 

The author is to be commended for recalling (pp. 204-205) 
the long-forgotten music of the Sacred Harpers with its four 
notes and its three parts: bass, tenor, and treble. There was, 
says the author, "no definite tune-carrying part." The Sacred 
Harp song book occupied an honored spot in practically 
every rural parlor. 

The only character in the book who stands out in perspec- 
tive is "Pa," a stern, dedicated Primitive Baptist minister and 
Democrat, who farmed during the week and preached on 



Book Reviews 361 

Sunday ( without a stipulated salary ) . His magisterial posi- 
tion in the home and in the church and his firm adherence 
to Calvinistic doctrines identify him as a sort of patriarch to 
whom people turned for advice and admonition. 

The facets of community life which engage the attention of 
the author are pointed up graphically. By following, how- 
ever, the pattern of describing community customs and habits 
which came within the orbit of his observation, certain socio- 
logical categories, such as race relations, crime, and rural 
prejudices were somewhat neglected. 

One is a bit surprised to learn that rail fences in Alabama 
lasted "almost indefinitely" and that the sexes were not segre- 
gated in rural churches. 

There are a few minor errors which in no way detract from 
the value of the book. Lawrence District (p. 34) should be 
Laurens District. "Chirrings" (p. 58) is the way most South- 
ern people spelled chitterlings. 

The writer concludes his narrative on a note of serene opti- 
mism. After surveying the chequered history of mankind 
since the year 2000 B.C., he is definitely of the opinion that 
the world is not "going to the dogs." 

Rosser H. Taylor. 

Western Carolina College. 

Cullowhee. 



Ante-Bellum Alabama: Town and Country. By Weymouth T. 
Jordan. (Tallahassee: The Florida State University Studies. 
Number Twenty-seven. 1957. Pp. viii, 172. $3.00.) 

Of this little book the author writes in his preface: "It 
deals with a city, a town, a planter family, rural social life, 
certain attitudes of white people toward Negroes, and Ala- 
bama's early crusade in behalf of agriculture and manufac- 
turing. Its purpose is to present certain case studies with the 
hope that by bringing them together they will furnish an 
insight into some of the important facets of Alabama's late 
ante-bellum history." 

His first case study apparently was the editing, and the 
publication as a series of articles in the Alabama Historical 



362 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Quarterly (1940), of excerpts from the daybook of Martin 
Marshall, mechanic, weaver, blacksmith, and small-time 
farmer of Monroe County. At something like two-year inter- 
vals the publication of other case studies followed: "Early 
Ante-Bellum Marion, Alabama: A Black Belt Town," Alabama 
Historical Quarterly (1943); "The Elisha F. King Family, 
Planters of the Alabama Black Belt," Agricultural History 
(1945); "Ante-Bellum Mobile: Alabama's Agricultural Em- 
porium," Alabama Review (1948); "Plantation Medicine in 
the Old South," Alabama Review (1950); "Noah B. Cloud's 
Activities on Behalf of Southern Agriculture," Agricultural 
History ( 1951 ) ; "Agricultural Societies in Ante-Bellum Ala- 
bama," Alabama Review ( 1951 ) . After further research and 
a careful revision of these articles, the author has now brought 
the results of his labor together in book form. The chapter 
headings read as follows: Metropolis by the Sea; A Black 
Belt Town; A Black Belt Planter Family; A Family Daybook; 
Negro "Peculiarities"; The Crusade for Agricultural Reform; 
The Industrial Gospel. 

The extensive bibliography is testimony to the author's 
thorough research. He had access to manuscript collections 
belonging to several Marion and Perry County families; he 
exploited to good purpose the vast array of historical mate- 
rials on deposit in the Alabama Department of Archives and 
History; and it would seem that he has read all the pertinent 
secondary materials. The reviewer rises from a perusal of 
the book with the conviction that the work is definitive within 
the limits set by the author. 

Mitchell B. Garrett. 

R.F.D. 4, 

Canton, New York. 



Magnificent Missourian: The Life of Thomas Hart Benton. By 
Elbert B. Smith. (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company. 
1957. Pp. 351. $6.00.) 

The revival of interest in Senator Thomas Hart Benton in 
the last few years is appropriate, for 1958 marks the centen- 
nial of his death. Born in North Carolina in 1782, a sojourner 



Book Reviews 363 

on the Tennessee frontier from 1800 to 1815 when he moved 
to Missouri, he made his mark as a major national statesman 
during his long Senate career, 1821-1851. There he became 
in the 1830's the "right bower" of Andrew Jackson's adminis- 
tration, the arch-foe of "the hydra and Protean monster" 
( Benton's phrase ) Bank of the United States, and an untiring 
advocate of hard money— whence his nickname, "Old Bul- 
lion." He urged such measures in the spirit of his mentors 
Jefferson and Nathaniel Macon, of a latter-day Arcadia of 
freeholding farmers. 

In this most recent Benton biography, Professor Smith of 
Iowa State College covers these aspects of Benton's career 
somewhat summarily. He gives comparatively little attention 
to Benton's family and formative years in the North Carolina 
Piedmont. His treatment of the patterns of politics in which 
Benton strove is often perfunctory, and, for example, stops 
short of any searching analysis of Old Bullion's special place 
within the broad spectrum of the variegated Jacksonian 
"movement." A great "lion" or advocate-leader in politics, 
Benton was always aware that influence in the national arena 
depended on success in the local political rough and tumble. 
Little of the practical politician behind the statesman comes 
through in Smith's book. 

It is rather to the later phase of Benton's career that Pro- 
fessor Smith devotes himself. Here he argues forcibly and 
effectively a thesis— that if the South had followed Benton's 
lead on the slavery issue the Civil War might have been 
avoided, and the South might have come to its own peaceful 
settlement of the slavery question. From the Texas contro- 
versy of 1843-1844 on, Benton steadily opposed all arguments 
for, or about, the extension of slavery, and opposed cries of 
nullification and disunion, as he opposed abolitionism. If the 
South, following Benton, had avoided agitation over the 
"abstract" issue of extending slavery to areas where by nature 
it could not flourish, Smith contends, it would have stood 
immune from attacks on the "peculiar institution" where it 
was already established. Thus Benton emerges as hero- 
peacemaker, and Calhoun as devil, or at least as a doctrinaire, 
destructive agitator. 



364 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Of course this thesis is arguable, both in general and as it 
relates to the facts of Benton's career. But Old Bullion Ben- 
ton was a large man, and in the house of historiography there 
is room for many interpretations. 

William Nisbet Chambers. 

Washington University, 

St. Louis, Missouri. 



Georgians In Profile. Historical Essays in Honor of Ellis Merton 
Coulter. Edited by Horace Montgomery. (Athens: The Uni- 
versity of Georgia Press. 1958. Pp. xi, 387. $6.00.) 

This collection of fourteen biographical sketches covers 
a span of almost two hundred years in Georgia history. It 
begins with the fascinating story of one of the original Trus- 
tees of the Georgia Corporation in London and concludes 
with an account of the life and labors of a twentieth-century 
politician. Sandwiched between the two is a heterogeneous 
collection of vivid personalities who played roles of varying 
importance in the growth of the youngest of the original 
thirteen American colonies. 

Tar Heel readers will be interested in this volume for sev- 
eral reasons. 

First of all, it is dedicated to Dr. E. M. Coulter, Head of 
the History Department at the University of Georgia, who is 
widely known both for his erudition and for his numerous 
books and articles on southern history. Dr. Coulter was born 
at Hickory, received his B.A. and M.A. degrees from the 
University of North Carolina, and taught in the schools of his 
native state for several years. 

Secondly, one chapter of this volume is devoted to Benjamin 
Hawkins, who was born in Granville (now Warren) County 
and served in the General Assembly of North Carolina and 
in Congress before moving to Georgia as the Federal govern- 
ment's agent for dealing with the Creek Indians. 

Thirdly, one of the men profiled is Hoke Smith, a native of 
North Carolina (the author states that he was born at Chapel 
Hill, but North Carolina has erected a historical marker 
pointing out his birthplace in Catawba County ) , who moved 



Book Reviews 365 

to Georgia at the age of seventeen and embarked upon a 
meteoric career as lawyer, newspaper publisher, Governor of 
Georgia, United States Senator, and Secretary of the Interior. 

Finally, Georgians In Profile will be of interest to all persons 
who seek to increase their knowledge of the settlement and 
development of a royal colony which coped successively with 
royal persecutions, Indian depredations, Yankee troops and 
carpetbaggers, and the determined provincialism of twen- 
tieth-century reactionaries. 

The authors, all of whom have been associated with Dr. 
Coulter at the University of Georgia, give evidence of pains- 
taking research and of a thorough knowledge of their subjects. 

William Bailey Williford. 
Raleigh. 



The Southeast in Early Maps : With an Annotated Check List of 
Printed and Manuscript Regional and Local Maps of South- 
eastern North America during the Colonial Period. By William 
P. Cumming. (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University 
Press. 1958. Pp. ix, 275. $12.50.) 

Today the high degree of accuracy which our latest maps 
possess sometimes has caused the task of studying early maps 
to seem almost useless. Professor Cumming has provided a 
helpful guide for understanding and utilizing these older 
maps. 

He has collected and reproduced the major general and 
regional maps that relate to the discovery and pre-Revolu- 
tionary settlement of the area between Virginia and the 
Florida Peninsula. Through an interest in the subject for 
many years he has become well acquainted with the major 
cartographical collections in this country. 

The cartography of this region is a key to much of its his- 
tory. Maps reveal how slowly the continent was explored. 
Coastal areas were delineated more realistically at a much 
earlier date than was the interior. Fanciful mistakes were 
corrected slowly. An "isthmus" which appeared on maps 
following Verrazano's explorations in the early sixteenth cen- 



366 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tury was supposed to represent a deep penetration of the 
Pacific Ocean almost to the North Carolina Banks. This 
belief was one of the motivating factors behind the establish- 
ment of the Roanoke Colony. Another influence of this error 
can be found decades later in the persistent inclusion on maps 
of a large body of water east of the Appalachian Mountains. 

The popular belief that the French also referred to their 
settlements along the southeastern coast as Caroline or Caro- 
lina is dispelled. French maps of the period consistently 
refer to the area as Florida. The location of the French fort 
la Caroline on approximately the thirtieth degree of latitude 
has been the cause of confusion. 

All persons who begin to study the colonial history of this 
area will be indebted to Professor Cumming for both the 
convenient compilation of these maps and his explanations of 
the origin and contemporary use of each map. In addition 
to these descriptions, he summarizes the history of cartogra- 
phy for the period and tells of the role played by the great 
map-making families in seventeenth-century Europe. 

The comprehensive list of the known maps of the Southeast 
during the colonial period is very valuable. Each map is 
identified by title, size, scale, region covered, and a general 
description. Bibliographical data is provided for the first 
edition of each work in which the map is found and for the 
American libraries which possess a copy. 

Paul M. McCain. 

Arkansas College, 

Batesville. 



Doctors in Gray. The Confederate Medical Service. By H. H. 
Cunningham. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University 
Press. 1958. Pp. xi, 339. Preface, illustrations, appendices, 
bibliography, and index. $6.00.) 

"This is a horrid night," wrote a Confederate soldier from 
a Gettysburg field hospital, "cold and wet and rainy. Groans 
and shrieks and maniacal ravings; bitter sobs, piteous cries; 
horrid oaths; despair; the death rattle, darkness, death." Sur- 
geons had to operate where they could— on the tail gate of a 



Book Reviews 367 

wagon, the communion table of a church, a door laid upon 
barrels. Inexperienced surgeons had to learn quickly, and 
the best way they could. John Claiborne found in the field 
hospital near Appomattox "an open anatomy, from which 
some surgeon had evidently been refreshing himself during 
the work of mutilation." There is a lot to the Civil War that 
does not emerge in technicolor movies and TV serials. 

Hence Mr. Cunningham's new and thorough study of the 
Confederate medical military service takes its place among 
the many valuable monographs about the Civil War which 
have appeared in recent years. Much of the material he 
presents is not pleasant to read or ponder. More men were 
killed by sickness and disease than by bullets in that tragic 
struggle. Only 110,000 of the 360,000 Yankee casualties 
occurred on the battlefield; only 94,000 of the 258,000 Con- 
federate deaths. One might almost favor a new name for 
the fight— the War of Human Sacrifice. 

The Confederate Medical Department manages to come 
through Mr. Cunningham's book with flying colors. Facing 
more than three million cases of disease and wounds, this 
heroic little band "performed daily miracles of improvisation, 
organization, and sacrifice." To evaluate the contributions 
of these Confederate doctors becomes the chief purpose, and 
to praise them the major direction, of Doctors in Gray. 

Well-organized, though not particularly well-written, the 
book discusses the total Confederate medical problem, the 
organization and administration of the Department and hos- 
pitals, the medical officers themselves, causes of disease, sur- 
gery, and infections. One of the most valuable features of 
the book is a thirty-page bibliography, which historians and 
students will find valuable. 

Books like this help fill in our understanding of the real war 
which occurred in the 1860's; and to wonder all the more at 
the silly romantic notions many people continue to have about 
it in the 1950's. The paths of glory do indeed lead but to 
the grave. 

Marshall W. Fishwick. 

Washington and Lee University, 
Lexington, Va. 



368 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Civil War: A Soldier's View. A Collection of Civil War 
Writings by Col. G. F. R. Henderson. Edited by Jay Luvaas. 
(Chicago, Illinois: The University of Chicago Press. 1%8. 
Pp. xi, 323. $6.00.) 

This well-edited and attractive volume brings together 
certain writings of the British army officer whose biography 
of Stonewall Jackson is still highly regarded sixty years after 
its publication. Civil War specialists will welcome the col- 
lection as an added convenience, even though it contains 
nothing by Henderson that has not already appeared between 
the covers of a book. Mr. Luvaas supplements the text with 
editorial footnotes and contributes an illuminating essay on 
Henderson, which, although hardly more than thirty pages 
in length, is broken up and presented in three parts as Chap- 
ters I, III, and IX. The second chapter, running to 111 pages, 
reproduces in its entirety The Campaign of Fredericksburg, 
the book which won Henderson his first recognition as a mili- 
tary historian. Published in 1886, before the pertinent vol- 
ume in the Official Records was available, and based largely 
upon an earlier secondary work, this study nevertheless re- 
mains valuable because of its wisdom, its lucidity, and its 
literary style. Chapters IV to VII are selections from The 
Science of War, a posthumous collection of articles and lec- 
tures. They include studies of Gettysburg and the Wilder- 
ness, as well as a character analysis of the nonprofessional 
army. Chapter VIII, "Stonewall Jackson's Place in History," 
was written for the second edition of Mrs. Jackson's memoir 
of her husband. 

The Civil War was not Hendersons hobby but his labora- 
tory. He regarded it as a grand object lesson in almost every 
aspect of modern warfare. His didactic asides to the British 
soldier are sometimes annoying, but they serve as a reminder 
that the study of history can have a grimly practical purpose. 
Moreover, in order to write instructively, he had to sit con- 
stantly in judgment upon the American armies. Not that all 
of his conclusions will pass muster. He himself later modified 
his sharp criticism of Lee for failure to counterattack at 
Fredericksburg. And few scholars today will agree with him 



Book Reviews 369 

that the military ideas of Lincoln and his advisers were "al- 
most invariably unsound" (p. 202), or that the North failed 
in the first three years of war because of its "infatuation" with 
individual liberty (p. 156). Henderson is stimulating to read 
precisely because he is trying to extract every last ounce of 
meaning from the events that he describes, and because for 
him, as for every good military historian, the great battles 
are never over. 

Don E. Fehrenbacher. 
Stanford University, 
Stanford, California. 



Lee's Dispatches, Unpublished Letters of General Robert E. Lee, 
C.S.A., to Jefferson Davis and the War Department of the Con- 
federate States of America, 1862-65. From the Private Collec- 
tion of Wymberley Jones de Renne. . . . Edited with an Intro- 
duction and Notes by Douglas Southall Freeman. New Edition 
With Additional Dispatches and Foreword by Grady Mc- 
Whiney. (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons. 1957. Pp. lxxi, 416. 
$5.00.) 

This reissue of Dr. Freeman's masterly edition of Lees 
Dispatches from June 3, 1862, to April 1, 1865, will permit 
serious readers to "see the war unfold" in the General's own 
words. Included in the new edition are a brief introduction 
by Dr. McWhiney of Millsaps College and ten dispatches, 
according to his count and eleven by this reviewer's, which 
were not available when the original edition was published. 

These confidential dispatches throw much light on the 
plans for Richmond's defense in 1862; the purpose of the 
Second Manassas campaign; the Confederate commander's 
view of the invasion of Pennsylvania; the campaign from the 
Rapidan to the James; the movement of Grant's army across 
that river in June, 1864; and the situation in the winter of 
1864 and the spring of 1865. They reveal Lee as a valorous, 
upright, modest, and able commander in both victoiy and 
defeat. They also show his refusal to recommend those he 
considered unworthy, incapable, or inexperienced, and that 
his slowness in blaming and his readiness to praise did not 



370 The North Carolina Historical Review 

deter him from frankly expressing his opinions when properly 
required to do so. 

Dr. Freeman's notes command admiration and are indis- 
pensable to understanding the dispatches. Nevertheless, they 
contain some errors e.g. Slash Church in Hanover County 
appears as Stark Church (p. 16); the initials of the late C. H. 
Ambler, biographer of Thomas Ritchie, are garbled to read 
C. M. (pp. 241n., 377, 407); and Alexander P. Stewart of the 
West Point Class of 1842 is listed as an Academy roommate 
of J. E. B. Stuart of the Class of 1854 (p. 243n.). Why should 
these and other minor mistakes be perpetuated in the new 
edition? 

Dr. and Mrs. McWhiney, however, deserve commendation 

for locating the additional dispatches and the publisher merits 

praise for again making available this important volume that 

has been exceedingly scarce since the limited publication of 

750 copies in 1915. 

Carrol H. Quenzel. 
Mary Washington College 
of the University of Virginia, 
Fredericksburg. 



Recollections of a Confederate Staff Officer. By G. Moxley Sorrel. 
Edited by Bell Irvin Wiley. (Jackson, Tennessee: McCowat- 
Mercer Press, Inc. 1958. Pp. xxii, 322. Introductions, appen- 
dices, index, and illustrations. $5.00.) 

Rated by Douglas Freeman as one of the twelve best per- 
sonal narratives of the Civil War written by Confederate 
fighting men, G. Moxley Sorrel's Recollections of a Confeder- 
ate Staff Officer is a truly outstanding source of that conflict. 
The Recollections were probably written more than thirty 
years after Appomattox, and earlier editions were published 
in 1905 and 1917. Neither was satisfactory, however, and 
the material has finally been accorded the treatment it de- 
serves at the experienced hands of Bell Irvin Wiley. 

Sorrel, a native of Savannah, Georgia, served on General 
James Longstreet's staff during most of the war and eventu- 
ally became that officer's chief of staff. He participated in 



Book Reviews 371 

practically all major battles in the East and accompanied 
Longstreet on the Chickamauga and Knoxville campaigns. 
His position naturally enabled him to make close "observa- 
tions of men and things" (pp. 19-20) and witness much actual 
fighting. Always outspoken, Sorrel was at the same time 
sincere and possessed of remarkable balance and a sense of 
fairness. In view of the long controversy over Gettysburg, 
his cool appraisal of Longstreet's conduct in that engagement 
is of particular interest. 

The value of this polished memoir is enhanced considerably 
by the author's sketches of Longstreet, D. H. Hill, Jubal 
Early, Jeb Stuart, George Pickett, Stonewall Jackson, Braxton 
Bragg, and many others, including some of the Union gen- 
erals. His descriptions of such foreign observers as corre- 
spondent and artist Frank Vizetelly, who "could drink like a 
fish, and did so," (p. 116) and Colonel J. A. L. Fremantle, 
who was never seen to change "his clothing or boots," (p. 
171 ) also make the narrative more appealing. 

Sorrel did not hesitate to draw conclusions. It was, ac- 
cording to him, the absence of Stuart's cavalry, exhausting 
itself "on a useless, showy parade" (p. 154) that was respon- 
sible for the failure at Gettysburg. In the West, Bragg's 
defeat at Missionary Ridge "prepared the way for Hood's 
destruction at Franklin and Nashville, and Sherman's march 
to the sea'" (p. 224). 

The book is enriched by both the original and editor's 
introductions and appendices, well-chosen illustrations, and 
a useful index. 

H. H. Cunningham. 

Elon College, 

Elon. 



372 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The South in the Revolution, 1763-1789. By John Richard Alden. 
Volume III of A History of the South. Edited by Wendell 
Holmes Stephenson and E. Merton Coulter. (Baton Rouge: 
Louisiana State University Press, The Littlefield Fund for 
Southern History of the University of Texas, 1957. Pp. xv, 
442. Illustrations, maps, bibliography, and index. $7.50.) 

When Professor Alden, or any historian for that matter, 
undertakes the writing of a book of this scope, his is a task of 
Herculean proportions. To compress the story of the South, 
or any other region, during a twenty-six year period of politi- 
cal upheaval, social change, and the violence of war into 442 
pages is no mean feat. The enormity of the task becomes 
even more apparent with the realization that the South, both 
in the colonial period and during the early years of statehood, 
cannot be treated as a whole, but must be examined as a 
group of separate political entities, each guarding its indi- 
vidual status with all the fervor of a jealous husband. 

This volume is not limited to the War of the Revolution, 
but is more properly the story of the revolutionary era. The 
first rumblings of colonial discontent are translated into mili- 
tary action, but dissatisfaction with the existing way of life 
lingers on through the adoption of the Federal Constitution 
by the southern states. As wards of Great Britain the south- 
ern colonies are pictured as sometimes apathetic, sometimes 
vigorous in their opposition to Parliamentary actions. Al- 
though not always directly affected by the restrictions and 
taxes imposed by the British Government, the southern legis- 
latures always concerned themselves with the parliamentary 
and constitutional questions posed by the various acts. The 
North Carolina Assembly seems to have taken a greater inter- 
est in this phase of the controversy than is generally realized. 
Southern military leaders, from Washington on down, are 
given due recognition for their contributions during the mili- 
tary phase of the struggle for independence. Above all, the 
southern colonies and states are fitted neatly into the structure 
of the greater conflict. 

Professor Alden also makes the point that the seeds of 
sectionalism germinated in this era. This was evident not 
only during the war, but even in the making of the peace, 



Book Reviews 373 

the southerners clamoring for the continued free navigation 
of the Mississippi counteracting the New England agitation 
for unmolested use of the Atlantic fishing grounds. In the 
days of the Confederation it was the opposition of the South 
that prevented the admission of Vermont as the fourteenth 
state, opposition built around the assumption that another 
northern state would weaken the South's power in the Conti- 
nental Congress. 

Not to be overlooked is Professor Alden's useful and reveal- 
ing story of the southern frontier. His discussion of East 
Florida and West Florida leads to the realization that there 
were British colonies on the North American Continent other 
than the rebellious thirteen. The interesting presentation of 
British Indian policy is actually a condensation of the author's 
earlier John Stuart and the Southern Frontier. North Caro- 
lina's expedition against the Cherokees and that of George 
Rogers Clark against the British in the Illinois country are 
both cogently and attractively presented. 

Few volumes of this scope are without minor error— this 
one is no exception. For instance, the British warship playing 
such an active role in Lord Dunmore's activities in Virginia 
in 1775 was the Fowey, not the Fovey. Governor Josiah 
Martin of North Carolina was not an active military leader 
at the time of the Moore's Creek Bridge Campaign— he had 
sold his commission in 1769. And there is the suggestion that 
Moore's Creek was an isolated incident rather than a planned 
link in the chain of events that ended with the British with- 
drawal at Charleston in 1776. 

It must be admitted, however, that such minute errors do 
not in any way detract from the over-all attractiveness and 
usefulness of this volume. Professor Alden's objective was to 
write a survey of the South during the revolutionary crisis— 
this he has done well. 

Hugh F. Rankin, 

Tulane University, 

New Orleans, Louisiana. 



374 The North Carolina Historical Review 

A Crossroads of Freedom: The 1912 Campaign Speeches of 
Woodrow Wilson. Edited by John Wells Davidson (New 
Haven: Yale University Press. 1956. Pp. xviii, 570. Source 
notes and index. $6.00.) 

This book deals with a group of little known Wilson 
speeches. The Public Papers of Woodrow Wilson, edited by 
R. S. Baker and W. E. Dodd, contains only one speech made 
by Wilson between the time of the National Democratic Con- 
vention which nominated him for President and his election 
in November. This relatively brief but highly significant 
period in Wilson's public career is treated in this book. Mr. 
Davidson had access to all the known records. Unfortunately, 
the sources did not include typewritten transcripts of Wilson's 
campaign speeches, nearly all of which have been lost. How- 
ever, Charles L. Swem, an expert young stenographer, was 
present at practically all of Wilson's speaking engagements 
and took stenographic notes which have been preserved. 

The story of how the editor secured transcripts of these 
notes, of how he checked these transcripts against available 
newspaper accounts, and in some instances against previously 
typed copies, of how he and his sister worked at eliminating 
errors is fascinating indeed. Mr. Davidson was fortunate in 
having the assistance of Mr. Swem who was in 1954 the 
official reporter for the New York Supreme Court. He was 
only nineteen years of age when he worked with Wilson in 
1912. 

These speeches contain a gradual unfolding of what became 
known as Wilson's New Freedom. In fact, Wilson first used 
the term "New Freedom" to describe his national legislative 
program in a speech delivered at Indianapolis during this 
campaign. Just ten years earlier the Indianapolis News had 
first suggested Wilson as a possible Democratic nominee for 
the presidency. 

This collection of Wilson's speeches begins with his formal 
acceptance speech, the only speech in the entire book that 
Wilson read formally from a prepared text. The first speech 
of the campaign after the formal acceptance was delivered 
on August 15 to the South Jersey Farmers' Association. Al- 
though Wilson stated that he would make only a few well- 



Book Reviews 375 

placed speeches, he was soon speaking regularly on extensive 

campaign trips. 

This book is well-illustrated. Each speech is presented 

with a brief introduction by the editor. There are ample 

notes on the sources, a life sketch of Mr. Charles Swem, a 

description of the sources used, and an accurate index. 

George C. Osborn. 

University of Florida, 
Gainesville. 



Pictorial History of Protestantism. By Vergilius Ferm. (New 
York: Philosophical Library. 1957. Pp. 368. Index. $10.00.) 

According to the enviously indefatigable Vergilius Ferm, 
former President of the American Theological Society and 
author or editor of a score of significant books during the past 
thirty years, this large and genuinely impressive looking vol- 
ume was prepared to provide a panoramic view of the History 
of Protestantism in Europe and America. 

Panoramic history, pictorial or otherwise, is not a substitute 
for history, though it has its place and usefulness. Further- 
more, the full history of Protestantism will shed much more 
light on this large and highly miscellaneous collection of 
cartoons, paintings, and photographs than the other way 
around. Nevertheless, the volume is intriguing. If one begins 
it there is apt to be very real urge to go on to the next page, 
and the next, in part to see what unexpected surprise will be 
there. The chances are good that a real surprise will await 
you. 

Of course, the volume can be criticized for many specific 
shortcomings. For example, an unrepresentative amount of 
space is given to the vicious persecution of Protestantism, to 
the neglect of the sad fact of vicious persecution of others by 
Protestants. Again, there is wide variation in the adequacy 
of the treatment given to different Protestant groups. The 
treatment of the Moravians is much more adequate than in 
the case of certain other groups. Since the author had to 
depend upon the assistance and co-operation of the several 



376 The North Carolina Historical Review 

denominations in this effort, it is to be understood that some 
of these weaknesses are not entirely his own fault. In the 
third place, the bookmaking art is hardly complimented by 
the hodge-podge arrangement of the great variety of items 
on many of the pages, consisting of pictures of different 
shapes, sizes, and finishes. 

Despite its shortcomings, the volume should be available 
in the library, for it will have some interest for many. It 
might be useful as a reference volume in certain courses in 
history and history of religion at the college or university 
level. 

W. N. Hicks. 

North Carolina State College, 

Raleigh. 



HISTORICAL NEWS 

The State Department of Archives and History presented 
on March 28 an hour-long television program in the "Affairs 
of State" series, a regular Friday night feature of WUNC-TV. 
Mr. Jack Porter of the English Department of North Carolina 
State College acted as a newspaper reporter and interviewed 
Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Director, who briefly outlined 
the establishment, functions, and services of the Department. 
Dr. Crittenden then took Mr. Porter on a simulated tour of 
the various divisions of the Department and introduced him 
to a number of the division heads and members of the staff, 
who in turn reported on their work. 

On March 27 Dr. Crittenden attended the luncheon at the 
Hotel Sir Walter in Raleigh which honored Mr. Carl Sand- 
burg, poet and biographer, of Flat Rock. Governor Luther H. 
Hodges had previously designated that date as "Carl Sand- 
burg Day." An April 9 he attended a meeting of the Aycock 
Memorial Commission in Goldsboro and on April 12 he at- 
tended the one hundred eighty-second anniversary of the 
signing of the Halifax Resolves in Halifax. Senator Lunsford 
Crew introduced Governor Luther H. Hodges who was the 
featured speaker for the occasion. A luncheon for special 
guests at the Colonial Manor and a parade were also a part 
of the celebration which was sponsored by the Historical 
Halifax Restoration Association. Mrs. Quentin Gregory, Mr. 
George Hux, and Mr. Ray Wilkinson were also on the pro- 
gram. On April 15 Dr. Crittenden met with the Businessmen's 
Committee of the North Carolina Literary and Historical 
Association. All members of the committee were present- 
Mr. Gilbert T. Stephenson, Chairman, Mr. J. R. Covington, 
Mr. Edwin Gill, Mr. W. E. Gladding, Mr. Edgar Kirk, and 
Dr. Crittenden, Secretary. On April 18 Dr. Crittenden attend- 
ed the meeting of the Historical Society of North Carolina 
in Greenville, and on April 23 he spoke on "Preserving North 
Carolina History" at a marker unveiling at McCain Sani- 
torium. The fiftieth anniversary of the opening of the North 

[377] 



378 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Carolina Sanitarium was being observed. On April 26 Dr. 
Crittenden attended the meeting of the Board of the North 
Carolina Society for the Preservation of Antiquities which 
met in Concord with Mrs. Charles A. Cannon. He met with 
the Executive Committee of the Tryon Palace Commission 
on April 27 and with the members of the Commission in 
sessions which were held in New Bern through the morning 
of April 29. From May 1 to May 3 Dr. Crittenden attended 
the annual convention of the American Association of Muse- 
ums in Charleston, South Carolina, and made at one of the 
sessions an address on "A New Look at History Museums." 
On May 6 he attended a meeting of the Board of Trustees 
of the National Trust for Historic Preservation in Washington, 
D. C, and on May 8-9 the thirteenth annual convention of 
the North Carolina Hotel Association in High Point, where 
he spoke to the group on "Hotels and History— Potentialities 
for Profit." On May 10 Dr. Crittenden represented the De- 
partment at the Greensboro Sesquicentennial Celebration. 
Mr. McDaniel Lewis who is Chairman of the Executive 
Board of the Department of Archives and History served 
as state and local co-chairman with Mr. John Harden for 
the event. A parade, Dutch luncheon, and tour of Greens- 
boro's Historical Museum and Guilford Battleground were 
on the day's calendar. Dr. Crittenden, Mr. H. G. Jones, State 
Archivist, and Mrs. Memory F. Blackwelder, Records Center 
Supervisor, represented the Department at a hearing before 
the Commission on Reorganization of State Government on 
May 19. 

Mr. D. L. Corbitt, Head of the Division of Publications, 
spoke to the Bertie County Historical Society in Windsor on 
April 11. He reviewed the organization of thirty-three county 
societies since 1950 and listed the twenty-eight groups in the 
State having some other type of organization. He also pre- 
sented a partial list of the county histories which have been 
written since 1950 when he helped organize the Bertie group 
and mentioned other histories which are in preparation. On 
April 17 he attended the Pitt County Historical Society meet- 
ing in Greenville, and on April 18 the meeting of the His- 
torical Society of North Carolina held on the campus of East 



Historical News 379 

Carolina College. On May 12 Mr. Corbitt represented the 
Department at the Bicentennial Celebration of Halifax Coun- 
ty and on May 25 he took part in the tour of Perquimans 
County sponsored by the North Carolina Society of County 
and Local Historians. Mr. Corbitt helped an interested group 
in Siler City draw up plans for the formation of a historical 
society in Chatham County on April 22, and on May 20 he 
met again with the group which organized the Chatham 
County Historical Society in Pittsboro. On the morning of 
May 25 preceding the tour Mr. Corbitt spoke to a group of 
people in the Hertford Elementary school who are interested 
in organizing a historical society in Perquimans County. 

In March the Historic Sites Division began clearing the 
property at Brunswick Town State Historic Site preparatory 
to surveying the area for archaeological excavations. On 
June 1 Dr. E. Lawrence Lee, on leave for the summer from 
his teaching duties at The Citadel, Charleston, South Caro- 
lina, commenced a site survey of the area. Following Dr. 
Lee's work this summer the archaeologist who will start 
intensive digging this fall will be able to pick out the most im- 
portant sites for early archaeological investigation. 

On April 9 Mr. William S. Tarlton, Historic Sites Superin- 
tendent, attended a meeting of the Charles B. Ay cock Me- 
morial Commission in Goldsboro, when plans were projected 
for restoring the Charles B. Aycock birthplace near Fremont 
in Wayne County. Additional land has been recently ac- 
quired by the Commission, four of the old Aycock-owned 
buildings have been purchased and moved to their original 
location on state-owned land, and the entire site has been 
cleaned up and graded. Dan MacMillan, Architect and 
Associates, have contracted to prepare plans and specifica- 
tions for the restoration of the Aycock dwelling and kitchen. 
It is planned that this restoration and that of other buildings 
in the project commence by mid-summer. 

Mr. Tarlton attended a meeting on April 20 of the Archae- 
ological Society of North Carolina held at Town Creek Indian 
Mound State Historic Site near Mt. Gilead. Featured speaker 
on the program was Mr. Stanley A. South, Historic Site 
Specialist in charge of the Town Creek project, who talked 



380 The North Carolina Historical Review 

on the prehistoric Indian ceremonial center which is being 
reconstructed at the site. The meeting was held in the newly 
reconstructed temple building on top of the mound. On 
April 26 Mr. Tarlton attended the annual meeting of the 
Western North Carolina Historical Association held at Ashe- 
ville-Biltmore College and gave a brief report on the Zebulon 
B. Vance birthplace restoration project near Weaverville. 
He introduced Mr. William W. Dodge, Jr., Asheville archi- 
tect, who is working on the restoration plans for the Vance 
house and who also gave a brief report. As soon as architec- 
tural plans are completed, the Vance restoration will pro- 
ceed—perhaps later this year. 

On May 1-3 Mr. Tarlton attended the annual meeting of 
the American Association of Museums in Charleston, South 
Carolina, and on May 21 was the principal speaker at a joint 
meeting of the Warren-Granville Chapter of the Colonial 
Dames and the Warren County Historical Association held 
in Warrenton. He presented a slide-illustrated talk on his- 
torical restoration in North Carolina. On May 30 he spoke 
at the annual meeting of the Daughters of the Revolution 
in Raleigh on various Revolutionary restoration projects in 
this State. Among these are Tryon Palace, Alamance Battle- 
ground, Brunswick Town, Moores Creek Battleground, Guil- 
ford Courthouse Battleground, the House in the Horseshoe, 
and Historic Halifax. 

On June 1 Mr. A. L. Honeycutt, Jr., of Spring Hope, who 
has been doing graduate work in history at Duke University, 
began work with the Historic Sites Division as a Historic 
Site Specialist. Among his duties will be the care and further 
development of the Alamance Battleground State Historic 
Site near Burlington. 

A new chapter of the United Daughters of the Confederacy 
has been formed by an interested group in the Bentonville 
Battleground area and named the Benton ville-Harper House 
Chapter. Mrs. Irwin Davis is President. A chapter committee 
has been appointed to aid the Department with the Benton- 
ville Battleground State Historic Site project. One of the 
contributions the chapter is making is to keep the Harper 
House (Confederate hospital) open to the public on Sunday 
afternoons during the summer months. 



Historical News 381 

Mr. H. G. Jones, State Archivist, spoke on laws governing 
public records at the annual meetings of the North Carolina 
Association of Tax Collectors on March 20 and to the Asso- 
ciation of County Accountants on the same subject on April 22. 
Both groups met in Chapel Hill. From April 23 through 
April 27 he visited the Georgia Department of Archives and 
History and the Federal Records Center in Atlanta to study 
their respective records programs. He spoke at State College 
on May 8 to the United Church Men's Club on the work of 
the State Archivist, and on May 31 he was commencement 
speaker at graduation exercises at Cobb Memorial High 
School in Ruffin. Mr. Jones spoke on the career of Bedford 
Brown, anti-secessionist United States Senator from North 
Carolina, at Confederate Memorial Day services in Yancey- 
ville on May 9. At the same services Mrs. D. S. Coltrane of 
Raleigh, State President of the United Daughters of the Con- 
federacy, presented military crosses to six veterans, including 
Representative Edward H. Wilson of Caswell County. 

Dr. Charles Adams, Librarian; Dr. Richard N. Current, 
Professor of History; and Miss Marjorie Hood, Assistant 
Librarian— all of the Woman's College of the University of 
North Carolina, Greensboro— studied methods and materials 
used in the Archives on May 8. Dr. Adams has been appointed 
Archivist of the Woman's College and is making plans for 
the transfer of the archives of that institution into the library 
building for preservation and administration. 

Mr. John L. Long of Severn, a graduate student at South- 
eastern Baptist Theological Seminary at Wake Forest, has 
joined the Archives staff as a temporary Archivist, and Mr. 
James L. Fish of Apex, a graduate of East Carolina College, 
has joined the staff at the Records Center as Archivist I to 
replace Mrs. Rebecca K. Clegg who resigned to move to 
Florida. 

Mr. Jones has announced the acquisition of the senatorial 
papers of the late United States Senator W. Kerr Scott. The 
papers, consisting of more than 50 cubic feet, are closed to 
the public for the present time. 

Other significant acquisitions in recent months have been 
the following additions to collections: Northampton County 
Tax Lists, 2 volumes, 1823-1851; Chatham County miscel- 



382 The North Carolina Historical Review 

laneous papers, 50 cubic feet, 1771-1924; Calvin H. Wiley 
Papers, )i cubic foot, 1852-1905; Gates County Tax Lists, 3 
volumes and 3 reels of microfilm, 1874-1935; Clarence W. 
Griffin scrapbooks and miscellaneous papers, 6 cubic feet, 
1805-1957; governor's appointments of justices of the peace, 
2 volumes, 1917-1955; Orange County miscellaneous papers, 
20 cubic feet, 1763-1890; and the following new collections: 
correspondence, scrapbooks, and miscellaneous papers of 
Dr. Clarence Poe of Raleigh, 3 cubic feet, 1860-1955; and 
correspondence from members of the armed forces in World 
War 11 to the Unemployment Compensation Commissions 
service correspondent, 1 cubic foot. 

The Department has completed the filming of the card 
index to John W. Moore, Roster of North Carolina Troops in 
the War Between the States. The index, consisting of 107,000 
cards, was compiled by National Youth Administration work- 
ers some years ago and is the only index to the four-volume 
work published in 1882. The cards contain the name of the 
soldier as given in the Roster, and any other data given— such 
as the military unit with which he served, volume and page 
number of the reference in the Roster, and the county from 
which he enlisted, whether wounded, rank, when promoted, 
and sometimes other data. Institutions desiring a microfilm 
positive of the index may make arrangements with the State 
Archivist, Box 1881, Raleigh, to have copies made from 15 
reels of 16mm. microfilm tor approximately $75.00. 

During the January-March quarter a total of 633 persons 
registered in the Search Room and 733 persons were given 
information by mail. These figures do not include calls and 
correspondence handled directly by the State Archivist. Pho- 
tocopies totalled 604, and the Division of Archives and Manu- 
scripts also furnished 41 microfilm prints, 67 typed certified 
copies, and 1,308 feet of microfilm. Work is continuing on 
the lamination of the loose Legislative Papers for the period 
of the Revolution. 

Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Museum Administrator, attended the 
meetings of the Southeastern Museums Conference Council 
in Old Salem, Winston-Salem, on March 19-20 at which time 
plans were made for the annual meeting of the conference. 



Historical News 383 

The meeting will be held in October in Old Salem. Mrs. 
Jordan spoke on "Colonial Silver" to the Hooper-Hewes 
Chapter of the Daughters of the Revolution at a meeting 
held at the home of Miss Irene Peirson in Raleigh on March 21. 
She made the same talk to the Book Exchange Book Club 
which met with Mrs. J. G. Vann in Raleigh on April 1. On 
April 27-29 she attended the meetings of the Tryon Palace 
Commission in New Bern and on April 29-May 3 attended 
the annual convention of the American Association of Muse- 
ums in Charleston, South Carolina. She was accompanied by 
Mrs. Robert Shultz and Mr. Norman Larson of the staff. On 
Mav 16-18 Mrs. Tordan, accompanied bv Mrs. Betsey London 
Cordon, Miss Mary Brooks, and Mrs. R. R. Sermon, visited 
Greeneville, Tennessee, the home of President Andrew Tohn- 
son, to study plans and projects there honoring the one-hun- 
dred-fiftieth anniversary of Johnson's birth. On Mav 26 Mrs. 
Jordan was interviewed on the "Peggy Mann Show" on 
WTVD-TV where she discussed the work of the Department. 
On Mav 12 the In-School Television Project of WUNC-TV 
televised a special show from the Hall of History for the 
eleventh grade students of Miss Lois Edin^er's regular class 
in American history. The approximated 6.000 students were 
taken on a "visual" f rip through the Hall of Historv. 

The Hall of History has a special display of Tunior His- 
torian Club exhibits featuring some of the work of the vo^ng 
historians of the State. One of the towns represented, Golds- 
boro, has the largest number of clubs in the State. F.a^h vpar 
the combined Junior Historian Clubs of Goldsboro hold their 
annual showing of proiects which this vear included renlicas 
of Benton ville Battleground, Charles B. Aycock birthplace, 
State Hospital, Fort Macon, Fort Fisher, and a Tuscarora 
Indian village. On Mav 22 Mrs. Fave Cole and Mr. Norman 
Larson of the staff of the Hall of History visited Cold^bo^o to 
judge the entries displaved. First, second, and third place 
winners were selected. First place winner was a replica of 
the birthplace of Governor Charles B. Aycock made bv a club 
advised by Mrs. J. A. Leach; second place was awarded to a 
collection of humorous stories gathered by a club advised 
by Mr. Bill Justice; and the third place award was given to 
a model of a Tuscarora Indian village made by a club advised 



384 The North Carolina Historical Review 

by Mr. Conway Rose. The third place winning exhibit was 
too large to be used by the Hall of History but the other two 
are presently displayed along with a combination of projects 
from Goldsboro and Junior Historian Clubs elsewhere in 
the State. 

On May 3-4 the North Carolina Literary and Historical 
Association held its spring regional meeting in Greenville in 
co-operation with East Carolina College which was celebrat- 
ing its fiftieth anniversary. Dr. D. J. Whitener, President, pre- 
sided at the May 3 afternoon session and Dr. Leo W. Jenkins, 
Dean of the College, extended a welcome after which Dr. 
Lawrence F. Brewster gave an address on the "History of 
Eastern North Carolina." A panel discussion followed with 
Mrs. Mebane H. Burgwyn of Jackson, Mrs. Inglis Fletcher 
of Edenton, and Dr. Hugh T. Lefler of Chapel Hill participat- 
ing. Mr. Ovid W. Pierce of East Carolina College acted as 
moderator. Before the evening meeting an art exhibit and tea 
were held in the library for members and guests. Mr. Henry 
Belk of Goldsboro presided at the dinner meeting at which 
time Dr. Robert Lee Humber of Greenville made an address 
on the "History of Pitt County." The entire group was then 
invited to attend the golden anniversary pageant, "East Caro- 
lina's Spade," written by Miss Emma L. Hooper, member of 
the English faculty since 1924. The four episodes of the 
pageant reviewed the history and development of the college. 
On Mav 4 members and guests of the Association attended 
a special service at the Jarvis Memorial Methodist Church 
when the history of the churches in eastern North Carolina 
was presented by Mr. W. M. Howard, Jr., pastor. 

The third annual North Carolina Literary Forum of the 
Literature Department, Raleigh Woman's Club, with the co- 
operation of the Literature Division of the Raleigh Junior 
Woman's Club and Meredith College, was held in the Jones 
Auditorium on the Meredith Campus on March 27. Mrs. 
Robert Ponton presided and Miss Betsy Marsh was co-chair- 
man. Mr. Sam Raean served as panel moderator and a panel 
of Mrs. Doris Betts, Mr. Henry Golden, and Mr. Fred Ross 
discussed the theme, "A Writer's Responsibility to His Times." 



Historical News 385 

Dr. Fletcher M. Green, Chairman of the Department of 
History of the University of North Carolina, announces that 
he has been appointed Departmental Editor of the Encyclo- 
paedia Britannica, for the South Atlantic States. Dr. Hugh T. 
Lefler, in collaboration with Dr. O. T. Barck, Jr., of Syracuse 
University, has published Colonial America ( Macmillan and 
Company). Dr. Lefler has been elected to membership in 
the Society of American Historians, Inc. He has also been 
appointed by the Mississippi Valley Historical Association 
to membership on its Committee on the Preservation of His- 
torical Sites. Dr. Loren C. MacKinney at the University of 
Wisconsin on June 4 delivered a lecture, "Medieval Medical 
Practices as Seen in Manuscript Miniatures." He will be 
Visiting Professor of History at the University of Colorado 
during the summer of 1958 and will also spend a portion of 
the summer in research on medieval medical manuscripts in 
western library collections. Dr. George V. Taylor, who was 
recently given the Bobo Tanner Award for excellence in 
teaching of undergraduate students, has been appointed an 
Adviser in the General College for the Superior Student Pro- 
gram, financed by a grant from the Carnegie Corporation, at 
the University of North Carolina. Dr. James Logan Godfrey, 
Dean of the Faculty, delivered the commencement address 
at St. Mary's College in Raleigh on June 2. Dr. Cecil Johnson, 
Dean of the General College, delivered the commencement 
address at the Shaw, Mississippi, High School on "Uncer- 
tainty, the Only Certainty." Dr. James E. King has been 
promoted from Associate Professor to Professor of History. 
He will spend the summer doing research in the Library of 
Congress. New appointments at the University to become 
effective September 1, 1958, are: Dr. George Brown Tindall, 
Ph.D. from the University of North Carolina, formerly As- 
sistant Professor at Louisiana State University and presently 
holder of a Guggenheim Fellowship, to Associate Professor of 
American History; and Dr. Stephen B. Baxter, Ph.D. from 
Cambridge University, presently Assistant Professor at the 
University of Missouri, to Assistant Professor of English His- 
tory. Dr. H. H. Cunningham of Elon College will teach in 
the Summer Session at the University. 



386 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Dr. Paul Murray, Head of the Department of History at 
East Carolina College, lists the following activities of the 
faculty: Mr. Herbert R. Paschal presented a paper, "Early 
North Carolina Towns— and a Capital," to the Historical So- 
ciety of North Carolina on April 18 and Dr. Lawrence F. 
Brewster presented a paper on the political and social devel- 
opments in eastern North Carolina, 1781-1789, to the North 
Carolina Literary and Historical Association in Greenville 
on May 3. Mr. Ralph R. Napp is the recipient of a fellowship 
and is on leave to complete his doctorate at Duke University. 
Dr. Joseph F. Steelman has received a Southern Fellowship 
to conduct research on Joseph Hyde Pratt and the North 
Carolina Geological and Economic Survey. Dr. George Pasti 
has also received a Southern Fellowship to pursue studies 
on the Far East at Harvard University. Members of the 
Department who attended the American Historical Associa- 
tion meeting in New York were: Dr. Ruth Keesey, Dr. Kath- 
leen Stokes, Dr. George Pasti, Mrs. Lala Carr Steelman, and 
Dr. Joseph Steelman. 

News items from Western Carolina College are: Dr. D. C. 
Sossamon, Associate Professor of History at Memphis State 
University, has accepted an appointment as Associate Pro- 
fessor of European History and began his teaching duties 
with the first session of summer school; Mrs. Susie S. Taylor 
has been promoted to Assistant Professor of History; and Mr. 
Max R. Williams, who expects to receive the M.A. degree in 
history from the University of North Carolina in August, was 
appointed Instructor in History, effective September 1, 1958. 

Miss Barbara Brandon of the faculty of the Woman's Col- 
lege of the University of North Carolina, Greensboro, was 
awarded the Ph.D. degree in history at Duke University in 
June. She addressed the Trinity College Historical Society on 
April 24 on the subject, "Hanover and Hanoverians." Dr. 
John H. Beeler has been named consultant to the American 
Historical Association's Service Center for Teachers of His- 
tory. Dr. Franklin D. Parker was a participant in the recent 
annual Conference on the Caribbean which met at the Uni- 
versity of Florida. His paper on the political life in the 



Historical News 387 

French West Indies will be published in the proceedings of 
the Conference. The Woman's College Research Council 
awarded grants during the 1957-1958 academic year to Dr. 
Richard Bardolph, Dr. Barbara Brandon, Dr. Richard N. 
Current, Dr. Franklin D. Parker, and Dr. Lenoir C. Wright. 

Dr. W. B. Yearns, Assistant Professor in History at Wake 
Forest College, has received a grant from the Research and 
Publication Fund of Wake Forest College to assist in the pub- 
lication by the Memphis State University Press ( Tennessee ) 
of a book to be entitled Lincoln's Minister to Russia: The 
Life of Cassius Marcellus Clay. Dr. Frank B. Josserand, As- 
sistant Professor of History, received a fellowship from the 
Danforth Foundation for the Danforth Summer Seminar on 
International Economic Policy and Human Values to be held 
at Pomona College, Claremont, California, in the summer of 
1958. 

The members of the history department of Meredith Col- 
lege presented morning and afternoon programs to the alum- 
nae of Meredith at the Annual Alumnae Seminar on March 29. 
Dr. Alice B. Keith read a paper on "Opinions of Some 
European Travelers in America," and Dr. Sarah M. Lemmon 
read a paper on "American Visitors to Europe in the Nine- 
teenth Century." Dr. Lillian Parker Wallace, Head of the 
Department of History, made an address on "Problems in 
American Foreign Relations in 1958." 

Dr. Philip Africa, Head of the Department of History at 
Salem College, announces the appointment of Mr. James F. 
Stevenson, formerly of Hobart College, Geneva, New York, 
as an Assistant Professor of History to replace Mr. M. Foster 
Farley, who has accepted a position in the Department of 
History at Newberry College, Newberry, South Carolina. 

Dr. E. Malcolm Carroll, James B. Duke Professor of His- 
tory at Duke University, retired in June from the faculty and 
plans to spend next year in France. On April 15 members 
of the Department of History and their wives gave Dr. 
Carroll a farewell dinner at which time Dr. William T. 



388 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Laprade read a review of Dr. Carroll's multiple career as 
teacher, author, editor, administrator, and government ser- 
vant. The following have been appointed to teaching posi- 
tions in the Department of History beginning September 1, 
1958: Dr. William E. Scott, formerly of Yale University, 
Assistant Professor; Dr. Donald Limoli, of Princeton; Dr. 
Gaddis Smith, of Yale; and Dr. Theodore Crane, of Harvard, 
all Instructors, in the fields of modern Italian history, Ameri- 
can Foreign Relations, and American history respectively. 
Dr. Richard Watson, who has been recently appointed to the 
Board of Editors of the Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 
had a review article, "Franklin D. Roosevelt in History Writ- 
ing, 1950-1957," in the winter issue of the South Atlantic 
Quarterly. Dr. William B. Hamilton, who has assumed full- 
time editorship of the South Atlantic Quarterly, plans to visit 
England this summer to do research on the career of Lord 
Granville. Dr. Paul Clyde has published a revised edition 
of his The Far East: A History of the Impact of the West on 
Eastern Asia. On April 11-12 he delivered two lectures at 
Omaha before the Nebraska History and Social Studies 
Teachers Association on "Historical Assumptions in American 
Far Eastern Policy" and "The Teacher and Foreign Policy." 
The series was sponsored by the American Historical Asso- 
ciation. Dr. Clyde has also accepted an invitation to partici- 
pate in the Salzburg Seminar in January, 1959. 

Dr. Robert Don Higginbotham, who received his Ph.D. 
degree in June, has accepted a position with William and 
Mary College in Williamsburg; Dr. William Rock will be 
teaching next year at Bowling Green State University in 
Ohio; and Dr. John Stark will return to his studies under 
the Ottis Green Fellowship. Dr. Alice Baldwin, Professor 
Emeritus of American History and former Dean of the 
Woman's College, is Chairman of the Committee of the 
North Carolina Division of the American Association of 
University Women. The committee is to write a history of the 
North Carolina Division from 1947 to 1957. Miss Mattie 
Russell, Curator of the Division of Manuscripts, Duke Uni- 
versity Library, read a paper on "William Holland Thomas, 
White Chief of the North Carolina Cherokee" at the meeting 
of the Historical Society of North Carolina on April 18. 



Historical News 389 

The entire personal library of the late Clarence W. Griffin 
of Forest City, newspaperman, historian, and member of the 
Executive Board of the Department of Archives and History, 
has been given to Gardner- Webb College. The collection 
was appraised in 1952 at $20,000 and contains more than 
4,000 volumes. It will be housed in the North Carolina Room 
of the Baptist institution's library. 

The spring meeting of the Carteret County Historical So- 
ciety was held at Davis on April 19 with Mrs. Inez Lina 
as hostess and with Mr. F. C. Salisbury, President, presiding. 
Mrs. Lina read a paper on the early history of the county and 
Mrs. Luther Hamilton read a paper on the early history of 
Atlantic or Hunting Quarters as it was originally known. 
Mr. John S. MacCormack exhibited during the social hour a 
number of Indian artifacts found in the Hunting Quarters 
area. The society was invited by Mr. A. D. Ennett and Mr. 
John S. Jones to hold the July meeting at the Ennett cottage 
at Cedar Point to enjoy the annual watermelon cutting. 

The Sesquicentennial Celebration of the Town of Greens- 
boro was celebrated from May 2 through May 9 with special 
events, parades, exhibits, and a pageant. Many of the events 
were postponed or combined due to unseasonable weather, 
especially the performances of "Enter the Gate City," which 
was produced by the John B. Rogers Production Company 
of Ohio. The pageant had a cast of 1,250 local actors and was 
presented in 18 episodes based on incidents of the city's 150- 
year-old history. The North Carolina Reunion Day brought 
the celebration to a close on May 10. 

The spring meeting of the Bertie County Historical Asso- 
ciation was held in the Bertie County Library on April 11. 
The official publication of the association, The Chronicle, 
edited by Mr. T. R. Norfleet had the following items in the 
April issue: "The History of the Jenkins Automobile Com- 
pany," by Mr. Charles H. Jenkins; "The Tuscarora in Ber- 
tie," by Mr. Herbert R. Paschal; and "Windsor's Men of 
Medicine at the Beginning of the Twentieth Century," by 



390 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Miss Eugenia Hofler, a twelfth grade student of Windsor 
High School. 

An interested group of Chatham County citizens met in 
the City Hall of Siler City on April 22 to formulate plans for 
a local historical society, Mr. D. L. Corbitt of the State 
Department of Archives and History met wih them and the 
following temporary officers were elected: Mrs. Harry Hor- 
ton, Pittsboro, President; Miss Helen Siler, Siler City, Secre- 
tary; Mrs. Victor Johnson, Pittsboro, Chairman of the Com- 
mittee on Constitution and Bylaws; and Mrs. J. B. Earle, 
Siler City, Membership Chairman. On May 20 the organiza- 
tional meeting of the Chatham County Historical Society 
was held in the Agriculture Building in Pittsboro with more 
than sixty persons in attendance. Officers elected for one year 
(with the exception of the historian who will serve five years) 
are Mrs. J. B. Earle, President; Mrs. Harry Horton, Vice- 
President; Miss Helen Siler, Secretary; Mr. W. Lee Powell, 
Treasurer; and Mr. W. B. Morgan, Historian. The Executive 
Committee is composed on the following members: Mrs. 
Fred Jerome and Mr. Arthur London of Pittsboro, and Mrs. 
C. N. Bray, Mrs. P. J. Reitzel, and Mr. J. S. Wrenn of Siler 
City. All persons who join before the October meeting will 
be charter members and the annual dues are $1.00 per year. 
Mr. Phillips Russell of Chapel Hill, Dr. W. P. Jacocks of 
Chapel Hill and Bertie County, and Mr. D. L. Corbitt of 
Raleigh attended the meeting and each spoke briefly on some 
phase of historical organizations on a local level. 

The North Carolina Society of County and Local His- 
torians in co-operation with other groups has sponsored two 
tours of historic sites during the last quarter. The first of the 
tours was held in connection with the third annual joint 
meeting of the Johnston, Sampson, and Wayne County his- 
torical societies. Special guests of the tri-county meeting were 
the Bladen and New Hanover societies and the Cumberland- 
Fayetteville Historical Commission. The group met at Hud- 
son's Cafeteria where the Clinton Chamber of Commerce 
served refreshments. Greetings were extended by Mr. Hardin 
S. Kimrey, member of the Chamber of Commerce and Town 



Historical News 391 

Commissioner; State Senator Henry Vann; and Mr. Tom 
Newman, Chairman of the Sampson County Board of Com- 
missioners. Mrs. Taft Bass, President of the State Society of 
County and Local Historians, extended a welcome and pro- 
grams were distributed to the approximately 300 persons who 
attended the tour. Persons who participated in the program 
were Mrs. G. E. Fisler, Miss Frances Robinson, Mr. Buck 
Pendergraft, Mr. J. Bryan Maynard, Mr. Dan Fagg, Dr. Luby 
Royall, Mr. Crawford MacKethan, Mr. Henry J. McMillan, 
Mrs. Carl Campbell, Mrs. Esther Draughon, Mr. Leon Mac- 
Donald, Mr. Malcolm Fowler, Dr. W. P. Jacocks, Mrs. J. O. 
Talley, Mr. Truman L. King, Mr. L. C. Kerr, Sr., Col. Graham 
Hobbs, Mrs. Tom Newman, and Miss Mary Louise Medley. 
Places of interest visited by the group included the home of 
James Colwell, the Bryant-James-Merritt Homestead, the 
Stedman Merritt Home, "Quewhiffle" or the Patrick Murphy 
Home, the old Kerr home, Bloody Bluff, the John Scott 
Robinson Home, Corbett's Ferry, Black River Chapel ( where 
a picnic lunch was held), and Ivanhoe. 

The second tour was held on May 25 and included visits 
to the following places of interest in Perquimans County; the 
Mullen House, Blanchard's Store, Perquimans County Court- 
house, Edmondson-Fox Memorial, Phelps Point, the "Bear 
Garden" plantation of Nathan Newby, Bright's Creek, River- 
side, "Cove Grove," Sutton's Creek, the Dr. Ford place, Gen- 
eral Sumner House, Hoskins Place, Godfrey House, Whedbee 
House, New Hope Methodist Church, Jacocks House, the 
Sutton Place, Leigh House, "Stockton," and the residence of 
Mrs. Clyde McCallum and Mr. E. Leigh Winslow. Mrs. J. 
Emmett Winslow was chairman of the committee on local 
arrangements and Mr. Jesse F. Pugh was the district tour 
chairman. Prior to the tour, which began at 9:30 a.m. at 
the Hertford Elementary School, a meeting was held to make 
plans to organize a local historical society in Perquimans 
County. Mr. D. L. Corbitt, Chairman of the Committee for 
the Organization of Local Historical Societies of the North 
Carolina Literary and Historical Association, spoke briefly 
to the group. Mr. N. S. Fulford of Hertford was elected acting 
chairman of the group and Mrs. S. M. Whedbee of Hertford 
was elected acting secretary. 



392 The North Carolina Historical Review 

On May 12 the people of Halifax County celebrated the 
bicentennial of the county with a parade and other events 
designed to highlight the many historic dates in the history 
of the county. The celebration on May 12 was held in Roa- 
noke Rapids— a previous one having been held in Halifax on 
April 12, the date of the adoption of the famous Halifax 
Resolves. A centennial program, profusely illustrated, was 
issued, containing a dedication to Mrs. Sterling M. Gary of 
Halifax, the text of the Halifax Resolves, a copy of a letter 
of greetings received from the present Lord Halifax, a note 
on Willie Jones, a list of the members of the cast for the 
centennial drama, a schedule of daily events for the week, 
May 11-17, and complete listings of the memberships of the 
various committees responsible for the celebration. The page- 
ant, "Frontier of Freedom," was sponsored by the Halifax 
County Bicentennial Association, Inc., and included hundreds 
of local and county residents in the cast. Seventeen episodes 
depicting outstanding events in the history of Halifax County, 
many of which had national significance, were presented. The 
Sunday Herald (Roanoke Rapids) published a bicentennial 
edition of the paper (which was sold out) featuring stories, 
pictures, and articles dealing with the growth not only of 
Roanoke Rapids but also or the entire county. Some few of 
the items were stories about a number of members of the 
Wyche family, Mr. Stuart Smith— oldest lawyer in the county, 
Mr. A. E. Akers, Mr. Waldo Whitaker, Miss Jewel Whitaker 
and Whitaker's Chapel, the lives of Joseph Montfort, John 
Branch, William R. Davie, Hutchings G. Burton, and Junius 
Daniel, historic sites in the old town of Halifax— old Clerk's 
Office (now the Halifax County Library), Old Goal (now 
Halifax Museum), and the homeplace of William R. Davie, 
Weldon and the early railroads, Roanoke Rapids— the young- 
est but largest town in the county— the Roanoke River and 
the rockfish which make it famous, as well as reports of floods, 
and many articles relating to the schools, industries, hospitals, 
and churches in the county. 

The Department announces the publication of a new book, 
North Carolina Governors, 1585-1958: Brief Sketches, by Miss 
Beth G. Crabtree. The clothbound book has 137 pages, con- 



Historical News 393 

tains pictures of the governors whenever it was possible to 
obtain them, a bibliography, and a detailed chart showing 
the date of birth, birthplace, residence (county or town), 
occupation, term of office, date of death, and burial place 
when any or all of these facts were known. Application for 
copies of the book may be made by writing Mr. D. L. Corbitt, 
Head of the Division of Publications, Box 1881, Raleigh, and 
enclosing the amount of $1.50, the price of the book. 

The Department has received a copy of Moses Ashley 
Curtis, 1808-1872, Teacher, Priest, Scientist, by William S. 
Powell, published by The University of North Carolina 
Library ( Chapel Hill, 1958 ) , on the occasion of the celebra- 
tion of the sesquicentennial of his birth. The Library has a 
large collection of his personal letters, scientific papers, ser- 
mons, drawings, music, and a portion of his herbaria, as well 
as numerous volumes from his library. Mr. Powell summarizes 
briefly the facts of Curtis's life— an almost impossible com- 
bination of many talents used as a contribution to mankind. 
The twenty-six page booklet also has a chapter on his career 
as a minister and a chapter on his career as a scientist who 
was recognized abroad for his botanical studies. The biblio- 
graphy of the published writings of Curtis, which is included, 
makes the volume of great value to botanists and geologists 
who pursue their studies through the writings of early stu- 
dents of North Carolina flora. The publication of this tribute 
by The Friends of the Library is intended to point out to 
North Carolinians and others the life of one of the State's most 
outstanding citizens who refused to allow even the Civil 
War— which was a "sad occurence"— to deter him from follow- 
ing a dedicated path of service to humanity. 

In an effort to assess the impact of technology on society, 
a group of interested scholars have joined to form the Society 
for the History of Technology. The group will sponsor meet- 
ings at which various aspects of technological history will 
be investigated and will publish a quarterly, Technology and 
Culture, beginning in the fall of 1959. Applications for char- 
ter membership ($10.00) in the society should be sent to Dr. 



394 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Melvin Kranzberg, Room 315, Main Building, Case Institute 
of Technology, Cleveland 6, Ohio. 

The Department has received the following Special Pub- 
lications of the National Genealogical Society: No. 14, Gen- 
eral Aids to Genealogical Research (1957, 58 pp., $2.50); 
No. 15, Special Aids to Genealogical Research on Southern 
Families (1957, 125 pp., $3.00); No. 16, Special Aids to 
Genealogical Research in Northeastern and Central States 
(1957, 70 pp., $3.00); No. 17, Genealogy, Handmaid of His- 
tory (1957, 9 pp., $1.00). The first three numbers are reprints 
of articles that formerly appeared in The National Genealogi- 
cal Quarterly, and the last is the text of an address delivered 
before the Society by Dr. Lester J. Cappon, Director of the 
Institute of Early American History and Culture in Williams- 
burg, Virginia. 

Books received by the Department during the last quarter 
are: William S. Powell, Moses Ashley Curtis, 1808-1872: 
Teacher, Priest, Scientist (Chapel Hill: The University of 
North Carolina Library, 1958); Alexander De Conde, En- 
tangling Alliance: Politics and Diplomacy under George 
Washington (Durham: Duke University Press, 1958); James 
H. Boykin, The Negro in North Carolina Prior to 1861. An 
Historical Monograph (New York: The Pageant Press, 1958); 
Elizabeth Amis Cameron Blanchard and Manly Wade Well- 
man, The Life and Times of Sir Archie. The Story of Ameri- 
cas Greatest Thoroughbred, 1805-1833 (Chapel Hill: The 
University of North Carolina Press, 1958); Dewey W. Gran- 
tham, Jr., Hoke Smith and the Politics of the New South 
(Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1958); 
W. Wyan Washburn, Brother Johns Canaan in Carolina 
(Salisbury: Rowan Printing Company [privately printed], 
1958); Douglas L. Rights and William P. Cumming [edited 
with notes by William P. Cumming], The Discoveries of 
John Lederer, with Unpublished Letters by and about 
Lederer to Governor JohnWinthrop, Jr., and an Essay on the 
Indians of Lederer s Discoveries (Charlottesville: University 
of Virginia Press, 1958); Oscar Theodore Barck, Jr., and 
Hugh Talmage Lefler, Colonial America (New York: The 



Historical News 395 

MacMillan Company, 1958); Thomas J. Wertenbaker, Give 
Me Liberty: The Struggle for Self-Government in Virginia 
(Philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society, 1958); 
and Lucy Morgan with LeGette Blythe, Gift from the Hills 
(Indianapolis and New York: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, 
Inc., 1958). 



d'ip'Al 



/}^ 



North Carolina State Library 
Raleigh 



P / 



THE 

NORTH CAROLINA 
HISTORICAL REVIEW 





OCTOBER 1958 



Volume XXXV 



Number 4 



Published Quarterly By 
State Department of Archives and History 

Corner of Edenton and Salisbury Streets 
Raleigh, N. C. 



THE NORTH CAROLINA HISTORICAL REVIEW 






Published by the State Department of Archives and History 

Raleigh, N. C. 



Christopher Crittenden, Editor 
David Leroy Corbitt, Managing Editor 

ADVISORY EDITORIAL BOARD 
Frontis Withers Johnston Hugh Talmage Lefler 

George Myers Stephens 



STATE DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY 

EXECUTIVE BOARD 

McDaniel Lewis, Chairman 
James W. Atkins Josh L. Horne 

Gertrude Sprague Carraway William Thomas Laprade 

Fletcher M. Green Herschell V. Rose 

Christopher Crittenden, Director - 



This review was established in January, 1924, as a medium of publica- 
tion and discussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other 
institutions by exchange, but to the general public by subscription only. The 
regular price is $3.00 per year. Members of the North Carolina Literary and 
Historical Association, Inc., for ivhich the annual dues are $5.00, receive 
this publication without further payment. Back numbers may be procured 
at the regular price of $3.00 per volume, or $.75 per number. 



COVER — The drawing by J. M. Alden (lithographed and pub- 
lished by Endicott and Co., 59 Beekman St., New York City) 
shows a mound battery during the bombardment of Fort Fisher, 
January 15, 1865, by the United States Naval Forces, under the 
command of Rear Admiral D. D. Porter just previous to the 
assault of the Military and Naval Forces under Major General 
Alfred Terry. For letters of Admiral Porter see pages 461 to 475. 
State Department of Archives and History photo 



The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXXV October, 1958 Number 4 

CONTENTS 

FRENCH-AMERICAN TRADE DURING 

THE CONFEDERATION, 1781-1789 399 

John F. Stover 

THE OCONALUFTEE VALLEY, 1800-1860: 
A STUDY OF THE SOURCES FOR 

MOUNTAIN HISTORY 415 

Robert S. Lambert 

APPLETON OAKSMITH, FILIBUSTER AGENT 427 

John J. TePaske 

THE ECONOMIC STATUS OF THE TOWN 
NEGRO IN POST-RECONSTRUCTION 

NORTH CAROLINA 448 

Frenise A. Logan 

THE FORT FISHER AND WILMINGTON 
CAMPAIGN: LETTERS FROM REAR 
ADMIRAL DAVID D. PORTER _J 461 

James M. Merrill 

BOOK REVIEWS 476 

Washburn's Brother John's Canaan in Carolina — By W. 
B. Yearns; Blanchard's and Wellman's The Life and 
Times of Sir Archie: The Story of America's Greatest 
Thoroughbred, 1805-1833 — By John Mitchell Justice; 
Wertenbaker's Give Me Liberty: The Struggle for Self- 
Government in Virginia — By Percival Perry ; Wright's 
and Tinling's The London Diary (1717-1721) and Other 



Entered as second class matter September 29, 1928, at the Post Office at 
Raleigh, North Carolina, under the act of March 3, 1879. 

[i] 



Writings. By William Byrd of Virginia — By William 
M. E. Rachal; Bradshaw's History of Prince Edward 
County, Virginia, from Its Earliest Settlements 
through Its Establishment in 17 5 U to Its Bicentennial 
Year — By W. Edwin Hemphill; Miller's Memphis dur- 
ing the Progressive Era, 1900-1917 — By Robert H. 
Woody; Doster's Railroads in Alabama Politics, 1875- 
19 1U — By Malcolm C. McMillan; Harlan's Separate and 
Unequal: Public School Campaigns and Racism in the 
Southern Seaboard, 1901-1915— -By Winston Broad- 
foot; Dykeman's and Stokley's Neither Black Nor 
White — By Robert C. Cotner; DeConde's Entangling 
Alliance: Politics and Diplomacy under George Wash- 
ington — By Gilbert L. Lycan; Cunningham's The 
Jeffersonian Republicans: The Formation of Party 
Organization, 1789-1801 — By D. H. Gilpatrick; The 
Editors' of American Heritage The American Heritage 
Book of Great Historic Places — By W. S. Tarlton; 
Miller's American Protestantism and Social Issues, 
1919-1939 — By James W. Patton; and Summers' The 
Cabinet Diary of William L. Wilson, 1896-1897 — By 
Stuart Noblin. 

HISTORICAL NEWS 500 



[iil 



The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXXV October, 1958 Number 4 

FRENCH-AMERICAN TRADE 
DURING THE CONFEDERATION, 1781-1789 

By John F. Stover* 

In the early Confederation period Americans and French- 
men alike hoped that they could maintain and augment the 
heavy war-stimulated commerce of the American Revolution. 
In March, 1783, Benjamin Franklin wrote Vergennes pled- 
ging his full co-operation in any project which would sponsor 
and further commerce between the two countries. 1 Writing 
in the same month to the same French Minister, Lafayette 
pointed out the absurdity of the French losing the commercial 
fruits of the gold and blood France had contributed to the 
American War for Independence. 2 Thomas Jefferson, shortly 
after his arrival in Paris in 1785, made the same basic point 
to Vergennes when he wrote, "In truth, no two countries 
are better calculated for the exchanges of commerce. France 
wants rice, tobacco, potash, furs, and ship-timbers. We want 
wines, brandies, oils and manufactures." 3 Throughout the 
1780's it was not a question of the benefits and mutual ad- 
vantages to be gained from a vigorous commerce. Rather 
it was a question of overcoming the inherent advantages 
of the English— advantages of language, generously extended 

* Dr. John F. Stover is an Associate Professor of History at Purdue 
University, Lafayette, Indiana. 

1 A. H. Smyth, The Writings of Benjamin Franklin (New York, 10 
volumes, 1905-1907), IX, 19-20, hereinafter cited as Smyth, The Writings 
of Benjamin Franklin. 

2 Marquis Marie Joseph Paul de Lafayette, Memoirs, Correspondence and 
Manuscripts of General Lafayette (London, 1837), II, 66, hereinafter 
cited as Lafayette, Memoirs. 

3 Jefferson to Vergennes, August 15, 1785, The Writings of Thomas 
Jefferson (Washington, D. C, Memorial Edition, 1904), V, 75, hereinafter 
cited as The Writings of Jefferson. 

[399] 



400 The North Carolina Historical Review 

credit, and a long commercial experience in America. Lord 
Sheffield in England in 1783 and George Washington, a 
few years later, both agreed that the crucial British advantage 
was the easy credit obtainable from the English merchants. 4 
The British commercial losses in America during the Revo- 
lution naturally were substantial. From 1776 through 1780 
British exports to her revolting colonies averaged less than 
£265,000 per year, or little more than 10 per cent of her aver- 
age annual exports for the preceding decade. During the 
first three of these years, 1776 through 1778, British exports 
to America averaged less than £50,000 a year, a figure much 
smaller than her pre-war exports to most of the individual 
colonies. 5 North Carolina, a colony of perhaps average popu- 
lation and foreign trade, was buying British goods to the ex- 
tent of £ 100,000 annually in the years before the Revolution 6 
British imports from all the American colonies in the years 
1776 through 1780 averaged no more than £35,000 per year 
or under 3 per cent of the average for the years 1766 through 
1775. 7 French commerce and military aid to the revolting 
colonies helped to fill this trade vacuum. From 1776 to 1780 
French exports to the American colonies averaged over 



4 Lord Sheffield, Observations on the Commerce of the American States 
(London, 1784), 4-6, hereinafter cited as Sheffield, Observations on Ameri- 
can Commerce; John C. Fitzpatrick (ed.), The Writings of George Wash- 
ington (Washington, D. C: 39 volumes, 1931-1944), XXIX, 446, hereinafter 
cited as Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George Washington. 

5 Sheffield, Observations on American Commerce, Appendix, Table XIV. 
e Charles C. Crittenden, The Commerce of North Carolina, 1763-1789 

(New Haven, 1936), 83-84, hereinafter cited as Crittenden, The Commerce 
of North Carolina. While the population of North Carolina was 8 to 10 
per cent of the total, the absence of good ports reduced her share of the 
import trade to only 5 to 8 per cent. 

7 Sheffield, Observations on American Commerce, Appendix, Table XIV. 
In Table IX of the Appendix, Sheffield made the following estimates for 
earlier British- American trade: 

Average Yearly Trade in Exports to America Imports from America 



1720's 


£ 471,000 


£ 519,000 


1730's 


660,000 


670,000 


1740's 


813,000 


709,000 


1750's 


1,577,000 


803,000 


1760's 


1,763,000 


1,045,000 



French-American Trade, 1781-1789 401 

4,000,000 livres a year or about $800,000. American exports to 
France in the same five years averaged just over 2,800,000 
livres a year or about $560,000. 8 

Both the extensive French- American trade of the war years 
and the high hopes for a large and prosperous post-war com- 
merce were based in part upon the commercial treaty con- 
cluded at Paris, February 6, 1778. Early in the war American 
trade was linked with the desired French military assistance. 
In October, 1776, Silas Deane, American purchasing agent 
in Paris, was instructed by Congress to offer the French 
American exports of "tobacco and other valuable produce" 
in exchange for French guns, blankets, tents, and ammuni- 
tion. 9 In the same month a proposed draft of a treaty of com- 
merce with France was sent to Deane, even before Benjamin 
Franklin and Arthur Lee arrived to help him with his duties. 10 
Over a year elapsed before the three commissioners, under 
the adroit direction of Franklin, completed successfully the 
negotiations for the treaty of commerce. On February 16, 
1778, the three men wrote to the American Committee for 
Foreign Affairs that they were sending home for ratification 
two agreements, a treaty of amity and commerce, and a 
military alliance. 11 Even before the trade treaty was signed 
the trade with France was rapidly expanding, especially 
in the southern states. The trade directed toward North Caro- 
lina was extensive because the larger American ports were 
blockaded or occupied by the British. In 1777 and 1778 
dozens of vessels, both French and American, were carrying 

8 "General Table of Commerce between France and the United States 
from 1775 to 1792 . . ." Document No. 1, Edmund Buron, "Statistics on 
Franco-American Trade, 1778-1806," Journal of Economics and Business 
History, IV (May, 1932), 571-580, hereinafter cited as Buron, "General 
Table of Commerce." 

9 Francis Wharton (ed.), The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence 
of the United States (Washington, D. C: Wharton Edition, 6 volumes, 
1889) II, 159, hereinafter cited as Wharton, Revolutionary Correspon- 
dence. 

10 Wharton, Revolutionary Correspondence, II, 162. 

11 Wharton, Revolutionary Correspondence, II, 495. Franklin reported a 
full and final ratification of the treaties on July 17, 1778, Wharton, Revolu- 
tionary Correspondence, II, 650. 



402 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tobacco and naval stores to France and returning with muni- 
tions of war and manufactured goods. 12 

The treaty of amity and commerce of 1778 was an exceed- 
ingly liberal agreement, granting the American colonies "most 
favored nation" privileges, giving the Americans one or more 
free ports in France, and promising that the French king 
would use his influence with the Barbary pirates to obtain 
safety for American ships. The Americans for their part, were 
not to disturb France in its traditional fishing rights in the 
Newfoundland Banks. Other provisions fully defined prizes, 
shipwrecks, contraband and noncontraband goods, and com- 
parable mercantile subjects. 13 Americans, both at home and 
in Paris, generally were well-satisfied with the treaty and the 
prospects for trade. Writing to John Lloyd in January, 1779, 
the three commissioners reported that France had thrown all 
her ports open and that it was probably unnecessary to worry 
about the specified "free ports" at the present. 14 Franklin was 
somewhat more concerned about American rights under the 
"most favored nation" clause. Writing in March, 1779, to 
Joshua Johnson, a merchant and later father-in-law to John 
Quincy Adams, Franklin reported: 

I have not as yet been able to obtain a certain knowledge of the 
Duties paid by other Nations in France, and I am told it is not 
easy to obtain, as they are very different in the different Pro- 
vinces, and there is not, as in England, a printed Book of them. 15 



A few months later he was complaining to Congress that they 
should hurry up and appoint some consuls to France. 16 

As a result of the new commercial agreement and parti- 
cularly the substantial French military aid, French exports 

12 Crittenden, The Commerce of North Carolina, 129-130, 134. As the trade 
between North Carolina and France declined after 1778, the French consul 
to Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina, the Chevalier D'Ammours, 
complained that the reason for the decline was the lack of a law in North 
Carolina which would permit French ship captains to recover easily desert- 
ing crew members. After 1780 a more important reason for the decrease in 
trade was the reopening of other more important American ports. 

13 W. M. Malloy (ed.), Treaties, Conventions, International Acts, Pro- 
tocols and Agreements between the United States and Other Powers 
(Washington, D. C, 1910), I, 468-479. 

11 Wharton, Revolutionary Correspondence, III, 32. 

15 Smyth, The Writings of Benjamin Franklin, VII, 259. 

16 Smyth, The Writings of Benjamin Franklin, VII, 326. 



French-American Trade, 1781-1789 403 

to America reached a very high level in the early 1780's. In 
the three years, 1781 through 1783, French exports to the 
American states climbed to well over 11,000,000 livres ($2,- 
200,000) a year, a figure nearly three times the volume of 
French exports in the preceding five years. American ex- 
ports to France in the same three years increased only 
slightly, being a little less than 3,500,000 livres ( $700,000 ) a 
year. The trade balance for the eight years, 1776 through 
1783, was, therefore, heavily in favor of the French, running 
to over 30,000,000 livres or about $6,000,000 for the period. 17 

The heavy French exports of 1781 can in part be explained 
by the marked French military aid given in the last campaigns 
of the war. During 1782 and 1783 British merchants were 
still kept out of American ports and the relative trade mono- 
poly of the French continued. Compared to the previous 
British exports to the colonies in the decade before the Revo- 
lution, however, the French trade was small indeed. The 
figures of Lord Sheffield, the British trade expert, indicate 
the high year for British exports to have been 1771 when 
goods to the value of £4,202,475 ($20,000,000) came into 
the colonies. 18 The average of British exports for the pre-war 
decade (1765-1774) was well over £2,000,000. 19 Thus French 
exports at their height were not over an eighth of the peak 
British year and less than a quarter of the pre-war British 
average. 

British exports to the United States also reached a wartime 
peak in 1781, when goods to the value of £847,883 were sent 
to the revolting colonies, principally, of course, to the armies 
of the king. In 1782, with the war over and British troops no 
longer needing supplies and munitions, British exports drop- 
ped to a little over a third of those of the previous year. 20 
British trade after the war was slowed by the Congressional 
prohibition of trade with England, pending a final peace. 

17 Buron, "General Table of Commerce." 

18 Sheffield, Observations on American Commerce, Appendix, Table XIV. 

19 Sheffield, Observations on American Commerce, Appendix, Table XIV. 
30 Sheffield, Observations on American Commerce, Appendix, Table XIV. 

British exports to America were only £256,324 for the year. American 
exports to England at the war's end were insignificant, amounting to 
£99,847 in 1781 and only £28,676 in 1782. 



404 The North Carolina Historical Review 

This prohibition was very popular in France as William 
Carmichael, in a letter from Madrid to Robert Livingston, 
the first "Secretary for Foreign Affairs," wrote: 

The resolution of Congress prohibiting all intercourse between 
the citizens of America and the subjects of Great Britain gives 
a secret satisfaction both in France and in this country . . . . 21 

In April, 1783, Franklin also wrote to Livingston that English 
merchants, with loaded vessels detained in port, eagerly 
awaited the repeal by both America and Britain of the laws 
prohibiting their trade. 22 

As she anticipated peace in 1783, Britain was confident of 
the future of her American commerce. Lord Sheffield con- 
tended that in several fields of manufacture, especially wool- 
ens, iron goods, glass, stockings, shoes, cotton goods, and 
goods for the Indian trade, the British would find little compe- 
tition from any foreign source. 23 The English also claimed that 
they could hold their own in such products as linens, paper, 
"printed callicoes," silks, and salt. Only in wine, brandies, 
gin, cambric, and southern European fruits and oils did they 
admit their inability to meet foreign competition. 24 Sheffield 
boasted that the French-American military victory would 
gain the French little in a commercial way. The superior 
English credit facilities, the inexperience of the French in 
the American trade, the growing American resentment 
against restraints on their French West Indian trade— all 
these things he saw as favoring the British merchant. Pointing 
out that previous peacetime American trade had largely 
depended on freely extended credit, he claimed that any 
French merchant who tried to match the generous English 
credits would only gain ruin and bankruptcy for himself. 25 
In opposing William Pitt's proposal to gain American favor 
by relaxing the Navigation Laws, Sheffield argued that all 
Britain need do was have patience: 

December 20, 1781, Wharton, Revolutionary Correspondence, V, 64. 
Wharton, Revolutionary Correspondence, VI, 379. 
Sheffield, Observations on American Commerce, 7-35. 
Sheffield, Observations on American Commerce, 40-59. 
Sheffield, Observations on American Commerce, 248-249. 



French-American Trade, 1781-1789 405 

Friendly indeed we may yet be, and well disposed to them ; but 
we should wait events rather than endeavor to force them . . . 
and with prudent management she [Britain] will have as much 
of their [American] trade as it will be her interest to wish for. 26 

Events soon proved Sheffield to be correct. During the sum- 
mer of 1784 the majority of sixty-four ships seen on the Cape 
Fear River in North Carolina flew the British flag. 27 Reports 
to the British government for the year 1785-1786 showed 
the number and tonnage of British vessels calling at Philadel- 
phia, New York, and South Carolina to be nearly eight times 
that of the French. 28 

In 1783 some Frenchmen, as well as Americans, were be- 
ginning to agree with the predictions of Sheffield. French con- 
sular reports in 1783 indicated that British packing of goods 
was superior to that of the French. The reports also referred 
to the bad practice that French merchants had in allowing 
ship captains to sell goods and make up return cargoes. The 
consuls pointed out the need for permanent French commer- 
cial agents in American seaports, agents who could speak 
English and who were ready to grant long credits. 29 Franklin 
in a letter to Vergennes in March, 1783, stated that some 
American merchants were complaining of the restraints, 
duties, and searches their trade suffered in the interior of 
France. 30 Sheffield reported in the same year that mercantile 
men recently returned from America all agreed that French 
goods, "were high charged, and in no instance adapted to 
the country." 31 Even during the war years the French had 
frequently shown poor judgement in the selection of their 
exports to America. North Carolinians in the late 1770's had 
complained not only that French goods were often inferior 
to the British, but also that French cargoes often included 

28 Sheffield, Observations on American Commerce, 157-158. 

27 Crittenden, The Commerce of North Carolina, 157-158. 

28 George Bancroft, History of the Formation of the Constitution of the 
United States (New York, 2 volumes, 1882), II, Appendix, 407. 

29 Henri See, "Commerce Between France and the United States, 1783- 
1784" in American Historical Review, XXXI (July, 1926) 732-751. 

80 Smyth, The Writings of Benjamin Franklin, IX, 19-20. 

81 Sheffield, Observations on American Commerce, 320. A contrary esti- 
mate from the consular reports in See, "Commerce Between France and 
the United States, 1783-1784" reported that French goods in America in 
1783 were priced from 8 to 12 per cent cheaper than the English goods. 



406 



The North Carolina Historical Review 



such items as anchovies, nightcaps, olives, and truffles, pro- 
ducts little suited to a people struggling for their independ- 
ence. 32 In September, 1784, Lafayette wrote Vergennes that 
a satisfactory French- American trade could only be obtained 
when French merchants learned to consult the tastes and 
wants of Americans. 33 French- American trade in 1783 and 
1784 clearly was on the defensive. 

With the complete return of peace in 1784 French-Ameri- 
can trade definitely shifted in volume and trade balance. 
Where American exports to France had been small they soon 
increased nearly three-fold in the remaining years of the 
decade. Conversely, French exports to the United States fell 
off to little more than a sixth of their former size. Probably 
the best estimates for French-American trade during the 
Confederation are those of Ambroise-Marie Arnould, French 
economist, in his "General Table of Commerce between 
France and the United States from 1775 to 1792. . . .'■ His 
estimates for the Confederation period are shown in the fol- 
lowing table.' 



34 



United States Exports to France 



French Exports to United 
States 



Year 


in livres : (approx. dollars) 


in livres: (approx. dollars) 


1781 


3,369,000 ( 


;$ 673,800) 


11,197,000 1 


[$2,239,100) 


1782 


3,498,000 i 


699,600) 


11,520,000 1 


[ 2,304,000) 


1783 


3,615,000 I 


723,000) 


11,723,000 i 


; 2,344,600) 


1784 


9,110,000 { 


; 1,822,000) 


1,678,000 i 


[ 335,600) 


1785 


9,211,000 1 


; 1,842,000) 


1,778,000 1 


355,600) 


1786 


9,476,000 ( 


; 1,895,200) 


1,781,000 ( 


356,200) 


1787 


9,595,000 ( 


; 1,919,000) 


1,815,000 ( 


363,000) 


1788 


9,705,000 ( 


; 1,941,000) 


1,888,000 { 


; 377,600) 


1789 


9,653,000 I 


; 1,930,600) 


1,719,000 i 


343,800) 



As the table indicates, favorable American trade balances 
became substantial in the late 1780's, amounting to 46,000,000 
livres ($9,200,000) for the six years 1784 through 1789. This 
balance was nearly twice the French balance built up from 

32 Crittenden, The Commerce of North Carolina, 133-134. 

33 Lafayette, Memoirs, II, 100. 

84 Buron, "General Table of Commerce," 571-580. A second document in 
the Buron article gives somewhat different figures for the last three years 



French-American Trade, 1781-1789 407 

1781 through 1783, and about 50 per cent larger than the 
French balance for the entire war period, 1776 through 1783. 

Although they already had a most favorable trade balance, 
the Americans were constantly harping upon the necessity 
of the French buying American goods. Jefferson reminded 
Lafayette in the summer of 1786 that France could not find 
gold or silver in a catalog of American exports and the French 
must be prepared to take American produce. 35 Washington 
made the same point to the young Frenchman just a month 
later. 36 As late as August, 1788, Washington, in writing to 
Comte de Moustier, again urged the necessity of France 
buying American goods if she wished to sell any to the 
Americans. 37 This "over selling" plus the constant reference 
to the need for French credits does not seem to tally entirely 
with the available trade statistics. The talk of credit and more 
credit was only natural, however, when it is recalled that 
the American government owed France 35,000,000 livres 
or nearly $7,000,000. Only part of this loan is shown in the 
favorable French trade balances during the war, for much 
of it was advanced in the form of cash. Also the Americans 
probably achieved their own favorable trade balance in the 
middle and late 1780's without being fully aware of the 
new trend and the reversal of the balance. 38 

Four American commodities, tobacco, grain and flour, rice, 
and train oil made up the bulk of the American exports to 
France. In the four years, 1787 through 1790, these four 

of the period: 

Exports to France Exports to United States 

1787 14,106,900 livres 2,079,000 livres 

1788 3,470,100 livres 1,377,300 livres 

1789 13,039,200 livres 1,644,514 livres 

The three year totals do not vary greatly, the above figures being 6 per 
cent larger for exports to France and 6 per cent smaller for exports to the 
United States. The substantial discrepancy in the figures on exports to 
France can probably be explained in differences in figuring the huge Amer- 
ican exports of tobacco under the Robert Morris contract with the Farmers 
General in France. This contract ended in 1787. 

35 Gilbert Chinard (ed.), The Letters of Lafayette and Jefferson (Balti- 
more, 1929), 95, hereinafter cited as Chinard, The Letters of Lafayette 
and Jefferson. 

86 Washington to Lafayette, August 15, 1786, Fitzpatrick, The Writings 
of George Washington, XXVIII, 518-520. 

37 Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George Washington, XXX, 43-47. 

^A further complicating factor probably was the huge Robert Morris 
tobacco contract during the years 1785 through 1787. 



408 The North Carolina Historical Review 

items constituted perhaps 80 per cent of all the exports to 
France from the United States. 39 The statistics of trade in 
general followed the earlier predictions of Jefferson, who in 
1785 had written Vergennes that France wanted American 
rice, tobacco, potash, furs, and ship-timbers. 40 In a more 
specific estimate of American exports, made for Lafayette 
a year later, Jefferson listed the major ones as tobacco, wheat, 
flour and bread, timber, hops, and rice. 41 Washington gave a 
comparable list to Comte de Moustier in 1788. 42 

Of the several major products, tobacco was the most im- 
portant, probably amounting to nearly half of the American 
exports in the decade. Lord Sheffield considered tobacco 
"the principal article of American commerce" and seemingly 
did not feel that Britain had any reason to fear the French in 
that trade. 43 However, as early as 1778 the three Americans 
in Paris, Franklin, Deane, and Lee, had been urging Congress 
to expedite the shipment of 5,000 hogsheads of tobacco to 
the Farmers General, the group that had long possessed the 
tobacco monopoly in France. 44 At the end of the war Franklin 
had proposed that Robert Morris supply the Farmers General 
with their tobacco. 45 

Morris was slow in responding to Franklin's suggestion, 
but early in 1785 he signed a contract to supply the Farmers 
General with 20,000 hogsheads of tobacco in each of the 
years 1785, 1786, and 1787. The price was to be 36 livres per 
hundredweight, and the cargoes were to be shipped in Ameri- 
can vessels. 46 Morris thus achieved a three year export mono- 

39 "A Statement of the Annual Value of Commerce between France and 
the United States . . . ," Document No. 2, Edmund Buron, "Statistics on 
Franco-American Trade, 1778-1806," Journal of Economic and Business 
History, IV (May, 1932), 571-580, hereinafter cited as Buron, "A State- 
ment of the Annual Value of Commerce between France and the United 
States. . . ." 

40 The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, V, 75. 

41 Chinard, The Letters of Lafayette and Jefferson, 95-98. 

42 Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George Washington, XXX, 43-47. 

43 Sheffield, Observations on American Commerce, 100-103. 

44 Wharton, Revolutionary Correspondence, II, 496. The tobacco was to 
pay for a million livre earlier advanced by the Farmers General. 

46 Smyth, The Writings of Benjamin Franklin, IX, 139. 

46 Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States of America, 1783-1789 
(Washington, D. C, 1833), III, 64-67. A full account of the Morris tobacco 
contract is given in Frederick L. Nussbaum, "American Tobacco and 
French Politics," Political Science Quarterly, XL (December, 1925), 497- 
516. 



French-American Trade, 1781-1789 409 

poly comparable to the import monopoly of the Farmers 
General in France. Shortly after arriving in Paris, Jefferson 
along with Lafayette and other interested Frenchmen worked 
to have the monopoly destroyed. Lafayette succeeded in 
getting a committee named to deal with the whole problem 
of the tobacco trade. 47 Jefferson came to the support of 
Lafayette throughout 1786, and offered him guidance, argu- 
ments, and all the influence of his position. In a letter to 
John Adams in July, 1786, Jefferson claimed that the Morris 
contract had reduced the domestic price of tobacco in Ameri- 
ca from 40 to 22 livres the hundredweight, and that the 
planters of Virginia and Maryland had suffered losses of 
nearly $2,000,000. 48 The expanding tobacco export trade of 
North Carolina seems to have been only slightly affected by 
the Morris contract. As the bulk of the export trade moved 
south from Port Roanoke to Port Brunswick, about half of 
the tobacco was sent to Britain with most of the remainder 
going to American ports. 49 

But the best that Jefferson and Lafayette could do was 
to prevent the renewal of the Morris contract. The Morris 
contract may have cut the price of tobacco produced by the 
fellow planters of Jefferson, but tobacco still made up much 
of the total American trade with France. In 1787 it consti- 
tuted 70 per cent of the total and in the four years 1787 
through 1790, still accounted for 40 per cent of the American 
exports. 50 After the Morris contract was ended, England 
quickly took over the bulk of the American tobacco crop. 
In 1789-1790 British imports of American tobacco were over 
seven times those of France. 51 

In the decade of the 1780's grain and flour made up almost 
a quarter of the American exports to France. In his 1786 

" Lafayette, Memoirs, II, 129. 

48 The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, V, 356-357. 

49 Crittenden, The Commerce of North Carolina, 161. Of the 6,000,000 
pounds of tobacco exported in 1788, Port Brunswick shipped about sixty 
per cent. 

60 Buron, "A Statement of the Annual Value of Commerce between 
France and the United States. . . ." 

61 Tench Coxe, A Brief Examination of Lord Sheffield's Observations on 
the United States (Philadelphia, 1791), Part III, 24-25, hereinafter cited 
as Coxe, A Brief Examination of Lord Sheffield's Observations. British 
imports of American tobacco in 1789-1790 amounted to $2,754,493, while 
those of France were only $384,642. 



410 The North Carolina Historical Review 

estimate of American trade with Europe, Jefferson figured 
that flour, bread, wheat, and Indian corn made up over a 
fifth of the American exports. 52 Three years later Jefferson 
reported to Lafayette that in the spring of 1789 (March 
through May), 56,337 quintals of American grain and flour 
reached French ports on the Atlantic. 53 In 1789 and 1790, 
as the French economy was disrupted by revolution, Ameri- 
can grain and flour accounted for nearly half of the exports, 
even exceeding tobacco by a wide margin. 54 During his years 
in Paris, Jefferson also sought to increase French consump- 
tion of American rice. 55 In 1789 and 1790 rice made up over 
a tenth of the total exports, but for the entire decade a 
figure of seven or eight per cent would be more accurate. 
Of nearly equal importance in the American export trade 
was "train oil" or whale oil. Jefferson, the eternal salesman, 
was also interested in expanding the French market, and 
in 1785 was trying to get contracts to supply French cities 
with whale oil from Boston. He also inquired of William 
Carmichael in Madrid: "Can anything be done, in this way 
in Spain? Or do they light their streets in the night?" 56 In 
addition to these major items of American export, other 
important products sent to France included whalebone, 
planks and other wood, indigo, furs and skins, potash, medi- 
cinal drugs, and dried and salted fish. 

Naval stores, North Carolina's major export, figure only 
slightly in the French-American trade. Jefferson wrote James 
Madison in December, 1786, that he was hoping to improve 
the French market for turpentine. 57 A year later the French 
did materially reduce the duties on pitch and tar to two and 
one-half per cent. But the French market for American naval 
stores never developed, chiefly because the Americans had to 
compete with the pitch and tar production of southwestern 
France. 58 In the 1780's northern states provided a major 

52 Chinard, The Letters of Lafayette and Jefferson, 95-98. 

53 Chinard, The Letters of Lafayette and Jefferson, 131. 

54 Coxe, A Brief Examination of Lord Sheffield's Observations, Part III, 
24-25; Buron, "A Statement of the Annual Value of Commerce between 
France and the United States. . . ." 

55 The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, I, 96; VI, 374-375. 
50 The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, V, 198. 

67 The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, VI, 8. 

68 The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, VI, 406-407. 



French-American Trade, 1781-1789 411 

market for the tar, turpentine, and pitch of North Carolina, 
but considerable quantities were also sold to the British. 
The French bought little. In the year 1789-1790 American 
naval stores exported to England amounted to $190,670, while 
those sold to France came to only $3,169. 59 

The bulk of the French exports to the United States in the 
decade consisted of five items: brandies, wine and vinegar, 
linen and cloth, silks, and salt. Despite Lord Sheffield's pre- 
diction that Americans would prefer cheap West Indian rum 
to French brandies, the Americans purchased the more expen- 
sive French product in great amount. Washington noted an 
increase in its use in 1788 and in the last three years of the dec- 
ade French brandies probably amounted to nearly 30 per cent 
of their American trade. 60 In the same period wine and 
vinegar ranked second with 12 per cent and linen, cloth, 
and hemp came next with 8 per cent. Silk was nearly as 
important amounting to over 300,000 francs for the three 
years. Salt was another major item of export, frequently 
being used as ballast in the American bound ships. Wash- 
ington however complained in 1788 that French salt was 
not used too greatly in America as the people found it not 
as clean as other European salt. 61 The remainder of the 
French exports consisted of a variety of such luxury items 
as hosiery, hats, lace, liqueurs, oils, gloves, parasols, perfumes, 
soaps, ribbons, and glassware. 62 

The 1780's saw some increase in the American consump- 
tion of certain French products. In a letter to Lafayette in 



59 Coxe, A Brief Examination of Lord Sheffield's Observations, Part III, 
24-25. 

60 Sheffield, Observations on American Commerce, 57; Fitzpatrick, The 
Writings of George Washington, XXX, 43-47; Buron, "A Statement of the 
Annual Value of Commerce between France and the United States. . . ." 

61 Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George Washington, XXX, 43-47. 

62 Buron, "A Statement of the Annual Value of Commerce Between 
France and the United States. . . ." The two friends, Washington and 
Lafayette, exchanged many gifts during the decade, thus doing their bit 
for French-American trade. The following exchanges all occurred in the 
single year 1786. Washington was asked by Lafayette to obtain a vocabu- 
lary of Indian names to be given to the Empress of Russia. Martha Wash- 
ington sent to Madame Lafayette "a barrell of Virginia hams," which 
Lafayette served to American friends upon their arrival in France. 
Lafayette also received a request from Washington for a wolf hound. 
Earlier he had sent Washington a "jackass and two females" after the 
King of Spain has failed to fulfill a promise of a pair. Lafayette, Memoirs, 
II, 124, 131, 141, 142, 149. 



412 The North Carolina Historical Review 

1786 Washington mentioned that Americans were learning 
to like French goods, finding their quality and price good. 63 
But in the same year, Jefferson, Minister to France, and 
lover of things French, had to defend his purchase of Eng- 
lish harness in a letter to Lafayette: 

The reason for my importing harness from England is a very- 
obvious one. They are plated and plated harness is not made at 
all in France as far as I have learnt. It is not from a love of the 
English but a love of myself that I sometimes find myself obliged 
to buy their manufactures. 64 

Most Americans, like Jefferson, found themselves "obliged 
to buy their manufactures" from England, not because of 
a love for the British, but simply because only the British 
could supply their wants. From 1784 through 1790 French 
exports to the United States totalled well under one-twen- 
tieth of those of the British. The best year for the French 
was 1790 with exports to the value of 1,937,000 francs 
coming to the United States. The poorest year for the British 
(in the seven year period), 1786, saw about £1,603,000 of 
goods come to American ports. 65 For American exports to 
the two countries, the difference was not so great, being 
probably only two to one in favor of the British. This was 
to be expected since American trade balances were unfavor- 
able with the English and highly favorable with the French. 66 
Other markets than the French increasingly benefited as 
the Americans sought to shift their commerce away from 

63 Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George Washington, XXVIII, 518-520. 

64 Chinard, The Letters of Lafayette and Jefferson, 108. 

65 "General Table of Commerce between France and the United States. . ." 
Timothy Pitkin, A Statistical View of the Commerce of the United States 
(New Haven, 1835), 30, hereinafter cited as Pitkin, A Statistical View of 
Commerce. 

68 Pitkin, A Statistical View of Commerce, 30. A summary of the British- 
American trade for these years is shown below. 

American exports to England in £ British exports to America in £ 

1784 £ 749,345 £3,679,467 

1785 893,594 2,308,023 

1786 843,119 1,603,465 

1787 893,637 2,009,111 

1788 1,023,789 1,886,142 

1789 1,050,198 2,525,298 

1790 1,191,071 3,431,778 






French-American Trade, 1781-1789 413 

the British. This was especially true in parts of the South. 
Foreign trade in North Carolina in the 1780's shifted away 
from Britain in favor of modest increases for northern Ameri- 
can ports and major increases for the trade with the West 
Indies. 67 

In the post-war years American trade with the French West 
Indies rose rapidly. In 1789-1790 American exports to the 
French islands of the Caribbean amounted to over $3,000,000, 
or roughly twice the volume of exports to France. 68 The 
major products sold in the islands included flour, lumber and 
wood products, salted fish, salted meats, and live animals. 

The condition and the prospects of French- American trade 
were no brighter in 1789 than they had been in 1784, the 
first full year of peace. Nor were they destined to flourish in 
the early 1790's, years of revolution for France. It was not 
that the French had not tried. By 1784 they had fulfilled their 
treaty obligations in naming four free ports for American 
use, Dunkerque, L'Orient, Bayonne, and Marseilles. 69 The 
French arret of December 29, 1787, provided duties on 
American imports that were quite reasonable. Several impor- 
tant American exports, flour, wheat, rice, wood, and potash 
were charged duties of but one-eighth per cent ad valorum. 
Jefferson, in explaining the new arret to John Jay, pointed 
out that these light duties were, "merely to oblige the mas- 
ters of vessels to enter their cargoes, for the information of 
the government, without inducing them to attempt to smug- 
gle."™ 

A variety of reasons were responsible for the failure of the 
trade with France. In the fall of 1787 Lafayette was blaming 
the undeveloped trade on the British combination of com- 
mercial aggressiveness and generously extended credit, and 
also on French governmental indolence, mercantile cautious- 

67 Crittenden, The Commerce of North Carolina, 158-159, 161-162, 166. 
Another post-war commercial development in North Carolina was the im- 
portant role played by the merchants of New York, Philadelphia, and 
Baltimore. 

68 Coxe, A Brief Examination of Lord Sheffield's Observations, Part III, 
135, 24-25. Tench Coxe estimated total American exports in 1789-1790 at 
$20,415,000. Of these 33 per cent went to Britain, 15 per cent to the French 
West Indies, 9 per cent to British West Indies, and 7 per cent to France. 

88 Lafayette, Memoirs, II, 87. 

70 The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, VI, 406-407. 






414 



The North Carolina Historical Review 



ness, and governmental protected monopolies. 71 A few months 
later, in writing to Lafayette in April, 1788, Washington 
blamed the sad state of commerce on the ineffectual Con- 
federate government in America. 72 But the absence of ade- 
quate commercial regulations in the United States did not 
seem to cause the British or the West Indies trade to suffer. 
Pleasant as the American palate might find French beverages 
and luxuries, for the hard workaday necessities the Ameri- 
cans seemed to prefer the fabrics, cutlery, and manufactures 
from British looms and shops. Whether it was British ag- 
gressiveness, French caution, or American governmental con- 
fusion that was responsible, American-French trade during 
the Confederation never achieved the proportions antici- 
pated by its many sponsors. 

71 Chinard, The Letters of Lafayette and Jefferson, 119. 

72 Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George Washington, XXIX, 477. 















THE OCONALUFTEE VALLEY, 1800-1860: A STUDY OF 
THE SOURCES FOR MOUNTAIN HISTORY 

By Robert S. Lambert* 

In their efforts to reveal the struggles of the "average" 
citizen of times past, historians have long had to puzzle 
over the paucity of surviving primary sources on the lives 
of common folk. A sense of historical urgency on the part 
of rich and prominent figures, combined with diligent re- 
search among their papers by their biographers, has por- 
trayed for posterity the circumstances from which have 
emerged our national and sectional statesmen, heroes, and 
entrepreneurs. 

In more recent years some significant strides have been 
made in assessing the environment of the ordinary inhabi- 
tants of the South. The late Professor Frank L. Owsley led 
the way in scrutinizing the "plain people" of the antebellum 
southeast while Professor Bell I. Wiley has revealed the 
travails and aspirations of the common soldier of the Con- 
federacy. 1 Our understanding of the Negro in this section 
has been enhanced by the studies of Vernon L. Wharton 
and George B. Tindall. 2 

The attention of these students to the "plain people" has 
rarely been focused on the mountain whites of the ante- 
bellum southeast. Professor Owsley did advance a thesis by 
which he accounted for the isolation of the herdsmen of the 
mountains and piney woods. 3 But most writers on the sub- 
ject have drawn upon personal observation rather than the 
traditional historical sources for their descriptions of moun- 

* Dr. Robert S. Lambert is Associate Professor of History and Govern- 
ment at Clemson College, Clemson, South Carolina. 

1 Frank L. Owsley, Plain Folk of the Old South (Baton Rouge: Louisi- 
ana State University Press, 1949) ; Bell I. Wiley, The Life of Johnny Reb 
(Indianapolis, Indiana: Bobbs-Merrill Company, 1943). 

2 Vernon L. Wharton, The Negro in Mississippi, The James Sprunt 
Studies in History and Political Science, Volume XXVIII (Chapel Hill: 
The University of North Carolina Press, 1947) ; George B. Tindall, South 
Carolina Negroes, 1877-1900 (Columbia: University of South Carolina 
Press, 1952). 

8 Frank L. Owsley, "The Pattern of Migration and Settlement on the 
Southern Frontier," Journal of Southern History, XI (May, 1945), 150-173. 

[415] 



416 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tain life and institutions. The most thorough account of 
the North Carolina mountaineer was written by Horace 
Kephart who lived among or near the residents on Hazel 
Creek in Swain County for extended periods during the first 
thirty years of the twentieth century. 4 

Kephart was more concerned however, with his contempor- 
aries than with their origins. To a large measure this pre- 
occupation with the recent is characteristic of most writings 
which deal with the farmers of the North Carolina mountains 
in general and the Great Smoky Mountains in particular. 
Some writers of regional and county history have touched 
upon the mountain folk as they have traced the progress 
of settlement in their chosen regions. But a great deal of 
their information on the more remote parts of these counties 
has come from traditions handed down from earlier genera- 
tions, and the authenticity of some of these accounts might 
be called into question by competent historical investigation. 5 

The dearth of written records appears to be the principal 
factor which explains the relatively small quantity of mater- 
ial on the history of the first settlers of the Great Smokies. 
Indeed two categories of source material which are indis- 
pensable to the historical investigation of any subject can- 
not be included among sources available to the student of 
Smoky Mountain history. There are no files of newspapers 
extant in this region during most of the nineteenth century 
except in the cities of Asheville and Knoxville; these centers 
received little news from the isolated coves. 6 Furthermore, 
the great depositories of personal papers at Raleigh, Durham, 
and Chapel Hill contain few collections which bear on the 
Smokies. Of course, the same might be said of sources per- 
taining to most yeomen of the Piedmont and the Coastal 
Plain because of the low incidence of literacy in the period 

4 Horace Kephart, Our Southern Highlanders (New York: The Mac- 
Millan Company, second edition, 1922). 

5 John Preston Arthur, Western North Carolina, A History, 1780-1913 
(Raleigh: Edwards and Broughton Printing Company, 1914), 208-209, 
hereinafter cited as Arthur, Western North Carolina; W. C. Allen, Annals 
of Haywood County (Waynesville, 1935). 

6 Winifred Gregory (ed.), American Newspapers, 1820-1986: A Union 
List of Files Available in the United States and Canada (New York: H. 
W. Wilson Company, 1937). 






The Oconaluftee Valley, 1800-1860 417 

and the simplicity of the few business transactions in which 
they participated. The scarcity of such sources can be ex- 
plained, but the task of the historian is much more difficult 
because of the near absence of such contemporary accounts. 

Because circumstances have deprived him of newspapers 
and personal papers, the historian must fall back to a second 
class of sources, public records. Here he must place reliance 
for statistical information on the Population Schedules, 
1830-1880, 7 and the Agriculture Schedules, particularly for 
1850 and I860, 8 as made available by the United States 
Bureau of the Census. Only those population figures for 1850 
and after are detailed enough to do more than trace lineage 
of heads of families. Of course, all such figures are to some 
degree subject to the whims of the enumerator and his in- 
formants. 

County records provide the researcher with information on 
the acquisition and transfer of property due to purchase, 
sale, or decease. The researcher is handicapped here, how- 
ever, by the fact that wills and deeds were legal instruments 
used by men of sufficient property and business acumen to 
wish to control the disposition of that property. This applies 
particularly in the case of wills. Should the investigator rely 
wholly on such county records he will only skim the surface; 
he will be dealing with the exceptional settler who was 
literate and relatively affluent. On the other hand, the re- 
cords of the county courts provide some information on 
such public concerns as roads, elections, and jury duty. 9 

Several other categories of sources provide additional, 
but limited, data. Travel accounts are of but little value in 



7 Microfilm copies (originals in the National Archives) of Manuscript 
Population Schedules, Third, Fourth, and Fifth Census, 1810-1830, State 
Department of Archives and History, Raleigh; and Sixth, Seventh, Eighth, 
and Ninth Census, 1840-1870, Library, Great Smoky Mountains National 
Park, Gatlinburg, Tennessee, hereinafter cited as National Park. 

8 Microfilm copies of the Seventh Census, 1850, Schedule IV: Agriculture, 
for Haywood County; and Eighth Census, 1860, Schedule IV: Agriculture, 
for Jackson County, State Department of Archives and History. The 
Oconaluftee Valley lay in Haywood County until the formation of Jackson 
County in 1851 and became a part of Swain County in 1871. 

6 Manuscript Minutes, Court of Pleas and Quarter Sessions, Haywood 
County, Clerk's Office, Waynesville, and Jackson County, Clerk's Office, 
Sylva, hereinafter cited as County Court Minutes; wills in the same offices 
and locations; deeds in the Register of Deeds' offices for Jackson and 
Haywood counties. 



418 The North Carolina Historical Review 

a day when most travellers preferred to go around the 
Smokies rather than to cross them. 10 Some church records 
have survived and are among the most valuable sources for 
such local history. Finally, the efforts of a few unheralded 
researchers have brought to light information which, when 
combined with other evidence, gives some insight into life 
in some of the early mountain settlements. 11 

The following account of the settlement of a single com- 
munity in the Great Smokies is provided to demonstrate 
what documentary information is available to scholars. Im- 
plicit in the selection of this community is the fact that the 
primary sources are more numerous than for the other valleys 
in this region; the life in the Oconaluftee Valley cannot be 
considered as typical of much of the mountain region because 
of the relatively wealthy and literate people who inhabited 
it. However, it should also be noted that many of the moun- 
tain people about whom Kephart wrote were descended 
from families who first inhabited valleys like this one. 

The Oconaluftee River rises just below Newfound Gap in 
the Great Smoky Mountains and flows into the Tuckaseigee 
River at the town of Cherokee in Swain County. Known by 
the first settlers as the West Fork, it was joined from the 
east by the Bradley Fork and the Raven Fork. Near its 
source it is a typical mountain stream narrow and winding, 
but below the Bradley Fork its "beautiful and fertile though 
narrow flat bottoms," made a vivid impression on the Swiss 
physical geographer, Arnold Guyot. 12 Indeed, by the stand- 
ards of the mountain areas of North Carolina the Oconaluftee 
would be considered a broad valley. Most of it now lies within 
the Great Smoky Mountains National Park, while the balance 
is a part of the Qualla Tract of the Cherokee Indian Reser- 
vation. Here the relatively rich agricultural lands provided 

10 Charles Lanham, Letters from the Alleghany Mountains (New York: 
George P. Putnam, 1849), 84-92. 

11 The writer is indebted to H. C. Wilburn of Waynesville for personal 
suggestions as to sources. The frequent citations herein of his manuscript 
writings are further testimony of Mr. Wilburn's contributions to knowledge 
of Great Smoky Mountains' history. 

12 Myron H. Avery and Kenneth S. Boardman (eds.), "Arnold Guyot's 
Notes on the Geography of the Mountain District of Western North Caro- 
lina," The North Carolina Historical Review, XV (July, 1938), 284, here- 
inafter cited as Avery and Boardman, "Arnold Guyot's Notes." 



The Oconaluftee Valley, 1800-1860 419 

the basis for a civilization which was distinctive in com- 
parison with the usual picture of mountain life. 

The Charleston traders did business with the Cherokees 
in the Tuckaseigee Valley as early as the second decade of 
the eighteenth century. 13 Part of the Indian war trail from 
modern Sevierville, Tennessee, closely followed the course 
of the Oconaluftee on the North Carolina side. The beauty 
of the valley does not seem to have caught the notice of 
white farmers until the period of the American Revolution. 
In 1776, a punitive expedition of North Carolina troops 
under General Griffith Rutherford destroyed a number of 
Indian villages in the Cherokee country including some 
settlements on the Oconaluftee. 14 

Shortly after the winning of independence, a number of 
land speculators began to take interest in the country in- 
habited by the red men. The Oconaluftee lay within the 
bounds of a North Carolina grant of 33,280 acres to William 
Cathcart in 1796, and a Buncombe County grant of 2,550 
acres to Felix Walker in 1795, but these men were not actual 
settlers of the valley. Another early recipient of a sizeable 
grant resided in the valley only briefly and his holdings had 
been disposed of by 1812. 15 

The meager records of the early settlements on the 
Oconaluftee indicate that some whites had settled in this 
region in the 1790's. The first permanent residents of rec- 
ord were the family of John Jacob Mingus who migrated 
from Saxony about 1792. Three of his sons settled on the 
Raven Fork of the river until the mid-nineteenth century, 
two as prosperous farmers and the third as a preacher. The 
other son, Dr. John Mingus, a physician, and his wife oc- 
cupied the home of his birth until very late in the nineteenth 

"Verner W. Crane, The Southern Frontier, 1670-1732 (Durham: Duke 
University Press, 1929), 130-131. 

14 H. C. Wilburn, "The Indian Gap Trail," files, National Park Head- 
quarters, hereinafter cited as Wilburn, "Indian Gap Trail"; William E. 
Myers, "Indian Trails of the Southeast," in the Forty-Second Annual 
Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 192J/.-1925 (Washington, 
D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1928), 771-775, hereinafter cited 
as Myers, "Indian Trails." 

15 Wilburn, "Indian Gap Trail"; Deeds, Haywood County, Book A, 
185-186; North Carolina Park Commission, Abstracts of Titles to Lands in 
the Great Smoky Mountains National Park, National Park Headquarters, 
IV, 148 ff. 



420 The North Carolina Historical Review 

century. During his lifetime he acquired considerable pro- 
perty to the west of the river along the Mingus Creek. 16 

Abraham Enloe, originally a South Carolinian, acquired 
lands from Walker near the site of the present Lufty Ranger 
Station. Most of his nine sons married and settled on nearby 
lands. The name Enloe remained prominent until a grandson 
of the original settler sold out to the Floyd family after 1900. 1T 

Gradually in the period of the War of 1812, other families 
moved into the area. One of the first settlers was Samuel 
Sherill; another, Robert Collins, was born in the valley and 
was a prominent community leader until his death in the 
1860's. These pioneers were followed by Isaac Bradley, 
Samuel Conner, and John Beck. 18 

Most of the early settlers had left homes in the older parts 
of North Carolina. It was not unusual however, for South 
Carolinians and Virginians to take up land in the valley. 
From time to time some residents departed for new adven- 
tures elsewhere, one group migrating as far as Missouri. 
For the most part, however, these first inhabitants seem to 
have been content to remain in an area which afforded 
them such a good living. 19 

As in so many frontier communities, the basic economic 
unit was the family farm. The majority of North Carolina 
farms of the ante-bellum period contained 100 acres or 
less. 20 By these standards several of the farms in the Ocona- 



16 H. C. Wilburn, Memorandum for the Superintendent, National Park, 
March 22, 1939, on the Mingus Creek Mill, Wilburn Papers, accession 
number 13-27, National Park Library, hereinafter cited as Wilburn, Min^ 
Creek Mill; Deeds, Haywood County, Book A, 202; Population Schedules, 
Third and Fourth Census, 1810-1820, Fifth Census, 1830, 379, Seventh 
Census, 1850, 165, all for Haywood County, and Eighth Census, 1860, 
Jackson County, 58. 

17 J. A. Sharp, Memorandum on the Enloe Family, files, National Park 
Headquarters; Population Schedules, Fourth Census, 1820, Fifth Census, 
1830, 379, Seventh Census, 1850, 167, all for Haywood County; and Eighth 
Census, 1860, Jackson County, 58. 

18 Arthur, Western North Carolina, 208-209 ; Population Schedules, Third 
and Fourth Census, 1810-1820, Haywood County. 

10 Population Schedules, Seventh Census, 1850, Haywood County, 165, 
167; Eighth Census, Jackson County, 56, 58. This was the first census to 
show the birthplaces of all members of families and if accurate, is particu- 
larly valuable for the origins of early settlers in a remote region. 

20 C. O. Cathey, Agricultural Developments in North Carolina, 1783-1860, 
The James Sprunt Studies in History and Political Science, Volume 
XXXVIII (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1956), 
48. 



The Oconaluftee Valley, 1800-1860 421 

luftee Valley could be considered fairly large, such as Robert 
Collins' 335 acres. 21 Much of the land held probably was not 
under cultivation. Woodlands and pastures seem to have 
made up over eighty per cent of the average farm. The size 
of the family unit and the proportion which was cultivated 
varied with the number of mouths to be fed and the number 
of hands and backs which could contribute to the planting 
and harvesting of the crop. 

Most farm labor came from members of the family. Some 
younger men hired out as laborers on other farms from time 
to time, but work for others seems to have been a temporary 
expedient designed to contribute toward saving enough for 
future farm ownership. Several farmers in the valley were 
prosperous enough to own a few slaves; Samuel Sherill and 
Abraham Enloe each owned five in 1829. The few slaves 
which the valley farmers owned seem to have been used 
for domestic service rather than as fieldhands. 22 

Although many land titles were obscure, where there was 
clear title to acreage it was in fee simple. Farm tenancy 
in the modern sense was virtually unknown. At least until 
after the Civil War the supply of fresh lands up the tributaries 
of the Oconaluftee seems to have been sufficient to allow 
the sons of the original families to settle on small farms of 
their own. 23 

The inhabitants of the valley engaged in grain and live- 
stock farming. The principal crop was the staple of the 
American frontier, Indian corn, food for both man and beast. 
There was a wide variation in the yield per acre, but several 
farmers produced harvests of 1,000 bushels in 1849. A few 
of the larger operators produced significant quantities of 
wheat such as the 200 bushels which John Mingus' lands 
yielded in 1859. Small quantities of oats and rye were grown 
on a few farms. Other contributions to the diet were made 



21 Agriculture Schedules, Seventh Census, 1850, Haywood County, 453. 

22 Agriculture Schedules, Seventh Census, 1850, Haywood County, 453; 
Population Schedules, Fifth Census, 1830, Haywood County. 

23 North Carolina Park Commission, Land Title Abstracts, IV, contains 
numerous examples of the land purchases of the sons of the older families; 
see also Population Schedules, Seventh Census, 1850, Haywood County, 
165, 167. 



* 



422 The North Carolina Historical Review 

by sweet and Irish potatoes, peas, beans, honey, and sorghum 
molasses. 24 

The isolation of the Oconaluftee Valley from markets and 
the necessity to concentrate on the essentials for frontier 
existence relegated the traditional southern cash crops to a 
position of relative insignificance. Some tobacco was grown 
by the larger operators but little or no cotton was produced. 25 

Pork provided the basic ingredient of the settlers' meat 
diet. Hogs were more numerous than most other species of 
livestock combined, and the value of swine is clearly indi- 
cated in the few recorded wills and estate inventories which 
have survived. Almost every farmer owned a few head 
of sheep and the total for the region was exceeded only by the 
number of swine. The wool yield seems to have been a vital 
factor for family use. Beef cattle outnumbered milk cows 
in the valley, and this preponderance was especially marked 
on the long-established farms. The usual sources of animal 
power were horses and work oxen, but mules were rarely 
used. 26 

The total value of animals slaughtered in 1869 was $9,835. 
Aside from meat, the principal animal product of value was 
butter of which some 5,000 pounds was produced. Neither 
milk nor cheese was produced in quantities sufficient for 
commercial use. 27 

An indication of the economic status of farmers in the 
Lufty valley is shown by individual statistics. Wesley Enloe 
was a successful farmer on a relatively large scale. He farmed 
200 of his 500 acres which he valued at $3,000. His livestock 
was valued at $934 and included 8 horses, 12 milk and 24 
beef cows, 2 oxen, 15 sheep, and 60 hogs. In 1849, he pro- 
duced 25 bushels of wheat, 50 of rye, 800 of corn, and 50 
of oats. Young Samuel Beck was not so well established; he 
cultivated 50 of his 90 acres, had 4 horses, 6 cows, 18 sheep, 

24 Agriculture Schedules, Seventh Census, 1850, Haywood County, 453 
Eighth Census, 1860, Jackson County, 18-19. 

25 Agriculture Schedules, Seventh Census, 1850, Haywood County, 453 
Eisrhth Census, 1860, Jackson County, 18-19. 

28 Agriculture Schedules, Seventh Census, 1850, Haywood County, 453 
Eighth Census, 1860, Jackson County, 18-19. 

27 Agriculture Schedules, Seventh Census, 1850, Haywood County, 453 
Eighth Census, 1860, 18-19, and Ninth Census, 1870, Jackson County. 



The Oconaluftee Valley, 1800-1860 423 

and 12 hogs. His efforts yielded 14 bushels of rye, 6 of wheat, 
10 of oats, 300 of corn, and 50 pounds of tobacco. A few 
inhabitants were more prosperous than Enloe or of smaller 
means than young Beck, but the economic position of most 
lay within these indicated bounds. 28 

Virtually all of the adult males were farmers, yet oc- 
casionally one found employment as a miller, mechanic, 
blacksmith, or tanner. The principal industrial installation 
near the Oconaluftee was the Mingus Creek Mill; it used an 
overshot water wheel and was employed principally for 
grinding corn. In 1886, it was replaced by a turbine mill 
which is still standing. 29 

The valley of the Oconaluftee not only provided unusual 
opportunities for prosperous agricultural development, but 
its upper reaches afforded the best route for crossing the 
Smokies into Tennessee. Long before white settlers had 
penetrated these lands, the Indians had come to use this 
Indian Gap Trail as one of their principal trading paths in 
the whole mountain region. It is interesting to note that when 
a turnpike road was projected in the 1830's to approximate 
the route of the early Indian path, one of its prime supporters 
was Colonel William H. Thomas, the Cherokee agent. 30 

The Oconaluftee Turnpike Company was chartered by 
the North Carolina legislature in 1832. Among the commis- 
sioners for the road were Samuel Sherill, John Beck, and 
Abraham Enloe. 31 The actual work advanced slowly. Even 
when it was opened to use one observer referred to it as 
a "mule path." 32 However, it appears that large numbers of 
cattle and hogs were driven over it from East Tennessee. 
In the lower part of the valley these numbers were aug- 
mented by local stock and all were driven to market usually 
in the towns of upper South Carolina. 33 The road also helped 

28 Agriculture Schedules, Seventh Census, 1850, Haywood County, 453; 
Eighth Census, 1860, 18-19, Ninth Census, 1870, Jackson County. See also 
the inventory of the estate of John Beck, Wills, Jackson County, I, 74-77. 

29 Population Schedules, Seventh Census, 1850, Haywood County, 165, 
167; Wilburn, Mingus Creek Mill. 

80 Wilburn, "Indian Gap Trail"; Myers, "Indian Trails," 771-775. 

81 Wilburn, "Indian Gap Trail." 

82 Avery and Boardman, "Arnold Guyot's Notes," 284. 

33 Wilburn, "Indian Gap Trail"; Minutes of the Macon County Court, 
Clerk's Office, Franklin, March 28, 1829, 16. 



424 The North Carolina Historical Review 

to promote contact with the settlements on the forks of the 
Little Pigeon River in East Tennessee. 34 

The scarcity of records makes it difficult to determine how 
much contact the inhabitants of the valley had with the out- 
side world. As a part of Haywood County, "Oconolufty" 
was named as an election precinct in 1831. From time to 
time the county court appointed road jurors and impaneled 
individuals to serve on trial juries from the area. 35 There is 
meager evidence that the farmers of the valley had business 
dealings with firms and individuals at the county seat at 
Waynesville, and periodic meetings were held with associated 
church groups. 36 

Indeed the religious institutions loomed large in the lives 
of these early settlers. The principal denomination along the 
Oconaluftee as in so many other pioneer communities was the 
Baptist. Records of other faiths have not come to light, but 
membership in a Baptist congregation was so widely held in 
the valley that other denominations could have been of but 
secondary importance in the picture of local religious life. 

The Lufty Baptist Church was constituted as a separate 
congregation in 1836. Among its charter members were listed 
such prominent residents of the valley as John Jacob Mingus 
and three of his sons, Robert Collins, John and Samuel Beck, 
and Samuel Conner. Prayer meetings and church business 
meetings were held alternately at the residences of Samuel 
Conner on the West Fork, and John Jacob Mingus on the 
Bradley Fork until a church was erected on land donated 
by John Beck. 37 

The membership concerned itself with a number of mat- 
ters of church business and morals. A moderator and deacons 
were chosen periodically, new members were received and 
a letter of "dismission" was granted to persons moving to 
other places. The congregation was called upon to review 



34 See references to East Tennesseans in Lufty Baptist Church Minutes, 
manuscript in the possession of Mrs. Ben Fisher, Smokemont, National 
Park, microfilm copy on file, State Department of Archives and History, 
and photocopy in the Library, National Park, I, 5, 11, 52; Wills, Jackson 
County, I, 74-77; Arthur, Western North Carolina, 209. 

86 Minutes of Haywood County Court, June 30, 1831, Book J, 12. 
"Wills, Haywood County, Book %, 44-47. 

87 Minutes of the Lufty Baptist Church, I, 6 (of the Introduction). 



The Oconaluftee Valley, 1800-1860 425 

the conduct of certain members and occasionally one was 
dismissed from the brotherhood. Delegates were chosen to 
travel to associational meetings in places as distant as Cul- 
lowhee and northern Georgia. 38 

Census data on literacy indicates that there was some 
effort, however sporadic, to provide opportunities for formal 
education in the valley. Often the heads of the earlier house- 
holds could read and write, although in many instances their 
wives were not literate. In some families where the parents 
were not literate, their children were afforded the chance to 
attend school from time to time. 39 There are occasional refer- 
ences to individual teachers in the later period, but they 
provide no answers to the numerous questions which must 
arise concerning the educational methods in that place and 
time. 

The available documents might provide longer and more 
detailed studies of certain aspects of life in the "Lufty" Val- 
ley, but the foregoing summarizes the information to be 
gleaned from such sources. The picture is one of a relatively 
prosperous community made up of devout, hard-working 
people. One does not get the impression of a society left 
behind but rather of one whose vitality would compare most 
favorably with that found on frontiers elsewhere in the mid- 
nineteenth century. 

On the other hand there may be discerned here the seeds 
of mountaineer isolation and "backwardness." The large fam- 
ilies led to ever-increasing demand for farms for the young 
adult males. This led inexorably to the lands on the more 
remote tributaries of the Oconaluftee in narrower valleys 
and on steeper hillsides. 40 The tempo of life here was no 
match for that in a nation of expanding industries, burgeon- 
ing cities, and rapid transportation and communication. It 
may be that Kephart's people were not so "backward" as 
the rest of the nation was "forward." Much needs to be done 



38 Minutes of the Lufty Baptist Church, I, 1, 6; typed copy of an auto- 
biographical account by Edward Clarence Conner, a former resident, files, 
National Park Headquarters. 

89 Population Schedules, Seventh Census, 1850, Haywood County, 165-167. 

40 For pertinent data on this secondary migration, see North Carolina 
Park Commission, Land Title Abstracts, III, 1-21, 566-598; IV, 148-178, 
777-802, 862-880. 



426 The North Carolina Historical Review 

in analyzing the documents of the later period to seek an 
explanation for the increased isolation of the mountain regions 
from the currents of the twentieth century. 

But in a sense, the study of mountain culture is entering 
a new and highly significant phase. The Western North Caro- 
lina Historical Association founded in 1952, has launched an 
ambitious program to encourage research and publication in 
the field of mountain history. 41 Mrs. Wilma Dykeman Stokely 
is following her important study of the French Broad River 
country with one on the Great Smokies. 42 

The renewed interest in pioneer culture by the Great 
Smoky Mountains National Park will make a worth-while 
contribution to the knowledge of the subject as well as to 
tourist interest. Although the beginnings of a pioneer culture 
program were undertaken by H. C. Wilburn and others in 
the 1930's, it was forced by circumstances to take a secondary 
place because of the emphasis on natural history. Pioneer 
artifacts gathered in the 1930's by Charles S. Grossman and 
other National Park Service personnel will soon be displayed 
in a new pioneer museum to be located in the Oconaluftee 
Valley. The museum will house the collections which have 
been accumulated and catalogued, and a continuing program 
of historical research and interpretation will take shape in 
the years to come. 

These recent developments cannot help but produce new 
insight into the culture of the mountains of western North 
Carolina. But every encouragement must be given to this 
work for time is short. Every year marks the passing of older 
settlers who may possess or know of the existence of docu- 
mentary material, and the lapse of time increases the oppor- 
tunity for the loss or destruction of such papers. They must 
be preserved, and only through the selfless co-operation of 
interested individuals and organizations can this worthy work 
be brought to a successful conclusion. 

41 Clarence W. Griffin, "History and Progress of the Western North 
Carolina Historical Association," The North Carolina Historical Review, 
XXXIII (April, 1956), 202-212. 

42 "Historical News," The North Carolina Historical Review, XXXIV 
(July, 1957), 449-450. 



APPLETON OAKSMITH, FILIBUSTER AGENT 

By John J. TePaske* 

No phase of the manifest-destiny movement created more 
excitement in the American press than the Nicaraguan expe- 
dition of the filibuster William Walker. 1 In this, "the most 
audacious piece of unofficial imperialism in the history of 
American foreign politics," 2 Walker planned to establish a 
Central American empire that would ultimately include Span- 
ish Cuba. Whether Walker's conquests were, like Texas, to 
be annexed to the Union is conjectural, but in the United 
States he had many adherents. Of these none labored more 
earnestly to organize American support for the Nicaraguan 
undertaking than Appleton Oaksmith, the filibuster's chief 
agent during 1856. 

Oaksmith's place in this enterprise has received little at- 
tention. In his own narrative Walker fails to recognize this 
ambitious manipulator, who became his chief diplomat, 3 
supply agent, recruiter, and financier in the United States. 
Oaksmith's papers have lain in the musty, termite-ridden 
attic of his North Carolina home for almost eighty years. 
Their discovery now reveals Oaksmith's vital importance to 
the Walker cause and brings to light new information about 
filibuster organization and techniques during this restless era. 

A brief narrative of Oaksmith's kaleidoscopic career will 
best explain the underlying motives for his participation in 
Walker's venture. 

He was born on St. Valentine's Day of 1827 in Portland, 

* Mr. John J. TePaske is an Assistant Professor of History at Memphis 
State University, Memphis, Tennessee. 

1 The standard work on Walker's expedition is W. 0. Scroggs, Filibusters 
and Financiers (New York, 1916), hereinafter cited as Scroggs, Filibusters 
and Financiers. Walker's own account, War in Nicaragua (Mobile, 1860), 
is the best military narrative. 

2 Quoted from Dexter Perkins, The Monroe Doctrine, 1 826-1 S 67 (Balti- 
more, 1933), 230. 

8 Oaksmith's diplomatic activities constitute a separate story, but his 
duties as Minister Plenipotentiary of Nicaragua to the United States took 
much of his time and effort during the summer and fall of 1856. 



[ 427 ] 



428 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Maine. 4 Although he had no formal education, he learned 
from his cultured mother, who taught him four languages 
and stimulated his interest in the arts and sciences. 5 In 1843 
he added to these already varied studies by sailing to the 
Orient. Two years later he returned to the new family home 
in New York City. 

By 1845 travel and reading had developed the eighteen- 
year-old Oaksmith into an urbane man of experience, but they 
did not prevent a costly involvement with a charming New 
York woman. Debts incurred during this affair became so 
oppressive that they caused his hurried departure for Panama 
in 1847. 6 Here he spent three uneventful years as a shipping 
agent. Unhappy in the tropics, Oaksmith then went to San 
Francisco to pursue the same occupation. He also became a 
leading member of a vigilance committee, established after 
the great fire of 1851 to deal with lawlessness in the devas- 
tated city. 

His shipping agency was a dismal failure. He therefore 
bought a small ship with money obtained from a law suit 
and in 1851 put to sea. He visited Mexico, Peru, Brazil, 
and finally Africa, where he evidently hoped to secure a 
cargo of slaves. 7 As he sailed up the Congo River in June, 
1852, hostile natives attacked his ship. Luckily for the har- 

* His father was Seba Smith, a Portland newspaper editor; his mother 
was Elizabeth Oakes Prince Smith, a poet and writer. Both achieved 
prominence in mid-nineteenth century American literary circles. See the 
sketch of Elizabeth Oakes Prince Smith by Louise M. Moore and Robert 
W. Bolwell, and of Seba Smith by Mary Alice Wyman, Dumas Malone and 
Others, Dictionary of American Biography (New York: 20 volumes and 
index [with Supplementary Volumes XXI and XXII], 1928-), XVII, 260-261 
and 345-346 respectively. See also Mary Alice Wyman, Selections from the 
Autobiography of Elizabeth Oakes Smith (Lewiston, 1924), and Two 
American Pioneers (New York, 1926). The manuscript autobiography of 
Elizabeth Oakes Smith is in the Elizabeth Oakes Smith Collection, New 
York Public Library. Appleton received his first name from a former 
president of Bowdoin College, of which his father was an alumnus. He 
adopted the name Oaksmith early in his career to have a more distinguished 
title for his business activities. 

6 Weekly Record (Beaufort), November 18, 1887. 

6 Journal of Appleton Oaksmith, Acapulco, Mexico, April 18, 1851. 
Appleton Oaksmith Papers, Manuscript Division, Duke University Library, 
Durham, hereinafter cited as Oaksmith Papers. 

7 Despite Oaksmith's vigorous denials, the suspicion of Brazilian officials 
that his ship was a slaver, his own failure to denote the intended cargo, 
and the native attack on his ship all lead to the conclusion that he was 
seeking slaves. For Oaksmith's denials see Journal of Appleton Oaksmith, 
At Sea, April 26, 1852, Oaksmith Papers. 



Appleton Oaksmith, Filibuster Agent 429 

assed Oaksmith, a nearby British man-of-war intervened at 
the last moment and beat back the savages. 8 This incident, 
however, forced him to leave Africa without his intended 
cargo. Late in 1852, after a stop in Haiti, he returned to 
New York. 

A more sedentary life proved less exciting but more profit- 
able for Oaksmith. In New York he established another ship- 
ping firm and became immediately successful, but this pros- 
perity lasted only a short time. In 1855 he became enmeshed 
in the abortive Quitman scheme to supply Cuban revolu- 
tionists with arms and ammunition. 9 A year later his activities 
on behalf of William Walker entangled him in even deeper 
financial troubles, wiping out whatever wealth and reputa- 
tion he may have acquired before 1855. From 1857 to 1861 
he became successively a magazine editor, railroad specu- 
lator, and paper mill owner. 

Oaksmith also drifted into politics and became an active 
member of New York's Tammany Hall. Working through this 
organization, he and others arranged mass meetings to work 
up support for Walker in 1856. 10 Later in 1861 he became 
a leader of Tammany's Union League— a committee of New 
York Democrats seeking peaceful solutions to sectional prob- 
lems. As one of three commissioners appointed by the League, 
Oaksmith was to discuss grievances with leading southern 
statesmen and consider conciliatory proposals. 11 Unfortu- 
nately, he and his two cohorts never carried out their charge. 
War broke out in April, 1861, forcing the League to abandon 
its plans. 

Oaksmith's return to the shipping business at the begin- 
ning of the Civil War marked his investment in another illicit 
enterprise. In the fall of 1861, he outfitted a slaver in Boston, 
hotbed of New England abolitionism. Not even a pro-slave 

8 Journal of Appleton Oaksmith, off Shark's Point on the Congo River, 
June 27, 1852, Oaksmith Papers. 

9 Oaksmith's part in this venture is set forth in the Journal of Appleton 
Oaksmith, May 26, 1855-October 18, 1855, Oaksmith Collection, Southern 
Historical Collection, University of North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill, 
hereinafter cited as Oaksmith Collection. 

10 See the New York Herald, May 10 and May 24, 1856, and the discussion 
of the episodes below. 

11 Copy of credentials given to Appleton Oaksmith by the Union League, 
New York, January 28, 1861, Oaksmith Papers. 



430 The North Carolina Historical Review 

speech in Old North Church could have created more of a 
stir, and in December he was indicted for his part in the 
venture. Imprisoned at Fort Lafayette, he had nine months 
to mull over his indiscretion while awaiting trial. In the mean- 
time, however, with the help of friends who bribed his guards, 
Oaksmith escaped to Portland, Maine, where he was sheltered 
by his maternal grandmother. 12 Here he stayed until late in 
1863 when he left for England. 

In England he became captain of a blockade runner. Sail- 
ing between Liverpool and Galveston, Texas, Oaksmith pro- 
vided the Confederacy with English guns and ammunition 
in return for southern cotton. His first voyage early in 1864 
was without incident, but on his second trip later in the year, 
a fast Union frigate overtook him near Galveston. He ulti- 
mately had to abandon his ship and its valuable cargo, escap- 
ing in a small boat. After some time spent floating in the Gulf 
of Mexico, he reached Tampico and from there got passage 
back to England. 13 

Oaksmith could not return to the United States at the close 
of the war because of the Boston slave-trading charge still 
pending against him. Thus he remained in England where 
he continued to make his living as a sea captain. In 1869, 
however, he left this nomadic life to become associate editor 
of the London Cosmopolitan. During the Franco-Prussian 
War, he went to France as correspondent for the London 
Globe. 141 At the same time, he helped draw up a plan to fur- 
nish military and naval supplies to the embattled French. 15 
Again, whatever hopes he entertained for quick profits van- 
ished. The French surrendered before the plan could be put 
into effect. 

Oaksmith was nostalgic for the United States after eight 
long years in a foreign land. Hoping the passions of war had 

12 Boston Herald, January 6, 1862, and the Raleigh News, July 11, 1879, 
which prints an account of the Boston Herald, September 11, 1862. 

13 The details of the escape were provided by Oaksmith's daughters, Mrs. 
Dorothy Agrillo and Miss Geraldine Oaksmith in an interview in Brooklyn, 
New York, April 13, 1952. 

14 Articles written by Oaksmith for both the Cosmopolitan and the Globe 
may be found in a scrapbook in the Oaksmith Papers. 

15 Agreement over the formation of the William Frear Company, London, 
December 12, 1870, Oaksmith Papers. 



Appleton Oaksmith, Filibuster Agent 431 

cooled, he and his family left England in June, 1872, on Oak- 
smith's vessel, the "Troubadour." A few months later he 
dropped anchor in Beaufort Harbor, North Carolina. On the 
outskirts of nearby Morehead City, he and his family made 
their home. 

The slave-trading affair still hung ominously over him, 
and early in 1873 he went to Washington in an effort to erase 
the stigma of this unfortunate act. The story of this visit is 
still circulated in the Morehead City area. Oaksmith, it ap- 
pears, obtained a personal interview with President Grant 
without disclosing his true identity. After a short conference, 
Grant signed a pardon for him. When the President asked 
why he pleaded so earnestly for this man, Oaksmith smugly 
replied, "Because I am Appleton Oaksmith." 1G Thus absolved, 
he returned to North Carolina. 

As his first southern business venture he accepted the gen- 
eral managership of the Midland North Carolina Railway 
Company. This organization hoped to build a railroad from 
Knoxville, Tennessee, across North Carolina to a proposed 
terminus in Beaufort. 17 As spokesman for the company, Oak- 
smith went before the House of Representatives in Raleigh in 
February, 1873, but failed to persuade skeptical legislators to 
finance the railway. 18 A visit to England for the same purpose 
later in the year proved equally unrewarding. 19 Returning to 
Beaufort, he resigned his post with the railroad early in 
1874. 20 

After this business failure Oaksmith entered local politics. 
In 1874 he won election to the North Carolina House of 
Representatives on the Republican ticket, which opposed 
the Ku-Klux Klan. In the House he introduced a bill author- 
izing his Carteret County constituents to compromise their 

16 This account was related by Mr. Leslie Davis of Beaufort, in an inter- 
view on December 14, 1951. 

17 The Midland North Carolina Railway Company Charter, New Bern, 
February 12, 1873, Oaksmith Papers. 

^John Morehead to Appleton Oaksmith, Charlotte, February 23, 1873, 
Oaksmith Papers. 

19 Oaksmith wrote glowing accounts of economic possibilities in North 
Carolina. See the article by him entitled, "North Carolina and Her Future," 
Cosmopolitan (London), August 28, 1873. 

20 Minutes of the meeting of the Board of Directors, Midland North Caro- 
lina Railway Company, New Bern, April 9, 1874, Oaksmith Papers. 



432 The North Carolina Historical Review 

state debts. 21 He also introduced and was instrumental in 
the passage of a bill repealing the Beaufort town charter. 22 
Otherwise his term in the House merited little attention, and 
he did not return to Raleigh for another term. 

Failure, sickness, and tragedy highlighted Oaksmith's last 
years. In an effort to contest Wilmington's monopoly of North 
Carolina shipping, he proposed the dredging of the Neuse 
River and Beaufort Harbor. 23 He also advocated the erection 
of dry docks in the Morehead City area. 24 Another far-sighted 
plan called for the development of nearby beaches into resort 
playgrounds. 25 Oaksmith schemed and connived to see these 
projects through, but lack of financial backing, an unreceptive 
populace, and restricting malaria attacks frustrated him at 
every turn. Only through the labor of his devoted wife 
Augusta, who operated a small ships' store on the shores of 
Beaufort Harbor, was his family able to survive. 

Hand in hand with business setbacks came severe attacks 
of malaria. 26 The tragic drowning of his four daughters on 
a holiday outing in 1879 only weakened him more and upset 
his already precarious mental and physical balance. 27 In 1886 
care by specialists in New York City evidently cured him of 
his recurring malady, and he returned to North Carolina. 28 
The next year, however, he suffered another seizure, this 
time accompanied by paralysis. He again went to New York 
for treatment but failed to recover. Oaksmith died there on 
October 29, 1887. 

Underlying motives, in any case, are difficult to determine. 
Yet a brief look at Oaksmith's varied career indicates that 



21 Journal of the House of Representatives of the General Assembly of 
the State of North Carolina at its Session of 1874-75 (Raleigh, 1875), 
252-253, hereinafter cited Journal of the House, 1874-75. 

22 Journal of the House, 1874-75, 507, 535-536. 

23 Appleton Oaksmith to the United States Engineer's Office at Norfolk, 
Hollywood, August 24, 1878, Oaksmith Papers. 

24 Contract for the establishment of the Beaufort Marine Railway Com- 
pany, New York, November 12, 1877, Oaksmith Papers. 

25 Appleton Oaksmith to J. W. Seligman, Hollywood, July 30, 1879, Oak- 
smith Papers. 

26 Alvin Oaksmith to Appleton Oaksmith, Patchogue, June 8, 1877, Oak- 
smith Papers. 

27 Appleton Oaksmith to Zebulon Vance, Hollywood, December 9, 1879, 
Oaksmith Papers. 

28 Appleton Oaksmith to Elizabeth Oakes Smith, New York, August 15, 
1886, Oaksmith Collection. This letter describes his stay in New York. 



Appleton Oaksmith, Filibuster Agent 433 

association with the Nicaraguan enterprise was entirely in 
keeping with his character. Time after time his impetuosity 
threw him into similar activities in many corners of the world. 
Imaginative but questionable schemes with possibilities of 
big profits inevitably attracted him, whether these were sup- 
plying a filibuster with guns and equipment, fitting out a 
slaver, or running a blockade. As an experienced sea captain 
and dealer in supplies, he could realize high profits should 
his dangerous investments prove successful. Quick to gamble, 
Oaksmith surely loved the excitement surrounding his adven- 
tures. A less apparent but significant motive for his filibuster 
predilection was his drive for fame. Walker's victory in Nica- 
ragua would have assured him an important place in the 
filibuster's Central American empire, in a little pond, it is 
true, but still he could have won the prominence he desired. 

The immediate cause of his interest in Walker is more 
apparent. On March 18, 1856, General Domingo Goicouria, 
the Cuban patriot and Oaksmith's intimate friend and asso- 
ciate in 1855, wrote from Granada, Nicaragua, requesting 
two hundred rifles and sufficient cartridges for them. 29 Oak- 
smith immediately settled a law suit with the New York 
supply house, William Hitchcock and Company, and opened 
the way for procurement of supplies for Walker. 30 

In New York he became acquainted with the filibuster's 
most avid supporters. In April he met Major George Hall, 
hero of the Mexican War, son of a former Brooklyn mayor, 
and Walker's principal agent in New York at that time. It 
was Hall who obtained and sent supplies and recruits from 
the Atlantic States to Nicaragua on the ships of the financier 
Cornelius Vanderbilt. It was this same Hall who enlisted 
Oaksmith's help in planning a mass meeting to stir up support 
for Walker in New York City. 

Tammany Hall members played a large part in fostering 
the filibuster cause in New York, and Oaksmith joined them 
on May 6 to draw up plans for the mass meeting. Conspicuous 

29 General Domingo Goicouria to Appleton Oaksmith, Granada, March 18, 
1856, Oaksmith Papers. 

80 Agreement between Appleton Oaksmith and William Hitchcock and 
Company, New York, April 14, 1856, Oaksmith Papers. 



434 The North Carolina Historical Review 

among the pompous schemers at the Saint Charles Saloon 
were Hall and Tammany politicians like John Clancy, New 
York City Alderman from the Fifth Ward. 31 They set May 9 
as the date for the public gathering in National Hall. It was 
to express sympathy with the cause of liberty in Nicaragua 
and to obtain pledges of money and supplies for Walker's 
"struggling patriots." Their handbill vigorously headlined: 
"No pent up Utica contracts our powers. The whole boundless 
continent is ours." 32 

The Saloon conference also drew up an imposing slate of 
speakers. Among those asked to attend— with two days' no- 
tice—were the Democratic presidential aspirants Stephen A. 
Douglas of Illinois and Lewis Cass of Michigan. Other lumi- 
naries included Robert Toombs and Alexander Morton of 
Georgia, Judah P. Benjamin of Louisiana, John Quitman of 
Mississippi, J. B. Weller of California, and Hiram Walbridge, 
Daniel Sickels, and Gilbert Dean of New York. Even today, 
in the age of the jet airliner, two days warning for such an 
occasion would be extremely presumptuous. In 1856 it was 
preposterous. The New York Daily Tribune noted that it 
would be easy to excuse the absence of the distinguished 
orators whose names were obviously being used to attract a 
crowd. Perhaps the notice of the meeting meant to invite 
the speakers as well as the audience. Surely the crowd would 
have to be content with the "smaller fry." 33 

The May 9 meeting was nonetheless large and enthusiastic. 
A noisy crowd of 1,500 people filled National Hall and spilled 
over onto the steps outside. Though none of the important 
speakers appeared, the Tammany Hall "smaller fry" on the 
rostrum read telegrams from both Cass and Morton, which 
expressed sympathy with the meeting. Oaksmith read the 
resolutions drawn up by the planning conference, three of 
which stood out. First, the United States should recognize 
the Walker Government in Nicaragua; second, the United 
States should renounce the neutrality laws which prevented 
American recruits from going to Walker's aid; third, financial 

81 New York Daily Tribune, May 7, 1856. 

82 Original draft of handbill, New York, May 6, 1856, Oaksmith Papers. 
33 New York Daily Tribune, May 9, 1856. 



35 
36 



Appleton Oaksmith, Filibuster Agent 435 

help must be given Walker to carry on his campaign in Cen- 
tral America. Several august politicians like John Clancy 
delivered eloquent manifest-destiny speeches. H. N. Wild, a 
New York City Councilman, pledged five hundred rifles and 
five hundred thousand cartridges for Walker. He commented 
that he would rather see them sent to Nicaragua than to 
Kansas. 34 

Press reaction to the gathering varied. The New York Daily 
News applauded the "intense and profound attachment of 
the true people to the cause of liberty in Central America." 
Strong support also came from the Herald and the Sun. 
Among the opponents, the New York Daily Times pointed 
out that the "Democrats of Tammany never presented a more 
imposing list, and never fell further from fulfillment of their 
promises." 37 The Mirror classed the leaders of the meeting 
as "politicians of the office seeking stamp." 38 The Evening 
Express joined the critics of the meeting with less caustic 
but derogatory comments. 39 

Response to the meeting could not have delighted its 
planners more. The adulation of the overflow crowd and the 
appearance of their names in all the New York newspapers 
prompted plans for another, larger gathering. Forsaking the 
Saint Charles Saloon for the more elegant Astor House, Oak- 
smith and his cohorts met on May 16 to lay plans for a May 23 
meeting. Elaborate preparations called for one hundred can- 
non to announce the assembly, this time to be held in the 
park rather than National Hall in order to accommodate a 
larger crowd. The attraction of the cannon made an impres- 
sive list of speakers unnecessary, for the new slate was much 
less pretentious than the previous one. Press relations became 
Oaksmith's charge while Clancy, Wild, Hall, and others ar- 
ranged for the cannon, invitations, music, and speakers. 



40 



34 New York Herald, May 10, 1856. 

35 New York Daily News, May 10, 1856. 

36 New York Herald, May 10, 1856; Sun (New York), May 10, 1856. 

37 New York Daily Times, May 10, 1856. 

38 Evening Mirror, (New York), May 10, 1856. 
89 New York Evening Express, May 10, 1856. 

40 Minutes of the planning conference, New York, May 16, 1856, Oak- 
smith Papers. 



436 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Tammany's artillery did its job well. The guns enticed 
between five and fifteen thousand people into the park. 41 
Except for the booming of the cannon and the marked in- 
crease in attendance, the second meeting followed the pat- 
tern set by the first. The same militant speeches prefaced 
pleas of aid for Walker. From the podium Oaksmith repeated 
the resolutions of the previous meeting, reveling in his new- 
found glory. Despite the noise of the crowd, which at times 
bordered on rowdyism, there is no record that this enthusiasm 
brought about donations or promises such as H. N. Wild 
had given earlier. 42 

At the close of the meeting, its leaders and most of the 
raucous audience organized an impromptu parade. Led by 
the music of Shelton's band, they stepped gaily up Broadway 
to the Metropolitan Hotel, temporary residence of Walker's 
new Minister to the United States, Padre Agustin Vijil. The 
crowd called noisily for the Padre, who finally appeared on 
the balcony of the hotel. He thanked the crowd for its recep- 
tion with a few remarks in Spanish, interpreted by the ubiqui- 
tous Oaksmith. The parade then moved down Broadway and 
dispersed. 43 Press comments on the second meeting and the 
parade differed little from reactions to the first, as the New 
York papers hewed to the same lines. 

Major Hall also led Oaksmith into recruiting for the fili- 
buster cause. Early in 1856 Hall had encountered many obsta- 
cles in securing men for Walker, largely because of the vigor- 
ously upright District Attorney of New York, John McKeon. 
McKeon had challenged the legality of Hall's methods and 
attempted to prosecute all those Hall enlisted to fight in 
Central America. 44 A second difficulty was the opposition of 
Cornelius Vanderbilt, who possessed the charter of the Acces- 
sory Transit Company and owned the ships on which recruits 
travelled to Nicaragua. Initially, he offered free passage for 
250 volunteers. Then in March, 1856, Walker turned the 
charter over to Charles Morgan and Cornelius Garrison, two 

a The hostile New York Tribune estimated 5,000 while the sympathetic 
New York Herald estimated 15,000. 

42 New York Herald, May 24, 1856. 

43 New York Herald, May 24, 1856. 

44 Scroggs, Filibusters and Financiers, 140-148. 



Appleton Oaksmith, Filibuster Agent 437 

former officers of the Accessory Transit Company. Vanderbilt 
was enraged and vowed to destroy Walker and his ex- 
employees. 45 At the same time, he offered Oaksmith a high- 
paying position with his firm for assistance in wrecking the 
filibuster movement and in ruining Morgan and Garrison. 
Oaksmith refused the tempting offer, however, and cast his 
lot with the filibusters. He had already tasted imminent glory 
in the two mass meetings. 46 Still, the interval between Wal- 
ker's confiscation of Vanderbilt's charter and the reinstitution 
of the Nicaraguan run by Morgan and Garrison was critical, 
as it left Hall without ships for carrying recruits to Central 
America. 

Weary of these troubles and impressed by Oaksmith's 
enthusiastic backing of the two mass meetings, Hall placed 
all recruiting correspondence in Oaksmith's hands and 
charged him with organization of a new recruiting system. 47 
Oaksmith immediately began to answer inquiries from all 
parts of the United States about ways of joining Walker. 
He invited interested volunteers to act as his procurement 
officers in their home towns. 48 To insure discipline on the 
voyage to Nicaragua, he encouraged those enlisting from the 
same area to choose officers before they left for embarkation 
in New York. 49 Oaksmith clearly pointed out, however, that 
agents for Walker's government could not sign military re- 
cruits, only emigrants. 50 All volunteers thus became ostensible 
emigrants, as Oaksmith worked to circumvent any legal diffi- 
culties with McKeon and to prevent another "Crampton 
Affair." 51 



45 Scroggs, Filibusters and Financiers, 152. 

46 There is no documentary evidence of such a meeting, but the account 
of Vanderbilt's proposal to Oaksmith was given by Mrs. Dorothy Agrillo in 
an interview in Brooklyn, New York, April 13, 1952. Oaksmith and Vander- 
bilt were acquainted, however, and corresponded later about another matter. 

47 Oaksmith Papers for late 1855 and early 1856 contain many letters to 
Hall requesting information about Walker. 

48 See papers for the month of June, 1856, passim, Oaksmith Papers. 

49 Appleton Oaksmith to James Neal, New York, June 14, 1856, Oaksmith 
Papers. 

60 Appleton Oaksmith to E. D. Denson, New York, June 14, 1856, Oak- 
smith Papers. 

51 John F. Crampton was a British diplomat accused by the United States 
Government of recruiting illegally for the British Army in the United 
States. See Richard W. Van Alstyne, "John F. Crampton, Conspirator or 
Dupe?" American Historical Review, XLI (1936), 493-502. 



438 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Oaksmith could not miss the opportunity to make a per- 
sonal visit to Nicaragua and interrupted his recruiting activi- 
ties in the early summer of 1856. On June 24 he left New 
York on the "Orizaba" to attend Walker's inauguration. On 
board the ship were a number of filibusters and many war 
supplies for the filibuster, yet the New York Herald wrote: 

The only persons known to have filibustering tendencies that 
went off with the steamer were, Major George Hall, of Northern 
Light notoriety, and Appleton Oaksmith Esq. . . . These two 
gentlemen stood alone high up on the roof of the hurricane deck, 
and as the ship left the dock, they waved their handkerchiefs and 
smoked their segars [sic] in a perfect halo of present satisfaction 
and prospective glory. 52 

Prospective glory was theirs, or at least imposing titles. Hall 
remained in Nicaragua as Commissary General of Walker's 
Army while Oaksmith became Minister Plenopotentiary of 
Nicaragua to the United States and Agent of the Nicaraguan 
Government. 

Upon his return to the United States, Oaksmith optimisti- 
cally laid down a plan of recruit procurement similar to one 
used by Walker's agents in New Orleans in 1855. 53 This new 
scheme established a Nicaraguan Emigration Agency, headed 
by a certain Alexander Lawrence. Its outward purpose was 
supplying information to the public on settlement prospects 
in Nicaragua; its more clandestine aim was to provide a 
clearing house for recruits and adventurers under the guise 
of a settlement promotion agency. 

On August 28 the New York newspapers announced Oak- 
smith's plan. He offered single men 250 acres of Nicaraguan 
land and families 350 acres. Those taking advantage of the 
offer were to relinquish a parcel of this land to Lawrence, 
who would use it as his agency's capital stock. Single men 
gave up one hundred acres and families two hundred acres. 
Single men desiring free passage to Nicaragua gave Morgan 
and Garrison an additional sixty-six acres while families 



New York Herald, June 25, 1856. 
Scroggs, Filibusters and Financiers, 139. 



Appleton Oaksmith, Filibuster Agent 439 

donated 133 acres. The Colonization Director of Nicaragua 
would allot the land upon the emigrant's arrival. 54 

Response to the plan was meager indeed, for its ingenious 
provisions ultimately promised little to the prospective set- 
tler. A family emigrating to Nicaragua free received only 
seventeen of the 350 acres originally granted. Eighty-four 
acre plots for single men were more attractive, but there was 
no assurance their land would be anything but worthless 
tropical jungle. Nevertheless, while the agency failed to lure 
the steady, hard-working pioneer, it did provide a publicized 
information center for military prospects. 

Oaksmith also encouraged recruiting agents laboring under 
his old system. Early in September he promised financial 
support to Colonel Jack Allen, his principal recruiter in the 
Kentucky-Tennessee area. 55 In the same month he appointed 
a new agent in New Orleans 56 and sent two more into the 
Southwest. 57 He also bolstered the few semi-official recruiters 
in smaller cities and towns. 

Oaksmith's early efforts had revitalized the recruiting work, 
but by September lack of co-ordination among Walker's ad- 
herents led to a decline in the number of men obtained. In 
August, for example, Fermin Ferrer, Walker's Secretary of 
State, signed an emigration agreement with a General Wil- 
liam Cazneau of Texas. In negotiations conducted without 
Oaksmith's knowledge, the Texan was granted the right to 
procure 1,000 able-bodied colonists for Nicaragua. 58 On 
September 13 Cazneau wrote Oaksmith requesting details 
on travel arrangements. 59 In his cautious reply Oaksmith 
asked more information about Cazneau's activities. 60 The 
General arrogantly refused to give any details, stating that 



64 New York Herald, August 28, 1856. See also the Emigration Agree- 
ment, New York, August 30, 1856, Oaksmith Papers. 

55 Appleton Oaksmith to Colonel Jack Allen, New York, September 1, 
1856, Oaksmith Papers. 

56 Appleton Oaksmith to William Walker, New York, September 11, 1856, 
Oaksmith Papers. 

57 Appleton Oaksmith to William Walker, New York, September 23, 1856, 
Oaksmith Papers. 

58 Scroggs, Filibusters and Financiers, 236. 

59 William Cazneau to Appleton Oaksmith, New York, September 13, 
1856, Oaksmith Papers. 

60 Appleton Oaksmith to William Cazneau, New York, September 18, 
1856, Oaksmith Papers. 



440 The North Carolina Historical Review 

he was proceeding independently. 61 Later Oaksmith wrote 
to Walker with irritation that such unco-operative attitudes 
caused his plans to go "awry." 62 

Recruiting factionalism also developed in New Orleans. 
Here Colonel John Jaquess had served as Walker's chief 
recruiter until the fall of 1856. Then on September 28 Oak- 
smith appointed a new agent, Pierre Mancosos, to take over 
the New Orleans office. Jaquess immediately protested his 
ouster and requested equal status with Mancosos. 63 For al- 
most three weeks the New Orleans agents hurled strikingly 
bitter recriminations at one another with their reciprocal 
accusations of lavish spending, peculation, and indifference to 
the filibuster cause. Oaksmith finally smoothed out these 
difficulties by establishing two separate offices, but in the 
meantime recruiting work had suffered. 64 

Reports of the New Orleans agents and others indicate 
why Oaksmith's recruiting system collapsed in the fall of 
1856. Mancosos wrote pessimistically that "the approaching 
election engrosses all minds here" and that few would leave 
for Nicaragua. 65 Jaquess stated that failure to have ships 
ready to sail for Central America hampered his activities. 
Many of the men he had signed were returning to their 
homes. 66 Oaksmith believed that the inability of Walker to 
achieve a decisive military victory contributed to the scarcity 
of volunteers. 67 Newspaper accounts also painted a bleak 
picture of Walker's position and undoubtedly discouraged 
enlistments. Favorite themes of these papers were the sick- 
ness, poverty, death, and desertion, which were thinning the 

61 William Cazneau to Appleton Oaksmith, New York, September 19, 
1856, Oaksmith Papers. 

62 Appleton Oaksmith to William Walker, New York, September 22, 1856, 
Oaksmith Papers. 

63 John Jaquess to Appleton Oaksmith, New Orleans, October 2, 1856, 
Oaksmith Papers. 

64 Pierre Mancosos to Appleton Oaksmith, New Orleans, October 13, 1856, 
Oaksmith Papers. 

65 Pierre Mancosos to Appleton Oaksmith, New Orleans, October 13, 1856, 
Oaksmith Papers. 

68 John Jaquess to Appleton Oaksmith, New Orleans, October 2, 1856, 
Oaksmith Papers. 

67 Appleton Oaksmith to William Walker, New York, September 11, 
1856, Oaksmith Papers. 



Appleton Oaksmith, Filibuster Agent 441 

ranks of Walker's vagabond army. 68 Walker's decree of Sep- 
tember 22 establishing slavery in Nicaragua possibly deterred 
some Northern expansionists who would have fought for the 
filibuster. Oaksmith's earlier recruiting efforts had secured 
between five hundred and one thousand men, but by the end 
of October, he could persuade few new volunteers to go to 
Walker's assistance. 

In the procurement of supplies, Oaksmith walked on more 
familiar ground. His knowledge of trade and shipping had 
been acquired from ten years' experience. In New York he 
had the reputation of one who dealt extensively in arms, am- 
munition, and goods of war. 69 Walker could have found few 
men better fitted than Oaksmith to take on his supply prob- 
lems. 

He quickly proved his mettle by obtaining many goods for 
shipment to the filibuster despite his absorption in recruiting 
and propaganda work. Among the supplies he shipped on 
the "Orizaba" on June 24 were five hundred percussion mus- 
kets, one hundred Sharp's rifles, 120,000 cartridges for the 
muskets, and fifty thousand for the rifles. He also sent bacon, 
bread, camp kettles, coffee, crackers, fifes, spoons, and sugar. 70 
These articles, which he remitted on credit, were originally 
intended for the 1855 Cuban expedition. Now their shipment 
to Nicaragua filled Walker's needs and gave Oaksmith hope 
of salvaging his earlier investment. 

As Walker's official agent, he redoubled his supply procure- 
ment efforts upon his return from Central America in August. 
In Nicaragua the Quartermaster General's Department, the 
Ordnance Department, and the Commissary Department 
had given Oaksmith long lists of their needs. 71 Awaiting him 
upon his arrival in New York were more requests which he 
was expected to satisfy. 72 Altogether these requisitions pro- 

68 New York Daily Tribune, September 2, 1856. 

69 New York Herald, November 3, 1855. 

70 List of goods shipped on the "Orizaba," New York, June 24, 1856, Oak- 
smith Papers. 

71 Requisitions of the Nicaraguan Army, Granada, Nicaragua, July 16, 
1856, Oaksmith Papers. 

72 F. F. Fischer to Appleton Oaksmith, Granada, July 25, 1856, Oak- 
smith Papers. 



442 The North Carolina Historical Review 

vide an interesting commentary on Walker's situation. Those 
marked A listed absolute necessities; those marked B listed 
less significant items and so on to the G list. On the A requi- 
sition were account books, anvils, blankets, boots, buttons, 
drawers, hats, pants, kettles, and pots while arms and food 
were relegated to less important categories. 

Whether Oaksmith furnished supplies for the army depart- 
ments in order of their importance cannot be ascertained from 
receipts of goods sent; only medical articles have been item- 
ized. Still he achieved some success and provided 248 cases 
of war supplies for Walker in the fall of 1856. In September 
the "Texas" sailed with 103 cases in its hold; in October the 
"Tennessee" left the United States with 145 more, testimony 
to Oaksmith's skill in handling the filibuster's supply prob- 
lems. 73 

Hand in hand with his responsibilities as purchasing agent 
went the duty of executing contracts already concluded by 
Walkers followers in the United States. Such a contract was 
effected by Francisco Alejandro Laine, a Cuban friend of 
General Goicouria. Laine had made an agreement for five 
thousand Minie barreled rifles with Benjamin Perkins, a 
Worcester, Massachusetts, manufacturer. Under its terms 
the rifles would be ready for Walker on October 20, 1856, at 
a cost of $17.25 apiece. Financial arrangements called for a 
small cash down payment, but in the main, were predicated 
upon a proposed Nicaraguan bond issue. 74 Since Laine left 
the United States on the "Orizaba" the day after signing this 
contract, Oaksmith became obliged to fulfill its terms. 

When the October 20 deadline arrived, neither party could 
carry out its part of the bargain. Perkins had not manufac- 
tured the rifles, and Oaksmith had neither the cash down 
payment nor the promised Nicaraguan bonds. Thus, he and 
James Devoe, an agent for Perkins, made a supplementary 
agreement for 2,120 rifles instead of the five thousand origi- 
nally promised but with almost identical financial arrange- 

8 Receipts of goods shipped on the "Texas" and "Tennessee," New York, 
September and October, 1856, Oaksmith Papers. 

r * Contract between Benjamin Perkins and Francisco Alejandro Laine, 
Worcester, June 23, 1856, Oaksmith Papers. 



Appleton Oaksmith, Filibuster Agent 443 

ments. 75 Oaksmith also signed a large contract with William 
Hitchcock and Company tor five hundred Sharp's rifles, one 
thousand Minie rifles, five hundred Colt revolvers, five thou- 
sand blouses, five hundred sabers, and innumerable other 
items costing $250,000, again to be financed by the hoped-for 
bond issue. ' b This was by far the largest contract yet made 
for Walker but Oaksmith's last as the filibuster's official agent 
and ultimately his most miserable failure as supply negotiator. 

Oaksmith's real problem lay not in his inability to contract 
for supplies but in his inability to pay for them. While Wal- 
ker's backers in the United States were outspoken in support 
of his enterprise, they did not convert their effusiveness into 
dollars for Walker's treasury. All attempts to secure money 
from apparent friends of the filibuster in the United States 
failed miserably despite the pleas of Oaksmith, Morgan, and 
Garrison. 77 These men had made great financial sacrifices, 
albeit for personal prestige and profit; now they wished 
American believers in manifest destiny— for nobler motives— 
to do likewise. They were sadly disappointed. 

Twice during 1856 Walker lost superb opportunities to get 
aid and money from Cornelius Vanderbilt. In March the 
rich shipping magnate had offered free passage to 250 
volunteers, but Walker's untimely cancelling of the Transit 
Company's charter prevented recruiters in the United States 
from taking advantage of the offer. 78 Apparently, Vanderbilt 
was, or should have been, completely alienated by Walker's 
deed. Yet in August General Goicouria, who had returned 
to the United States, persuaded the then vengeful Commo- 
dore to advance the Nicaraguan Government $100,000 for 
return of his old transit rights. Vanderbilt promised an addi- 
tional $150,000 during the course of the year, once the bar- 
gain was carried out. 79 Either unaware of his backers' desper- 

75 Contract between James Devoe and Appleton Oaksmith, New York, 
October 22, 1856, Oaksmith Papers. 

76 Contract between William Hitchcock and Company and Appleton Oak- 
smith as agent for the Nicaraguan Government, New York, October 29, 
1856, Oaksmith Papers. 

77 Charles Morgan to Appleton Oaksmith, New York, September 22, 1856, 
Oaksmith Papers. 

78 Scroggs, Filibusters and Financiers, 219. 

79 Scroggs, Filibusters and Financiers, 221. 



444 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ate financial straits or too stubborn to accept aid from a man 
who had sworn to ruin him, Walker refused the offer and 
admonished Goicouria for making the arrangements. 80 

Lack of donations and Walker 's rejection of Vanderbilt's 
proposal made recourse to a bond issue an extreme necessity 
if the filibuster was to continue in Central America. Plans 
for the issue evoked the enthusiasm of Oaksmith and others 
who were hard pressed to finance recruiting and to meet 
obligations incurred in supply contracts. When Oaksmith 
visited Nicaragua at the time of Walker's inauguration, he 
strongly advocated the vital need for the bonds and possibly 
drew up the provisions of the loan decree himself. 81 

The terms of the July 22 proclamation provided for issu- 
ance of $2,000,000 in bonds of various denominations. The 
securities would mature in twenty years at an interest rate 
of seven per cent per annum, payable each year in New 
York. Plots of land in Nicaragua would serve as security for 
bond buyers should the Nicaraguan Government forfeit on 
any part of its obligations. Oaksmith was negotiator of the 
loan for Walker. Its avowed purpose was the development of 
the resources of Nicaragua, but its underlying intent was 
obviously the financing of Walker's Nicaraguan venture. 82 

Oaksmith optimistically returned from Nicaragua by way 
of New Orleans. Here he discussed the bond issue with Pierre 
Soule, M. Pilcher, and S. F. Slatter, adherents of Walker in 
that city. All three adamantly refused to support his new 
plan, 83 and later went to Nicaragua themselves to make their 
own loan arrangements. Their decree for $500,000 in securi- 
ties promised only six per cent interest secured by one million 
acres of public land. Unlike Oaksmith, these men were backed 
by a reputable bank, which promised to pay the interest. 
Ultimately they sold the few Nicaraguan bonds which were 
issued in the United States. 84 



80 Scroggs, Filibusters and Financiers, 221. 

81 The date of the decree coinciding with Oaksmith's visit to Nicaragua 
strongly suggests that he drew up the terms of the decree. 

82 Loan Decree of the Nicaraguan Government, Granada, July 22, 1856, 
Oaksmith Papers. 

^Appleton Oaksmith to William Walker, New York, August 9, 1856, 
Oaksmith Papers. 

84 Scroggs, Filibusters and Financiers, 210. 



Appleton Oaksmith, Filibuster Agent 445 

Unsuccessful in New Orleans, Oaksmith returned to New 
York. He too hoped to obtain support for his loan promotion 
from a well-established bank. In September he requested 
and obtained an interview with the financiers Duncan Sher- 
man and Company but could not keep the appointment be- 
cause of pressing diplomatic business in Washington. 85 He 
asserted late in November that "reputable capitalists" were 
considering the bond issue, 80 but it is unlikely they were de- 
liberating over the matter seriously. If Oaksmith had made 
contacts other than Duncan Sherman and Company, they 
are not apparent from his papers. 

His failure to persuade a bank to promote the bond issue 
was only one reason for the ill-success of his efforts. More 
important was that Walker's star was waning in Nicaragua. 
Had the bonds been put on the market, there would have 
been few, if any, buyers. Oaksmith himself pointed out that 
to issue the securities, he needed a favorable moment like a 
decisive military triumph. 87 That moment never came. 

Miscarriage of the bond issue project had disastrous re- 
sults. Oaksmith had to cancel contracts with Perkins and 
Devoe for the Minie rifles and with Hitchcock and Company 
for the supplies worth $250,000. The forfeiture of these agree- 
ments, countersigned for the Nicaraguan Government by 
Oaksmith, also destroyed whatever remained of his honor 
and reputation. He had spent his personal fortune for sup- 
plies. Now the added damage to his good name resulted in 
efforts to recoup his Nicaraguan losses elsewhere. 

On December 1 he demonstrated his break with Walker by 
a contract with Jose Antonio Paez, the Venezuelan dictator 
who was attempting to re-establish himself in his country. 
Oaksmith promised to furnish Paez $1,000,000 worth of arms 
and war supplies, goods originally earmarked for Nicaragua. 88 
But like the large contracts made for Walker in October, this 

85 Appleton Oaksmith to Duncan Sherman and Company, New York, Sep- 
tember 22, 1856, Oaksmith Papers. 

86 Appleton Oaksmith to William Walker, New York, November 22, 1856, 
Oaksmith Papers. 

87 Appleton Oaksmith to William Walker, New York, November 22, 1856, 
Oaksmith Papers. 

88 Contract between Appleton Oaksmith and Jose Antonio Paez, New York, 
December 1, 1856, Oaksmith Papers. 



446 The North Carolina Historical Review 

too came to nothing. Paez was evidently as poor as Walker 
and could not pay for the goods. Oaksmith thus failed to com- 
pensate for his losses by allying himself with the Venezuelan. 

By the late fall of 1856, the Walker movement was rapidly 
losing its poise. The filibuster met almost continual defeat 
at the hands of the stronger Central American Allies— Costa 
Rica, Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador— while Oak- 
smith's setbacks in New York simply mirrored those of his 
chief in Nicaragua. Because of the failure of the bond issue, 
Oaksmith had to repudiate contracts for badly needed sup- 
plies. Lawrence had resigned his post as head of the Nica- 
raguan Emigration Agency and pressed Oaksmith for money 
due him. 89 Vanderbilt had Morgan and Garrison deeply in- 
volved in a law suit for their earlier activities in seizing the 
Transit Company. 90 The recruiting system had almost col- 
lapsed, and newspaper accounts of the Nicaraguan situation 
by even Walker's staunchest apologists were becoming dismal. 
Filibuster diplomacy also failed to secure recognition of the 
Walker regime by Pierce's administration. 

Finally in a November 22 letter to Walker, Oaksmith aired 
his many grievances and indicated his reasons for severing 
connections with the filibuster movement. He first listed his 
accomplishments, both real and imaginary: he had acquired 
confidence for Nicaraguan securities, obtained three men 
from a reputable bank as negotiators for the bond issue, made 
a large number of supply contracts, organized an effective 
recruiting system, and secured influences which assured his 
acceptance as Minister from Nicaragua. He complained 
strongly, however, that he had used up his own money and 
incurred twice that amount in debts and bills to supply 
houses. He implored the filibuster to send him money and 
finally wrote: 

No one man or body of men, shall with impunity undertake to 
sully the fair record of my connection with the cause of Nicara- 
gua. If I abandon it I do so fairly and squarely and honorably — 



89 Alexander Lawrence to Appleton Oaksmith, New York, November 20, 
1856, Oaksmith Papers. 

90 Scroggs, Filibusters and Financiers, 155-156. 



Appleton Oaksmith, Filibuster Agent 447 

if circumstances should induce me to continue with it, I shall 
insist upon the fullest justice being done to all of my actions. 91 

Oaksmith thus ended his association with Walker. Although 
he appeared at a mass meeting on the filibuster's behalf on 
December 20, his contract with Paez practically demonstrated 
his disaffection. Oaksmith's badly shaken financial position 
now overrode any serious idealogical reasons he entertained 
for continuing support. His hope for quick profits had evapo- 
rated; his chance for fame and glory had disappeared. Wal- 
ker's defeat was now inevitable. 

Oaksmith had made his exit from the Walker movement. 
He had rocketed into prominence to become the filibuster's 
chief American leader during the summer and fall of 1856. 
His activities had spread to all fields of endeavor— diplomacy, 
finance, propaganda, recruiting, and supply. He achieved 
some notable successes but experienced even more discourag- 
ing defeats. Nevertheless, his activities demonstrate Walker's 
organization and methods in the United States. They also 
point up the American difficulties which contributed to the 
filibuster's ultimate defeat. In that period of expansion pre- 
ceding the Civil War, there were limits to manifest destiny 
in the United States. Oaksmith's story attests to that fact. 

91 Appleton Oaksmith to William Walker, New York, November 22, 1856, 
Oaksmith Papers. 



THE ECONOMIC STATUS OF THE TOWN NEGRO IN 
POST-RECONSTRUCTION NORTH CAROLINA 

By Frenise A. Logan* 

"The colored laborers," observed the editor of The Farmer 
and Mechanic in 1877, "congregate about the market places, 
whiskey shops, and grocery stores, and live upon a lean pit- 
tance, rather than remove to the corn and cotton fields, where 
they can obtain a good support for themselves and families." * 
Indeed, there is ample evidence available to show that the 
Negroes after 1876, especially those living in the eastern part 
of the State, demonstrated a willingness equal to or surpass- 
ing that of the whites to concentrate in the larger towns and 
cities of North Carolina. Raleigh, for example, in 1880 had a 
total population of 10,818, of which 5,047 or nearly fifty per 
cent were Negroes. 2 Ten years later the proportion between 
the two races was the same as in 1880. 3 New Bern, by 1890, 
had become almost a "black town." Of its total population 
of 7,843, no less than 5,271 or 67.2 per cent was Negro. 4 
Other leading towns and cities of eastern North Carolina 
presented similar Negro-white proportions. 5 

Even the towns of western North Carolina were affected 
by the city- ward habits of the Negro. For example, Warner, 
on his visit to Asheville in the early 1890's, tells us that the 
"swarming presence" of the Negro gave a "ragged aspect" 
to that mountain city. He writes of streets thronged with 
Negroes of varied colors and economic levels, from the 
"comely waitress" to the "slouching corner loafer." 6 This 

* Dr. Frenise A. Logan is Professor of History at The Agricultural and 
Technical College of North Carolina, Greensboro. 

1 The Farmer and Mechanic (Raleigh), November 8, 1877. 

2 Charles Emerson and Co.'s, Raleigh Directory, 1880-81 . . . (Raleigh: 
Edwards, Broughton and Company, 1879), 38. This and other city directories 
are titled variously as they were private publications rather than official 
city publications. 

3 U. S. Bureau of the Census, Eleventh Census of the United States: 
1890, Population, I, Part I (Washington, 1897), 473, hereinafter cited as 
Eleventh Census, 1890. 

4 Eleventh Census, 1890, 473. 

* Eleventh Census, 1890, 473. 

Charles D. Warner, On Horseback: A Tour in Virginia, North Carolina 
and Tennessee (New York, 1892), 113. 

[448] 



The Economic Status of the Town Negro 449 

mania for flocking to towns and cities was by no means a 
characteristic exclusively associated with the Negroes of 
North Carolina. It was south-wide. The significant difference 
was in degree. In 1890, Negroes made up 48.1 per cent of 
the total urban population in North Carolina. No other south- 
ern state could match this percentage. 7 

The preponderance of the Negro population in the leading 
towns and cities of North Carolina raises an interesting ques- 
tion: "How did the members of that group earn a livelihood?" 
That certain economic limitations, including job ghettoing, 
would be placed upon the Negroes by the whites of the State 
should occasion no surprise. This article will concern itself 
with the nature, extent, and effects of these limitations as 
they relate to the Negro workers in domestic and personal 
service, manufacturing and mechanical industries, trade and 
transportation, as well as to Negro business and professional 
men and women. 

In 1887, the Daily Review (Wilmington) featured a front 
page article which enthusiastically told of the spreading 
industrialization of the State. In part it stated: 

There is no doubt that there is now an era of remarkable 
prosperity in the State, such as it has seldom if ever witnessed 
. . . new villages are springing up in almost every direction. 
Capital in Durham, Goldsboro, Greensboro, and Fayetteville is 
being invested in real estate and in industrial, mechanical and 
manufacturing enterprises, giving employment to hundreds of 
mechanics and artisans. . . . 8 

In the industrial North Carolina that was emerging, however, 
the Negro was destined to be confined largely to domestic 
and personal service. 9 For example, in Raleigh in 1876, 
Negroes engaged in domestic and personal service comprised 

7 For example, the percentage of Negroes in the total urban population of 
Virginia, Tennessee, Louisiana, and Arkansas was 41.4, 38.8, 30.7, and 34.8 
respectively. 

8 Daily Review (Wilmington), January 7, 1887. 

9 Domestic and personal service included the following occupations : bar- 
ber and hairdressers, boarding and lodging house keepers, hotel keepers, 
janitors, laborers (not specified), launderers and launderesses, nurses and 
mid-wives, waiters and waitresses. 



450 The North Carolina Historical Review 



10 



56.6 per cent of the total Negro labor force of that city. 
Twelve years later, the percentage had risen to 68.9. 11 An 
examination of the New Bern directory of 1881, as well as 
those of Asheville (1887), Wilmington (1889), and Char- 
lotte (1893) reveals a like situation. 12 Moreover, it is inter- 
esting to note that a closer examination of the domestic and 
personal service field, as revealed in the Census of 1890, 
shows that the Negroes of the state were largely confined 
to six occupations. These were barbers and hairdressers, 
laborers, launderesses, nurses and mid-wives, restaurant and 
saloon keepers, and servants. 13 Because Negroes were numeri- 
cally and percentage-wise superior in these six occupations, 
they can be properly labeled "Negro jobs." 

That the 1890 Census Schedules, with respect to "Negro 
jobs" in the domestic and personal service field, reflected an 
occupational pattern which was present throughout the entire 
period may be seen from an examination of the occupations 
Negroes held in specific towns and cities of the State. In 
Raleigh in 1876, out of 405 Negroes in domestic and personal 
service, 346 or 85.4 per cent were in the six "Negro jobs." 14 
Twelve years later the percentage stood at 91. 4. 15 In other 
major cities and towns of North Carolina the concentration 
of Negroes in the "Negro jobs" was similar. For example, in 
Charlotte in 1893, the percentage stood at 93.4, the highest 
recorded for the entire period. 16 The Negroes of North Caro- 
lina, then, instead of escaping from the "Negro jobs," found 
themselves toward the close of the nineteenth century con- 
fined almost exclusively to these pursuits in the domestic and 
personal service field. 

However, in spite of the employment of large numbers of 

10 Compiled from Chataigne's Raleigh City Directory . . . 1875-76 (Ra- 
leigh, 1875[?]), 41-130, hereinafter cited as Raleigh City Directory, 1875- 
'76. 

u Compiled from the Directory of the City of Raleigh, 1888 (Raleigh: 
Observer Printing Company, 1888), 2-119, hereinafter cited as Directory 
of City of Raleigh, 1888. 

12 New Bern, 48.0 ; Asheville, 77.0 ; Wilmington, 57.3 ; Charlotte, 79.0 per 
cent. 

13 Compiled from Eleventh Census, 1890, 592. 

11 Raleigh City Directory, 1875-76, 41-130. 
16 Directory of City of Raleigh, 1888, 2-119. 
18 Directory of Charlotte, 1893-'94, 148-193. 



The Economic Status of the Town Negro 451 

Negroes of North Carolina in domestic and personal service, 
frequent objections were voiced by the whites as to the hon- 
esty, reliability, availability, and efficiency of the "colored 
help," particularly with the performances of Negro servants. 
In 1892 a white lady in Edenton complained that it was 
"hard to get on with servants who have no honesty and no 
virtue." 17 A white man in another small North Carolina town 
bemoaned the fact that the only Negro servants available 
were "rough farm laborers, brought up in cabins off the plan- 
tations," because "all the well trained family Negroes who 
had spent their lives in their masters' houses" had departed 
for the larger cities of the State "to see something of the 
world." 18 The problem of securing cooks in Greensboro in 
1891 convinced one white housewife of that city that Negroes 
could not be employed "for love or money." 19 

The question may well be asked, "If the Negroes were 
inefficient, unreliable, and dishonest, how can one explain 
their monopoly of the domestic and personal service field?" 
The answer seems to be found in the belief of the North 
Carolina whites that it was economically and socially desir- 
able that the Negroes perform the menial tasks. Aside from 
the belief held on the part of many white employers that 
the Negro was less arrogant and more controllable than the 
"poor but respected white man," was the idea that nature 
had made the Negro inferior. In addition to the social infe- 
riority of the Negroes as a justification for his employment in 
the menial pursuits, there was the simple, elementary eco- 
nomic fact that Negro labor could be bought for less money. 
As an Iredell County white man put it: "The colored laborers 
are less grasping and are more disposed to accept wages that 
will leave some margin of profit. . . ." 20 

Not only was the work of the Negro laborer and servant 
obtained on the cheapest possible terms, but part of this wage 

17 A. B. Hart, "Cross-Section Through North Carolina," The Nation, 
LTV (Marrh 17, 1892), 208. 

38 A. L. Bassett, "Going to Housekeeping in North Carolina," Lippincott's 
Maaazine, XXVIII (August, 1881), 206, hereinafter cited as Bassett, 
"Housekeeping in North Carolina." 

19 Daily Record (Greensboro), February 11, 1891. 

20 First Annual Report of the North Carolina Bureau of Labor Statistics, 
1887, 68, hereinafter cited as First Annual Report, 1887. 



452 The North Carolina Historical Review 

was paid in orders on the local stores. Thus money was kept 
partially, or entirely in some instances, out of the hands of 
Negro workers. A white carpenter in Anson County wrote the 
North Carolina Bureau of Labor Statistics that "many hun- 
dreds" of Negro laborers in his area "are paid in orders, and 
never see a cent of money. . . ." 21 Thus it would appear that 
the complaints and protestations possibly would not have 
been necessary had the servants and laborers been adequately 
paid. Their wages, in spite of the absence of official wage 
statistics, were admittedly "extremely low." 22 This fact, stand- 
ing alone, may provide one with a partial explanation of the 
Negro's alleged dishonesty, or tendency as one white man 
said "to get a good deal in other ways." 23 

The next largest group of predominantly non-agricultural 
workers among the Negroes of North Carolina was to be 
found in the manufacturing and mechanical industries. 24 
Here, according to the Census Schedules of 1890, 12,518 or 
5.5 per cent of the total working population were working 
at some occupation in this area. 25 Although this group made 
up some thirty or more occupations, the bulk of Negroes, 
male and female, were employed in five. These were tobacco 
and cigar factory operatives, saw and planing mill employees, 
carpenters and joiners, blacksmiths and wheelwrights, and 
marble and stone cutters. 26 Although state-wide statistics 
before 1890 are lacking, an examination of the occupation 
of Negroes in individual cities and towns between 1876 and 
1890 will reveal a comparable circumstance. For example, 
in Raleigh in 1876, 124 or 73.8 per cent of all workers in 
manufacturing and mechanical industries were employed as 
carpenters, blacksmiths, stone cutters, or saw and planing 



21 Second Report of the North Carolina Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1888, 
57, hereinafter cited as Second Annual Report, 1888. 

22 Bassett, "Housekeeping in North Carolina," 206. 

23 Bassett, "Housekeeping in North Carolina," 206. 

24 This group included the following occupations : bakers, blacksmiths, 
boot and shoemakers, brickmakers, butchers, cabinetmakers, carpenters 
and joiners, carriagemakers, machinists, marble and stone cutters, brick 
and stone masons, mill and factory operatives, saw and planing mill em- 
ployees, tobacco and cigar workers, and seamstresses. 

25 Eleventh Census, 1890, Population, I, Part II, ci-ciii. 

* Out of the 12,518 employed Negroes in the mechanical and manufactur- 
ing industries, 9,680 or 77.3 per cent were to be found in these five 
occupations. 



The Economic Status of the Town Negro 453 

mill workers. 27 In Winston in 1880, 82.3 per cent of that city's 
total working Negro population were tobacco workers, black- 
smiths, and stone cutters. 28 The Directory of Durham City 
for 1887 listed the above three occupations as comprising 
84.1 per cent of all its employed Negro population. 29 How- 
ever, in only two occupations in the mechanical and manu- 
facturing industries can the term "Negro job" be applied. 
These were brickmaking and tobacco factory work. In 1890, 
out of a total of 607 white and Negro brickmakers in the 
State, 443 or 72.9 per cent were Negroes; while out of a 
total of 5,719 white and Negro tobacco and cigar factory 
operatives, 4,241 or 74.1 per cent were Negroes. 30 

The question at this point may well be asked, "How is the 
predominance of Negroes in certain skills, and the absence 
of that group in others to be explained?" In an effort to inter- 
pret the scarcity of Negro workers in the cotton and woolen 
mills of North Carolina, two opinions have been advanced. 
One holds that Negroes in the textile mills of the State were 
either barred altogether, or restricted to a small number 
engaged in some of the preparatory processes because of the 
large numbers of white women inside the plants. Thus, if 
Negroes were employed, they worked outside the mills as 
laborers, draymen, and firemen and were, therefore, removed 
from all close contact with the white females. No opportunity, 
then, was afforded which encouraged the slightest possible 
lessening of the Negro's deference toward white women. 31 
The other view suggests that the Negroes were barred from 
work in the textile mills, or employed in the more menial and 
"hard labor" jobs in order to prevent them from competing 
with the large numbers of poor white laborers. 32 It would 
seem, then, that it was both economically and socially unde- 

27 Raleigh City Directory, 1875-'76, 41-130. 

28 Winston-Salem and Greensboro Directory , 1879-80, 1-44. 

29 Directory of Durham City for 1887 (Raleigh: Levi Branson, 1887), 
2-138. 

30 Eleventh Census, 1890, 592. 

81 See Holland Thompson, From the Cotton Field to Cotton Mill (New 
York, 1906), 249. 

32 Liston Pope in his study, Millhands and Preachers : A Study of Gas- 
tonia (New York, 1942), 12-13, espouses this view. 



454 The North Carolina Historical Review 

sirable to employ Negro labor extensively in the textile mills 
of North Carolina. 

On the other hand, there appears to be only one school 
of opinion as to the "why" of the wide use of Negroes in the 
tobacco industry of North Carolina. The work in the leaf 
factories in post-reconstruction North Carolina was mainly 
a hand process, performed under very bad working condi- 
tions, extreme dust, and poor wages. The work itself was 
monotonous, offering little or no opportunity for advance- 
ment, often carried on in badly lighted factories under the 
worst sanitary conditions. 33 

There were serious objections by whites to the employment 
of Negroes in many of the mechanical and manufacturing 
industries. A white laborer in a town in Iredell County voiced 
opposition to Negroes working in the tobacco factories, but 
felt that if they must be hired, it was unwise to pay them 
"good wages," because they spent the money "as fast as they 
make it." He said that the average Negro of his town was 
"content if he owns a good axe, razor and possum dog." 34 
A white carpenter in Burke County complained about "the 
unjust and unnatural discrimination against white working- 
men by their own race," and declared that he had personally 
witnessed many instances in which white men had been 
turned down and Negroes employed. 35 

A great deal of the opposition to the employment of 
Negroes arose over the fact that Negroes could be hired 
much more cheaply than whites. For example, a bricklayer 
and plasterer in Lenoir County wrote: 

Wages are going down all the time. Five years ago we got 
fifteen cents per yard to do plastering, and now we only get 
eight or nine cents for the same work. The botch of a Negro 
has put wages down. There are some of our wealthiest men who 
never employ a white man for anything. 36 



33 John Donald Rice, "The Negro Tobacco Worker and his Union," (un- 
published M. A. thesis, Department of Sociology, University of North Caro- 
lina, 1941), 11-13. 

34 Third Annual Report, 1889, 281. 
85 Second Annual Report, 1888, 63. 

38 Second Annual Report, 1888, 105, 185. See also First Annual Report, 
1887, 42. 



The Economic Status of the Town Negro 455 

Significantly, the protests against the employment of Negroes 
in the manufacturing and mechanical industries came mainly 
from the white worker and not the white employer. The latter 
group's protests were negligible possibly because of its ability 
to exploit the cheapness of Negro labor for its own benefit. 
At any rate, the white employers were more apt to praise the 
Negro worker than to criticize him. 37 

As it has already been shown, the large majority of Negroes 
residing in the towns and cities of North Carolina were con- 
fined to domestic and personal service jobs in spite of the 
huge concentration in the tobacco industries. This fact is 
further attested to by the small number found in trade and 
transportation. Comprising approximately fourteen occupa- 
tions, the federal Census Schedules of 1890 shows that of 
the total number of Negroes employed in the State, only 4.4 
per cent were in trade and transportation. 38 And the bulk 
of these were railroad employees, followed by draymen, 
drivers, teamsters, and hackmen. Although no detailed break- 
down of the railroad workers is given by the 1890 Census 
Schedules, it is reasonable to assume that the greater propor- 
tion of the Negro workers in trade and transportation were 
"hands," or common laborers, performing most of the out-of- 
door, laborious, and hazardous work. Along with the rail- 
road jobs, the vast majority of Negroes engaged in trade and 
transportation were found in occupations requiring little or 
no skill, but a great deal of physical strength and stamina. 
It is noteworthy, therefore, that of the 7,696 Negroes em- 
ployed in trade and transportation, 5,522 or 70.4 per cent 
were railroad employees, draymen, hackmen, teamsters, and 
drivers. 39 

On the other hand, certain pursuits in trade and transpor- 
tation were almost "lily-white." Negroes were not listed in 
any appreciable numbers in areas such as clerks, bookkeepers, 

87 See First Annual Report, 1887, 71; Second Annual Report, 1888, 178. 

38 Compiled from Eleventh Census, 1890, Population, I, Part II, 592. 
The occupations included agents, auctioneers, clerks, draymen, hackmen 
and teamsters, hostlers, hucksters, livery stable keepers, messengers and 
office boys, porters and helpers in stores, and steam railroad employees. 

39 Eleventh Census, 1890, Population, I, Part II, 592. 



456 The North Carolina Historical Review 

agents, and salesmen or saleswomen. The small number en- 
gaged in these occupations was there as a result of the estab- 
lishment of Negro businesses and since most of these enter- 
prises were small, the number of positions available was 
also small. 

The inequality of economic opportunity in trade and trans- 
portation was extended to the wage scale. For example, in 
1887 the Carolina Central Railroad employed five white 
brakemen at 96 cents a day, and forty-two Negro brakemen 
at 75 cents a day. 40 Differences in the wages paid to Negro 
and white railroad laborers were manifest on the Raleigh 
and Gaston, and Raleigh and Augusta Air-Line Railroad, and 
the North Carolina Railroad. The former paid the whites 89 
cents a day, the Negroes 80 cents a day; while white laborers 
on the latter railroad received 87 cents a day, the Negroes 
received 72 cents a day. 41 

Although North Carolina Negroes were not conspicuous 
among the big businessmen of the State, it should occasion 
no surprise to learn that Negroes of North Carolina in the 
years after 1876 did join the ranks of small entrepreneurs. 
The insistent urging of white southerners like Henry W. 
Grady to build a "New South" based on industry and com- 
merce also fell upon the ears of Negroes. And not being 
ignorant of or indifferent to the successes of many white indi- 
viduals, a number of Negroes were tempted to invest their 
modest savings in some modest venture. Another factor which 
undoubtedly contributed to the rise of Negro merchants, 
manufacturers, and traders was the refusal on the part of 
most white businessmen to employ Negroes in other than 
menial occupations. Therefore, some Negroes felt that the 
only certain way to free themselves from the wage earning 
class was to become their own employers. 

In January, 1880, according to the Dun and Barlow Com- 
pany of New York City, there were eighty Negro business 
establishments in North Carolina with an estimated working 

40 First Annual Report, 1887, 163-164. 

41 First Annual Report, 1887, 167, 169. 



The Economic Status of the Town Negro 457 

capital of $79,000. 42 Nine years later, in 1889, that company 
listed 175 Negro merchants, manufacturers, and traders in 
North Carolina with an estimated working capital of $129,- 
000. 43 A majority of these businesses, both in 1880 and in 
1889, were decidedly little ones, individually being valued 
at $500 or less. Raleigh, Wilmington, New Bern, Warrenton, 
and Enfield were notable Negro business centers. 

The status of Negro businesses in North Carolina, as re- 
flected by the Dun and Barlow credit rating, was not a 
healthy one. According to that company's report of January, 
1880, fifty-three or 66.6 per cent received no credit rating 
whatever as Dun and Barlow felt that the unsatisfactory 
state of these businesses and their investments did not meet 
the minimum accrediting standards. 44 Nine years later, in 
1889, the credit rating of Negro businesses in North Carolina 
was lower than it was in 1880. One hundred and twenty-four, 
or 70.8 per cent, received no credit rating. 45 However, in the 
matter of credit rating it should be stressed that the amount 
of capital regulated the amount of credit. Thus the credit 
ratings are proportionate and relative, and are not to be taken 
separately in an arbitrary sense. 

Although it is true that the vast majority of the Negro 
establishments were modest ones operating on small amounts 
of capital, and with little or no credit rating, there were, 
nonetheless, prosperous, highly credited individual busi- 
nesses owned and operated by Negroes. A Negro, Thomas 
Hunter, owned a granite stone yard which employed "a great 
many hands." He declared in August, 1886, that his business 
was "first class in every respect," and that he had just recently 
furnished "about thirteen hundred dollars worth of stone" 
in the construction of a white church in Charlotte. 46 In Kin- 



42 Compiled from the Mercantile Agency Reference Book, January, 1880 
(New York, 1879), hereinafter cited as Mercantile Agency Reference Book, 
1880. 

43 Compiled from the Mercantile Agency Reference Book, January, 1889 
(New York, 1888), hereinafter cited as Mercantile Agency Reference 
Book, 1889. 

^Mercantile Agency Reference Book, 1880. 

45 Mercantile Agency Reference Book, 1889. 

46 Thomas Hunter to Charles N. Hunter, August 25, 1886, Charles N. 
Hunter Papers, Duke University Library, Durham, hereinafter cited as 
Charles N. Hunter Papers. 



458 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ston, L. H. Fisher and Wiley Lowry were looked upon as two 
of that town's most successful businessmen. One newspaper 
stated that Fisher was "the largest colored merchant in the 
place, and he is doing business that many a one with much 
larger capital in larger and much more reputed wealthier 
places might envy withough being accused of malice." 47 
Lowry was described as "an energetic, wealth-earning, 
money-saving gentleman." 48 

In Concord in 1889, population 3,600, Warren C. Coleman 
owned the only general store. His business was estimated to 
be worth $5,000, and was listed among that town's top ten 
concerns, irrespective of race. 49 In Oxford, B. Gee's general 
store was estimated to be worth $10,000. Of the thirty-three 
such stores in Oxford (thirty white and three Negro), only 
one, operated by whites, D. A. Hunt and Son, carried an esti- 
mated value higher than Gee's. 50 The largest grocery business 
in Winston in 1889, estimated worth $10,000, was operated 
by two Negroes, Newson and Jones. 51 Their store was the 
only one in the town, white or Negro, to carry a credit rating 
of "good." 52 In the same year, several Negroes in Greenville 
and Warrenton were listed among the more prominent busi- 
nessmen of their respective communities. 53 

While domestic and personal service occupations consti- 
tuted the largest number and percentage of the total number 
of employed Negroes in North Carolina, professional service 
constituted the smallest percentage, 2,036 or 1.0 per cent. 54 
Of the seven occupations included in this group, the minis- 
terial and teaching professions predominated. Indeed, 1,940 
or 95.2 per cent were either clergymen or teachers. The num- 
ber of lawyers, government officials, physicians and surgeons, 

* 7 North Carolina Republican, quoted in the Kinston Journal, October 23, 
1879. 

48 North Carolina Republican, quoted in the Kinston Journal, October 23, 
1879. 

49 The Mercantile Association of the Carolinas Reference Book, July, 
1889 (Wilmington, 1889), 33-34, hereinafter cited as Mercantile Association 
Reference Book. 

60 Mercantile Association Reference Book, 107-109. 

61 Mercantile Association Reference Book, 131. 

52 Mercantile Association Reference Book, 131. 

53 Mercantile Association Reference Book, 131. 

54 Compiled from Eleventh Census, 1890, Population, I, Part II, 592. 



The Economic Status of the Town Negro 459 

and artists was so small as to be inconsequential. 55 The reason 
for the large number of teachers and ministers, and the com- 
paratively smaller number of lawyers, government officials, 
physicians and surgeons, and artists is fairly obvious. As a 
result of segregation, the Negro minister and school teacher 
enjoyed an almost complete monopoly with his own race, 
being relatively free from white competition; whereas, such 
was not the case with the other professions. 

An examination of the Negroes in professional service in 
individual towns and cities of North Carolina shows, as was 
the case state-wide, that this group constituted only a very 
insignificant proportion of those employed. In Raleigh in 
1876, Negro professionals (almost exclusively teachers and 
clergymen) made up only 1.6 per cent of the gainfully em- 
ployed Negroes of that city. 56 By 1888, the percentage had 
inched up to 3.8, with the overwhelming number continuing 
to be teachers and clergymen. 57 As it has been stated, teachers 
comprised the larger per cent of the professionally employed 
Negroes of North Carolina. 

The exceedingly small number of Negro surgeons and phy- 
sicians in North Carolina (in 1890 the federal census sched- 
ules listed only forty-six for the entire state) led one Negro 
physician, L. A. Rutherford, to seek the advice of a North 
Carolina Negro educator in regard to the wisdom of the es- 
tablishment of a North Carolina Negro medical association. 
One of the purposes of the proposed association was to bring 
to the attention of the mass of Negroes the presence of Negro 
physicians and surgeons, for Rutherford declared that "hun- 
dreds of our people never met a colored physician." 58 Appar- 
ently the difficulty of the Negro doctors to secure patients— 
possibly because of the belief held by some whites and some 
Negroes that Negro physicians were incompetent and un- 
trained— -was another motive which prompted such a propos- 
al. An example of this doubt as to the competency of the 
Negro physician was expressed by a white school teacher of 

55 Eleventh Census, 1890, Population I, Part II, 592. 

58 Raleigh City Directory, 1875-76, 41-130. 

67 Directory of City of Raleigh, 1888, 2-119. 

58 Rutherford to Charles N. Hunter, n. d., Charles N. Hunter Papers. 



460 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Tarboro. In a letter to his mother on September 20, 1882, he 
said that although a recently arrived Negro doctor rode 
around Tarboro "with a very fast horse as if he was busy," the 
white teacher declared that he knew very little about his 
skill or charges. He therefore concluded that "the darkies had 
better employ the [white] doctors they have. . . ." 59 

Thus a study of the economic status of Negroes in the cities 
and towns of North Carolina in the post-reconstruction era 
reveals that the greater portion of that group was relegated 
to low paying, non-promotional menial and semi-menial jobs. 
In instances where Negroes held so-called non-Negro jobs, 
as in the case of railroad brakemen, wages paid to them were 
uniformly lower than those paid to whites performing the 
same tasks. The one outstanding characteristic common to all 
the cities and towns of the State during the period under the 
study was the large preponderance of Negro domestic and 
personal service workers. It is significant to note that this 
race, instead of escaping from these purely menial tasks, 
found themselves toward the close of the nineteenth century 
confined almost exclusively to these pursuits. This observa- 
tion offers tangible evidence to the rigid economic restric- 
tions confronting the Negroes of North Carolina after 1876. 
That the socio-economic effects of such restrictions worked to 
the disadvantage and detriment of the Negroes of the State 
is all too obvious. 



59 Letter dated September 20, 1882, Peter Evans Smith Papers, Duke Uni- 
versity Library. This letter is incomplete and does not give the names of 
the sender or the recipient. 



THE FORT FISHER AND WILMINGTON CAMPAIGN: 
LETTERS FROM REAR ADMIRAL DAVID D. PORTER 

By James M. Merrill* 

When Admiral David Farragut damned the torpedoes, and 
plowed full speed into Mobile Bay with his flotilla, he sealed 
off that harbor to blockade runners in August, 1864. Atten- 
tion, North and South, became riveted on the last remaining 
port open to the Confederacy, Wilmington, North Carolina, 
the pipeline through which British arms and ammunition 
were funneled to General Lee's Army around Richmond. The 
Union Navy Department in Washington pondered the prob- 
lem of tightening the blockade off the North Carolina coast, 
a problem which, if solved, would not only cut off supplies 
to Richmond but would sever the South once and for all from 
European aid. After weeks of discussion with top naval and 
military commanders, Secretary of the Navy Gideon Welles 
and his assistant, Gustavus Vasa Fox, decided to send a joint 
land-sea expedition to smash Fort Fisher, guardian of the 
river approach to Wilmington and, once this target was de- 
molished, to steam up the Cape Fear River and capture Wil- 
mington. 

At Hampton Roads, Virginia, and Beaufort, North Caro- 
lina, major bases for the North Atlantic Blockading Squadron, 
Admiral David D. Porter, who had been recalled from Missis- 
sippi River duty, beefed up his already powerful fleet with 
monitors and additional frigates and gunboats. Washington 
stripped the other squadrons down to minimum efficiency 
and dispatched their fighting craft to Hampton Roads. This 
was to be the Union Navy's major effort in the war. 

Meanwhile, at City Point, Virginia, General Grant, his 
mind preoccupied with the actions of Lee's Army, reneged 
on his promise of sending troops for the expedition. October 
and November came and went. Porter brooded on board his 



* Dr. James M. Merrill is Associate Professor of History at Whittier 
College, Whittier, California. 



[461] 



462 The North Carolina Historical Review 

flagship, "Malvern," cursed Grant repeatedly, and whiled 
away the long hours at Hampton Roads puffing expensive 
cigars, drinking champagne, and harping about Army ineffi- 
ciency. 

Grant finally moved in December. General Godfrey Weit- 
zel, equiped with 6,500 men, supplies, and Army mules, 
arrived in Hampton Roads along with his superior, General 
Benjamin F. Butler, who came "along just for the ride." The 
operation was badly managed from the outset. "Old Cock- 
Eyed Ben" Butler, the pot-bellied military amateur, and 
"Black Dave" Porter, the bearded and boisterous professional, 
failed to co-operate on anything. After missed connections, 
military bungling, and erratic naval gunfire, the Porter- 
Butler expedition against Fort Fisher failed miserably in De- 
cember, 1864. 

Another joint military-naval attack force was quickly fitted 
out at Beaufort and ordered to Fort Fisher in January. This 
time with Porter in sole command and with a qualified gen- 
eral leading the army contingent the combined Union forces 
assaulted the Confederate bastion with fury. Out-manned 
and out-gunned, the southerners, seeing that further resist- 
ance was hopeless, surrendered. A month later Wilmington 
collapsed and with it went the South's last chance for sur- 
vival. 1 

With the fall of Wilmington, the Union Navy's job of block- 
ading the southern coast was finished. In Washington Gus- 
tavus Fox, the Assistant Secretary of the Navy, was pleased 
with his handiwork. Throughout the war, he had been the 
brains of the Union Navy, responsible for energizing the 
forces afloat, responsible for the Navy's mighty war effort. 
Affable, respected by Lincoln and his Cabinet, this erstwhile 
professional seaman spoke the language of the quarter-deck 
and had become the confidant of naval officers, ashore and 
afloat. 

The New- York Historical Society houses the Gustavus Vasa 

1 For a detailed study of the Fort Fisher campaign, see James M. Merrill, 
The Rebel Shore: The Story of Union Sea Power in the Civil War (Boston: 
Little, Brown, 1957), 201-233. 



The Fort Fisher Campaign 463 

Fox correspondence. This collection, perhaps the most impor- 
tant single private source on Civil War naval operations, 
contains hundreds of private and confidential letters written 
by officers to the Assistant Secretary, letters which reveal the 
difficulties and the frustrations of fighting a war at sea. 

In 1918 Richard Wainwright and Robert Thompson edited 
and published about one third of Fox's war correspondence 
in Confidential Correspondence of Gustavus Vasa Fox. 2 In 
these volumes are letters written by Admiral Porter while on 
ironclad duty in western waters. Wainwright and Thompson, 
however, failed to include Porter's later correspondence re- 
lating to the Fort Fisher and Wilmington campaign. 

The following letters, seven in number, discuss the prepar- 
ations for the attacks on Fort Fisher, the importance of Wil- 
mington to the southern cause, the problem of supply as a 
factor in joint naval-military expeditions, the confusion 
caused by administrative red tape, the significance of the 
Federal naval brigade attack upon the ramparts of the Con- 
federate fort, and the troubles involved in the final push 
toward Wilmington. The correspondence points up clearly 
Porter's impatience with the Army, his downright hatred for 
Ben Butler, and his belief that General Grant was highly over- 
rated. Porter seemed to delight in lambasting military brass 
for impotence and inefficiency. Fearful that his professional 
reputation would become tarnished in the case of a debacle 
at the hands of the Confederates, Porter shifted the respon- 
sibility for the reversal at Fort Fisher in December squarely 
on the shoulders of the Army. These letters give a concise 
description of the collapse of Fort Fisher and the struggle 
that ensued along the Cape Fear River. 

2 Robert M. Thompson and Richard Wainwright (eds.), Confidential Cor- 
respondence of Gustavus Vasa Fox . . . (New York: Naval History Society, 
1918). 



464 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Private 

Hampton Roads 
Octo. 15th 1864 

My Dear Fox : 

Yours of Octo. 12th has been received. I think the Cambridge 3 
will do in place of the Adger. 4 The Mercedita 5 is worn out and 
it would hardly be fair to send a lame duck for a well one. So if 
you will give the order, the exchange will be made. . . . 

Things are gradually getting into shape here, and having 
abolished all the red tape I could, we are getting along faster. — 
There are no stores here whatever and the vessels that come 
from the north do not come provided: — the same with regard 
to clothing. Still, we have beef and pork — and people can fight 
in their shirt tails. I am all ready to cover the Army landing, 
whenever they say they are. 

I am practicing all the vessels at targets and the firing is very 
good. 

There seems to be a great deal of enthusiasm in the squadron 
and desire to go into the fight. The old commanders are all very 
pleasant, and quite tickled at having command of such large 
divisions, on paper. They will be somewhat astonished when they 
can't find the vessels. 

I send you a list of the lame ducks. Their name is legion : but 
I will go into the Rebs when the army is ready, and win, I hope, 
at that. 

I wish we had more force at the [Norfolk] Yard. Machinists 
and boiler-makers are much wanted and they work night and 
day. A little hint from the Department might do [Lieutenant 
George B.] Livingston good : he loses much time in talking about 
what he has done. 

Dont forget to send down at once my Calcium lights. I want 
twelve or sixteen. Every one here thinks they will be very ser- 
viceable. 

I should be thankful for every vessel £hat can carry a heavy 
gun — particularly one hundred pounder rifles. 

I go up in the morning to try and stir Grant up. I am afraid 
he is not sufficiently interested in this business. Your old School- 
mate [General Benjamin F.] Butler has charge of him, and he 
wants to get Richmond (which can not be done) without out- 
side aid. Take the forts [guarding the river approaches to 
Wilmington] and Richmond will fall. 



3 A two-masted square rigged screw steamer. 

* A wooden side-wheeler. 

6 A wooden screw steamer. On January 31, 1863, while on blockading duty 
off Charleston, the "Mercedita" was attacked and disabled by the Confed- 
erate ram "Palmetto State." In February, 1863, the "Mercedita" was 
ordered to Philadelphia for repairs. 



The Fort Fisher Campaign 465 

Will you send us speedily a large supply of stores — all here 
was burnt on the Brandy wine. Q 

I am glad you like the horse ; he was my favorite and without 
a fault. I should have liked to see the mare lying down when the 
old gentleman tried to mount her. But she soon drops that when 
she knows her rider, and is worth her weight in gold as a riding 
horse. . . .1 never saw an ordinary horse that could keep up with 
her when pacing at speed. I hope the bay will cure your dyspep- 
sia. Put him to his speed. . . . You will find him pretty rough. 

I am trying to make something out of this craft : [the "Mal- 
vern"] she is a poor concern and in no way suitable for the 
business. The most she can make in smooth water is seven knots, 
and about five in a fresh breeze. She is a one horse affair alto- 
gether : — but I will rough it out in her. 

I have telegraphed for more seamen and ordinary seamen. Do 
let us have them. There are none in the fleet. 

I think [Captain Melancton] Smith is doing well on the River, 
and it would be better to keep him there, though he will suit well 
for the Wabash, 7 if you should detach [Commander John] De 
Camp. 

I will keep you posted from time to time, and as events occur. 

North Atlantic Squadron 
U. S. Flag-Ship "Malvern," 
Hampton Roads. Octo. 19 1864 

My Dear Fox 

I went up yesterday to see Grant in that "tub" the "Osceola" 8 
— not making more than 16 miles an hour going up — & coming 
down at a little over that rate. With 50 pounds of steam & well 
trimmed I think she could be made to go 17 knots, though a poor 
looking model. I can't go any where in the Malvern 9 she is so foul. 

Prospects look gloomy up in front. All this talk about Butler's 
going into Richmond is all talk. They can't move an inch & won't 
move an inch until Wilmington is taken. 

I have been ready for three or four days, but Grant can't raise 
any men until [General Philip] Sheridan whips [General 
James] Longstreet! I had a long talk with [General George] 



6 A wooden sailing frigate which was used as a storeship at the Norfolk 
Navy Yard. She burned on September 3, 1864. 

7 A wooden steam frigate launched on October 24, 1855. For most of the 
war, the "Wabash" served as the flagship for the South Atlantic Blockading 
Squadron. 

8 A wooden side- wheeler built at Boston and delivered to the United States 
Government on January 9, 1864. 

"An iron side-wheel gunboat. Captured under the name of "Ella and 
Annie" in November, 1863, by Union blockaders, she was purchased from 
the Boston Prize Court by the Federal Navy Department and fitted out as 
the flagship of the North Atlantic Blockading Squadron. 



466 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Meade & [General John] Rawlins, Grant's Chief of Staff. They 
both think nothing can be done at present in the way of attack- 
ing Richmond, in which any man of common sense would agree 
with them. I went close up to the front of the enemy's works 
& when Grant gets through I would like to know. The canal may 
get through but if the rebels are going to let them work at it 
when the upper bulk head is down, they are bigger fools than I 
take them to be. . . . 

... I hope never to see the army again as long as I live — they 
never come up in time — we are out of all patience with them — 
every one here is full of zeal and full of fight. I am practicing 
the crews at target firing, which none of them knew anything 
about. The firing is generally very poor — no wonder, when they 
have scarcely ever fired a gun. 

Is there no way